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Midweek Review

An assurance on China-backed Port City project, as Indian assets fought fire on X-Press Pearl

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Prof. Peiris, flanked by Justice Minister Ali Sabry, PC (left) and State Minister Ajith Nivard Cabraal addresses the media at the Information department on May 29 (pic courtesy Education Ministry)

Worst ever ecological disaster a month after ship carrying radioactive uranium entered H’tota harbour

 

By Shamindra Ferdinando

 

Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Chairman Prof. G. L. Peiris, MP, on May 29 reiterated the importance of the Colombo Port City project. National List MP Prof. Peiris, who is also the Education Minister, was responding to major concerns raised by those who moved the Supreme Court against the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill. Prof. Peiris was flanked by National List MPs, Justice Minister Ali Sabri, PC, and State Minister of Money & Capital Market and State Enterprise Reforms Ajith Nivard Cabraal.

The briefing took place at the Information Department, amidst Sri Lanka’s worst ever ecological disaster that threatened the seas around the Colombo Port City and the welfare of thousands who eke out a living off the sea. Indian vessels and tugs, operated by Sri Lanka Shipping Company, and Salvos, fought a raging fire on the container carrier X-Press Pearl.

Controversy surrounds the delay on Sri Lanka’s part to call for Indian help for five days. Indian vessels and aircraft arrived in Sri Lanka on May 25th – five days after Sri Lanka was informed of the fire. The X-Press Pearl fire erupted exactly a month after Sri Lanka expelled a China-bound Antigua-registered vessel that entered the Hambantota port without revealing it carried radioactive uranium.

It would be pertinent to mention that the Information Department received a new head on April 09. Mohan Samaranayake, who previously held the post of Director General, Presidential Media, assumed duties on April 19. Samaranayake succeeded Nalaka Kaluwewa. With Samaranayake’s arrival at the Information Department, the government’s under-used media outlet has sort of enhanced its role.

After assuming new responsibility, veteran journalist and political commentator Samaranayake declared: “Every effort will be made to ensure the expected role of the Department of Government Information by properly publicizing accurate information.”

Samaranayake’s departure paved the way for former Swarnavahini presenter Sudeva Hettiarachchi who had been previously with Hiru, to be the new DG Presidential Media. The Presidential Secretariat also created a new post, namely the Presidential Spokesperson for Sirasa presenter Kingsley Ratnayake, who had done a regular wide-ranging interview with former minister and Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to India Milinda Moragoda. Interestingly, the late Bandula Jayasekera, one-time The Islander, having served as President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s spokesperson, joined Sirasa after the 2015 presidential election.

The country is in such a crisis and in a far worse situation than during the 30-year war, daunting challenges cannot be overcome by media strategies alone.

Let me get back to the May 29 briefing, at the Information Department. Prof. Peiris was quite convincing in his explanation as regards the passage of the Bill on laws governing the China-backed Colombo Port city project. The one-time top law academic addressed, what he called, misconceptions and apprehensions pertaining to the contents and implications of the Bill, approved by Parliament on May 20th.

The ministerial briefing took place in the wake of Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena ratifying the new Act. Shan Wijetunga, Director, Department of Communication, Parliament, issued the following statement on the afternoon of May 27. It was headlined: “Hon. Speaker signs blueprint of the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill”. The following is the text of the Speaker’s brief statement: “Speaker Hon. Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena has put his signature today (27) validating the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill which was passed in Parliament on the 20th May 2021.

The Speaker signed the blueprint of the act at around 11.30 am this morning.

Thereby the Colombo Port City Economic Commission act will be implemented, in full, from today (27).”

The statement made no reference to the Speaker’s decision to launch two inquiries into the failure on the part of Parliament to accurately count the number of votes received, in support of the Bill, at the May 20th vote.

The inquiries were initiated following complaints received from Minister Sabry and SLPP General Secretary Attorney-at-Law Sagara Kariyawasam, PC. The Speaker called for a report from Jayantha de Silva, Secretary, Technology Ministry, pertaining to the failure of the electronic counting system and a comprehensive report in respect of the overall situation from former Secretary General Parliament Dhammika Kitulgoda.

The Communication Department statement also didn’t make any reference to the number of votes received for and against the Bill. However, the first post-war External Affairs Minister Prof. Peiris (2010-2015) didn’t mince his words when he declared at the Information Department that the Bill had received an overwhelming two-thirds majority. Prof. Peiris said that there had been an error in the counting process and the truth was established following an inquiry.

Interestingly, the Speaker’s own Media Division, headed by Indunil Abeywardena, too, hadn’t issued a statement regarding the revelation made by the SLPP Chairman, at the time of the Information Department meeting.

There cannot be any justifiable excuse for the pathetic failure on the part of Parliament to ensure an unquestionable counting process. Can there be any issue whatsoever in the electronic counting process? Parliament actually should be ashamed of its failure – the latest in a long list of let downs over a period of time.

 

Prof. Peiris responds to Opp concerns

The statement made by Prof. Peiris should be examined against the backdrop of the Opposition’s plea to the Supreme Court to order a Referendum, in addition to a two-thirds parliamentary approval for the Bill. The SLPP avoided the Referendum by agreeing for the amendments proposed by the Opposition whereas the SC declared the adequacy of a simple majority.

Prof. Peiris dealt with several contentious issues, including what he described as the perception of exclusivity. Appreciating China spearheading the mega project meant to ‘creating and adding to Sri Lanka’s territory’, Prof. Peiris declared that doors were open for all countries to invest therein. Prof Peiris emphasized that there is absolutely no basis for the assumptions as regards the new territory being Chinese and investments would be restricted.

Having dealt with the contentious issue over the alleged exclusivity, Prof. Peiris strongly countered accusations that the adoption of the Act would pave the way for creation of a mechanism (Colombo Port City Economic Commission) that would undermine basic democratic structures, therefore a threat to Parliament.

Prof. Peiris also explained how Parliament functioned in its supreme capacity and was responsible for the operation of the Colombo Port City project. The distinguished academic stressed that whatever tax concessions and other privileges afforded to investors would be strictly subjected to the parliamentary approval by way of powers exercised by the Auditor General. Minister Peiris asserted that there couldn’t be any controversy over the China-backed project as it would be subjected to regulatory authorities – the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka, Inland Revenue Department, Attorney General, Customs et al.

Prof. Peiris dealt with accusations that the Colombo Port City would be utilised for money laundering operations. The Education Minister explained how the laws applicable to the new territory didn’t in any way undermine the systems in place to deter money laundering. The US publicly in April alleged that the Colombo Port City would be exploited by ‘nefarious actors’.

Finally, the SLPP Chairman scotched speculation regarding the police and the military not having access to the new territory. Perhaps, most interesting was the examination of the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill with that of the Greater Colombo Economic Commission (GCEC) Law, introduced by President JRJ, and an amendment enacted by the late President Ranasinghe Premadasa in 1992. Referring to Premadasa’s amendment that transformed the GCEC to the Board of Investment (BoI), Prof. Peiris said that the then President deprived the Courts of authority to intervene in BOI matters.

Prof. Peiris ridiculed those who had moved the Supreme Court against the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill, for having backed the GCEC Law and the 1992 amendment. Prof. Peiris said that President JRJ had been in such a hurry for the GCEC Law he got the National State Assembly to approve it before the promulgation of the 1978 Constitution.

Having explained the fundamental change in investments, Prof. Peiris called for what he called a ‘coherent statutory regime’ as part of overall efforts to attract foreign investments. Prof. Peiris quite vigorously emphasized the role played by the previous government in the China-led project.

Prof. Peiris recalled how the then Minister of Internal and Home Affairs and Provincial Councils and Local Government Vajira Abeywardena (Current UNP Chairman) issued a gazette pertaining to the Colombo Port City territory.

At the onset of the briefing, Prof. Peiris declared that apprehensions and misconceptions pertaining to the project could be easily resolved by a fuller discussion than we have seen in the recent days. Such discussions should have taken place in the run-up to the passage of the Bill. The government shouldn’t expect a consensus on the project having bulldozed its way through in Parliament.

 

UNP’s dilemma

Parliament, on July 23, 2019, passed a resolution that paved the way for the amalgamation of the reclaimed land of the Colombo Port City with the area coming under the purview of the Colombo Divisional Secretariat division.

The Resolution under the Administrative Districts Act was presented by Vajira Abeywardena, MP.

According to the Resolution, the land of the Colombo Port City in extent of 446 hectares will be annexed to the Colombo Divisional Secretariat’s Division of the Administrative District of Colombo. As per the plan prepared by the Surveyor General, the Colombo Port and Chaithya Road East will be a connecting point to the boundary of the Colombo Divisional Secretariat’s Division.

The newly reclaimed land’s connection point would be the western boundary of the Colombo Divisional Secretariat’s Division and its east coordinate would be 396913.476 from the northern connection point and 397077.037 from the southern connection point while its north coordinate would be 492847.74 from the northern connection point and 492290.222 from the southern connection point according to the Sri Lanka Grid 1999 reference coordinate system, according to the schedule of the resolution.

Having suspended the Colombo Port City project soon after the 2015 presidential election, the yahapalana government caused irreparable damage to long standing bilateral relations. The then Government spokesman Rajitha Senaratne said the China Communications Construction Co Ltd (CCCC) project had been launched without relevant approvals from concerned institutions. The Minister alleged that the agreement had been finalized without following proper procedures and did not meet environmental standards. The yahapalana government, in August, 2016, however, despite earlier bitter criticism of it, paved the way for the resumption of the project after China twisted the then Sri Lankan leadership’s arm. China warned Sri Lanka of dire consequences unless it paid compensation for the losses caused by the abrupt suspension of the project. The CCCC estimated it was losing more than $380,000 a day as a result.

Sri Lanka’s foolish decision to suspend the Chinese project should be examined against the backdrop of the US role in the 2015 change of government. No less a person than the then Secretary of State John Kerry revealed the US made funding available for the political project to topple the Mahinda Rajapaksa government, in addition to backing the regime change in Myanmar and Nigeria.

At one point, China lashed out at the then Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake (Karunanayaka, who contested the Colombo district along with UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, lost his bid to re-enter Parliament at the last parliamentary election, in August 2020. Wickremesinghe, too, lost. The once all-powerful UNP won just a National List slot and it too remains vacant still).

The then Chinese Ambassador Yi Xianliang hit back hard at Karunanayake after he called Chinese funding as ‘expensive loans.’ The Chinese demanded to know why Karunanayaka sought more loans if he felt the Chinese were not being fair. The Chinese Ambassador reacted angrily to Karunanayake in Oct/Nov 2016. By then, both Karunanayake and the then government had been embroiled in Treasury bond scams, perpetrated in Feb 2015 and March 2016.

Having defended the flagship Chinese project to the hilt, the status of Prof. Peiris’ role in the overall government strategy cannot be ignored under any circumstances.

SLPP lawmaker Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, in his written submissions submitted to the Supreme Court, in respect of the Colombo Port City Economic Commission, challenged the legitimacy of the Bill. Perhaps, the bone of contention is that the Bill, presented to Parliament by the SLPP, hadn’t been consonant with the bilateral agreement between Sri Lanka and China, finalized in 2014, or the re-negotiated tripartite agreement (Sri Lanka, China and Urban Development Authority) following the change of government in 2015.

Lawmaker Rajapakse questioned the failure on the part of those who had access to those agreements but conveniently refrained from submitting them to the Supreme Court.

In his submissions, MP Rajapakse, who had represented both the UNP and the SLFP in the cabinet, alleged Prof. Peiris, along with Dr. P.B. Jayasundera, Secretary to the President, S.R. Attygalle, Secretary to the Treasury and Secretary to the Cabinet being silent on the previous agreements. The four had intervened in the case in support of the Bill.

Having appeared in the Supreme Court on behalf of Ven. Muruthettuwe Ananda Nayaka thera and Nagashenage Dasun Yasas Sri Nagasena, MP Rajapaksa skipped the vote on the Bill on May 20.

 

A big question mark over the role of Parliament

Prof. Peiris, as well as other government spokespersons, have repeatedly assured the public that the Colombo Port City project would be governed by Parliament. They guaranteed the project would be subjected to proper scrutiny therefore the public should be at ease. However, Parliament, having pathetically failed to fulfill its primary responsibilities namely (i) ensuring financial discipline and (ii) enactment of new laws expected to manage the Port City project. Parliament has, however, over and over again revealed its incompetence as waste, corruption and irregularities continued unabated. It would be a horrendous mistake on the part of the public to believe for a moment the Port City project would be within Sri Lanka’s purview simply on the basis of it being subject to parliamentary supervision.

Such claims should be discussed taking into consideration statements issued by the Communication Department of Parliament pertaining to the COPE (Committee on Public Enterprises), COPA (Committee on Public Finance) and COPF (Committee on Public Finance) proceedings. Parliament’s response to the Treasury bond scams, during the previous administration, as well as the massive sugar tax scam, perpetrated by the incumbent SLPP government, bared an unpalatable truth. Examination of COPE, COPA and COPF reports since the last general election revealed massive embezzlement at public sector enterprises as well as other institutions, such as Sri Lanka Cricket and Football Federation of Sri Lanka. In fact, waste, corruption and irregularities seemed almost acceptable to governments, whoever was at the helm, with Parliament struggling to cope up with corruption. Therefore, believing in parliamentary supervision of the Port City project can be quite a blunder.



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Midweek Review

Three high-profile alleged suicides shaping key investigations

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Former IGP Chandana Deepal Wickramaratne, 63, succumbed to gunshot injury he received at his residence at Parakrama Mawatha, in Thalahena, Malabe, on 17 July. Wickramaratne, the 35th IGP (25 November, 2020, to 23th November, 2025), was pronounced dead at the Mulleriyawa Hospital.

The incident triggered speculation regarding the circumstances leading to the ex-IGP’s death. Some declared that Wickramaratne shot himself with a weapon issued to his bodyguard. Others alleged that Wickramaratne had been deeply depressed over divorce proceedings, involving his son and daughter-in-law, and accusations directed at his son over domestic violence. They claimed that the situation may have had unexpected bearing on Wickramaratne.

There are also lingering concerns regarding the impact of the ongoing investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, on Wickramaratne’s demise, the third such incident after the last presidential elections held in September, 2024.

Assistant Director of the External Resources Department of the Ministry of Finance, Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, 50, was found dead in the garden of his Kuliyapitiya home on 30 April, 2026. At the time of Rajapaksa’s alleged suicide, blamed on injuries he supposedly inflicted on himself using a knife, while he was under suspension over the USD 2.5 mn heist from the Treasury. He was the official who lodged a complaint with the CID regarding the unprecedented theft.

Former Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of SriLankan Airlines, Kapila Chandrasena, 61, was found dead at No. 38, Pedris Road, Kollupitiya, on 8 May, 2026. Authorities declared Chandrasena died by hanging. Chandrasena was the prime suspect in the SriLankan Airlines bribery case, exposed by the UK Serious Fraud Office (SFO), in a joint investigation carried out with US and French authorities. At the time of his death, he was out on bail but faced re-arrest over alleged violations of bail conditions.

The Finance Ministry official and ex-IGP died as a result of ‘incidents’ at their respective homes, while Chandrasena allegedly took his own life at the posh residence of his brother-in-law Aravinda de Silva. Their deaths are mired in controversy for obvious reasons. One of the major issues at hand is whether their deaths impacted the ongoing politically sensitive cases.

The USD 2.5 mn theft sent shockwaves through the National People’s Power (NPP) government, struggling to cope up with a spate of other sensitive developments, such as the massive coal scam that led to the resignation of Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody, and the controversial release of 323 red flagged containers from the Colombo port, without any checks, in addition to two containers carrying narcotics.

The police faced the challenging task of conducting transparent investigations into the deaths of Ranga Nishantha Rajapaksa, Kapila Chandrasena and C.D. Wickramaratne.

Although the Finance Ministry official’s death was caused by cardiorespiratory failure due to heavy loss of blood, many questioned how he inflicted grievous cut wounds on his legs and on his left wrist. The judicial post mortem report that was made available within 24 hours after the alleged suicide raised concerns. The Opposition expressed suspicions. A section of the media, too, weren’t satisfied with the way the government handled the case. The truth is in spite of a post mortem examination conducted by a four-member expert panel, suspicions remain regarding the Finance Ministry official’s death.

It would be pertinent to mention that The Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunga was stabbed to death though police and all others concerned initially claimed firearms attack caused his death. The Attorney-at-Law was killed inside his car that he was driving on the Attidiiya Road, Ratmalana, on 8 January, 2009. Over 17 years after the still unresolved killing of the one-time The Island staffer, the vast majority of people still believe Wickrematunga was shot dead. Wickrematunga’s case is just among several high profile investigations hampered by deliberate falsification of relevant autopsy reports.

Sarah Jasmine factor

Among those who paid their last respects to Wickremaratne at a funeral parlour in Colombo was former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Former Minister Sagala Ratnayake accompanied the UNP leader.

One of the issues that received public and media attention, following Wickremaratne’s demise, was the controversial third DNA test conducted in spite of two previous DNA tests confirming that Pulastini Rajendran, alias Sarah Jasmine, was not among the dead caused by a series of explosions at Sainthamaruthu, in the East, a week after the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.

She was married to Achchi Muhammadu Mohammadu Hasthun, the National Thowheeth Jaamath (NTJ) operative who carried out the suicide blast in St. Sebastian Church, Katuwapitiya.

The CID questioned Wickremaratne as he served as the IGP at the time of the third DNA test. Controversy surrounds the decision to call for a third DNA test and, in addition to Wickremaratne, the CID questioned former Deputy IGP of the CID Prasad Ranasinghe in the second week of December last year. Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wiejapala commented on the issue at hand in Parliament in early June, 2025.

There had been contradictory claims on Sarah, a Batticaloa Tamil convert to Islam, who lived with the extremist group. In spite of investigations, controversy still surrounds her fate, though both Sri Lanka and Indian intelligence services investigated the circumstances of her ‘disappearance.’

There had been claims that she was taken out of the country by Indian intelligence. Let me remind you what the DSJB lawmaker Mujibur Rahuman said in Parliament on 10 November, 2022, during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency. Declaring that Sarah had taken refuge in India, the outspoken parliamentarian alleged that the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government was struggling to prove she died in the Sainthamaruthu blasts, on the night of 26 April, 2019.

Rajarathnam Kavitha, mother of Sarah, is on record as having told the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) that her daughter had been with Zharan Hashim’s wife, Fatima, from early February, 2019, to 26 April, 2019, the day remnants of the NTJ group triggered the Sainthamaruthu blasts.

Sarah’s mysterious status remains a key factor in the overall investigation, with retired Major General Suresh Sallay named a suspect in the high profile case. Sallay served as the Director of State Intelligence Service (SIS) from November, 2019, to October, 2024. The CID arrested the one-time head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI/ 2012 to 2016) in late February 2026, under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).

Archbishop of Colombo, Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith, recently filed an intervening petition before the Court of Appeal in respect of the petition filed by Sallay challenging his arrest and detention under the PTA. Cardinal Ranjith sought permission to make submissions regarding Sallay’s petition while requesting the court to dismiss the latter’s petition.

The Church intervened after several prominent Buddhist monks, religious and civil society organisations filed intervenient petitions seeking leave to intervene in Sallay’s writ application, filed by the retired top intelligence officer, challenging the legality of his arrest and detention.

They highlighted the following points:

• The Supreme Court and the PCoI identified Zahran Hashim and the ISIS-inspired NTJ as the perpetrators of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage while attributing responsibility to State officials for failing to act on prior intelligence.

• None of the official investigations or judicial findings implicated Sallay in planning or facilitating the Easter Sunday attacks.

• The PCoI recorded that Major General Sallay had warned authorities about the rise of Islamist extremism before the attacks.

• The intervening petitions expressed concerns that unsubstantiated allegations have created a public narrative suggesting a wider conspiracy involving Sinhala Buddhist military and intelligence officers, contrary to the findings of the Supreme Court and the PCoI.

• The petitions argued that such unsupported narratives risk undermining public confidence, damaging communal harmony, and unfairly tarnishing the reputation of individuals and institutions without credible evidentiary foundation.

Ex-IGP’s statement

In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained that he directed the senior police officer, in charge of Ampara, to secure the military and STF backing for the Sainthamaruthu operation that led to the death of some inner remnants of Zahran’s group. The Ampara-based officer, identified as Samantha Wijesekera, had got in touch with the Department’s number two officer, as IGP Jayasundera couldn’t be contacted over the phone. That statement dealt with the measures taken by them to ascertain Sarah’s status and the final assertion on the basis of the Government Analyst’s findings (third DNA test) that she was among those who perished in the Sainthamaruthu suicide blast.

The then Police Spokesman DIG, Nihal Thalduwa, has been directed by Wickremaratne to issue a press release confirming Sarah’s death. In his statement to the CID, Wickremaratne explained the deep interest shown by the head of the Indian Intelligence, based in Colombo, regarding Sarah’s status, underscoring their requirement to know whether she was dead or alive. The Indian official has repeatedly emphasised the pivotal importance of establishing Sarah’s status and, according to Wickremaratne, never tried to hide their interest in knowing her fate.

Did India accept the findings of the third DNA test? The possibility of Sarah being an Indian informant cannot be ruled out as India was able to alert Sri Lanka of the impending attacks. SJB Colombo District MP Rahuman has often commented on this possibility. Or, perhaps, India knew of Sarah’s status but raised the issue with Wickremaratne in a bid to indicate they, too, weren’t aware. Perhaps, we’ll never know the truth.

Sri Lanka received three specific warnings on 4, 20 and 21 April regarding impending dastardly NTJ operation. The last warning was received several hours before the NTJ struck hotels and Churches in Colombo, Katana and Batticaloa. The blasts killed 270 persons and wounded about 500.

At the time of the NTJ operation, the DMI was headed by Brigadier Chula Kodituwakku, who appeared alongside President Maithripala Sirisena when he met the media at the Janadhipathi Mandiraya, several days after the attacks. Now retired, Kodituwakku, in his testimony in courts, declared that the SIS refrained from sharing foreign intelligence with the DMI. In fact, Army Commander Lt. Gen. Mahesh Senanayake, who also addressed the media, explained the difficulties experienced by the Army due to refusal on the part of the SIS to cooperate with the DMI.

According to an appeal filed against an order of the High Court-at-Bar, in terms of the Section 451 (3) of the Code of Criminal Procedure Act No. 15 of 1979, as amended, read with Article 128 of the Constitution, in the Supreme Court, India issued the following warning: “As per an input, Sri Lanka based Zahran Hashim of National Thowheeth Jamath and his associates are planning to carry out suicide terror attack in Sri Lanka shortly. They are planning to target some important churches. It is further learnt that they have conducted reconnaissance of the Indian High Commission in Sri Lanka and it is one of the targets for the planned attack.”

No holds barred investigation is required to establish the truth. The Opposition has repeatedly questioned the handing over of the investigation to retired Shani Abeysekera, who had been the Director, CID, at the time of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, and accommodating Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne as the Secretary Public Security Ministry. They had been accused of failing to act on specific intelligence received from the SIS.

Both Abeysekera and Seneviratne, as members of the Retired Police Collective, backed the NPP campaigns in the run-up to the presidential and parliamentary polls, in 2024. Abeysekera, who retired on 30 June, 2021, was recalled and officially reappointed as the Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), on a contract basis, by the NPP.

Political factors

There had never been a case as politicised as the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Immediately after the massive security lapse, and negligence on the part of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government, facilitated the NTJ operation, the Church threw its weight behind Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s 2019 presidential bid.

The Church backing made a significant difference on the ground. That prompted SJB’s Harin Fernando to directly accuse Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith of ensuring Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s victory at the expense of Sajith Premadasa. Since the SJB’s highly publicised June, 2020, accusations, there had been contradictory statements regarding the Easter Sunday attacks.

In February, 2021, on behalf of the JVP/NPP, Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa (current Health and Media Minister) declared that India masterminded the Easter Sunday attacks.

This accusation was made just a few weeks after the PCoI handed over its report to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who, for some strange reason, appointed a six-member committee, consisting of SLPP lawmakers, headed by his elder brother Chamal, than requesting the Attorney General Dappula de Livera, PC, to act on the recommendations.

In May, 2021, Dappula, after having failed to convince President Rajapaksa to extend his term by one year, alleged that the Easter Sunday attack was a grand conspiracy. In spite of growing doubts regarding the delay in implementing the PCoI recommendations, the Church tried to convince the President to act on them. In July 2021, the Church wrote to President Rajapaksa. Against the backdrop of the SLPP’s continuing indifference, by the end of that year, the Church reached a consensus with those opposed to the government.

The Church openly backed the protest campaign, against President Rajapaksa, and remained committed to the operation until the very end.

Two sons of wealthy spice merchant and JVP National List MP, at the 2015 general election Mohamed Yusuf Ibrahim’s sons Ilham Ahamed and Imsath Ibrahim, carrying out suicide attacks, on behalf of the NTJ, made no difference. Ibrahim was later released on bail, in May, 2022, during Wickremesinghe’s tenure as the President. Ilham Ahamed’s heavily pregnant wife detonated an explosive vest, inside their Dematagoda mansion, when the police surrounded the place, soon after the attacks. Did the spice trader know about the despicable NTJ strategy? Zaharan Hashim’s wife Abdul Cader Fathima, who survived the Sainthamaruthu blast too was granted bail in March, 2023, during Wickremesinghe’s presidency.

The Church, at one point, demanded that the Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekera be removed pending conclusion of the investigations. The Church claimed that as Jayasekera served as the Eastern Commander at the time of the Sainthamaruthu blasts, he should give up the Defence portfolio for the time being. The government ignored that demand.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

‘The Play’s the Thing’, in Shakespeare

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Shakespeare. Image courtesy NYT

Exposing Complexities of the Human Condition in Man’s Quest for Power

Shakespeare believed that drama could illuminate truths about human nature more effectively than argument or philosophy. The famous line, “The play’s the thing, wherein I’ll catch the conscience of the king,” expresses not merely Hamlet’s strategy but Shakespeare’s own artistic philosophy – that theatre exposes hidden moral realities and awakens the human conscience.

Shakespeare and the Human Condition

Shakespeare displayed an extraordinary understanding of the human mind, long before psychology emerged as a formal discipline. He possessed an unparalleled gift for revealing human experience through vividly drawn characters and situations they create. He drew from Renaissance historical material as they provided a rich source of dramatic material, and chose themes that reflected musings of the Elizabethan era he lived in, taking his audiences with him.

Complexities of the human condition, regardless of culture, nationality or historical period have endured. As his fellow playwright, Ben Jonson famously proclaimed over four hundred years ago: “He [Shakespeare] is not of an age, but for all time”. He continues to alert our senses and raise our conscience about humanity with all its strengths and weaknesses by way of dramatic expression. Shakespeare is our contemporary.

I have endeavoured to examine the great playwright’s work in relation to the treatment of psychological and moral complexities surrounding humanity’s pursuit for power, in order to demonstrate how these works continue to speak with remarkable urgency to our own time. The enduring relevance of this idea becomes apparent in the following three Shakespeare’s plays: Henry V, Macbeth and The Tragedy of Julius Caesar, I have chosen to illustrate my argument.

Henry V: Leadership and the Cost of Glory

It is a reflection on Shakespeare’s stature that he portrays triumphalism of leadership and the anguish of those who pay with their lives in war, in equal measure. In his Historical play, Henry V. King Henry of England makes a claim to the French throne, egged on by church leaders who wish to distract him from domestic issues. Feeling mocked by the French response, Henry declares war. He invades France displaying strong leadership despite hardship and heavy loss of life. On the eve of the pivotal battle of Agincourt, on St. Crispin’s day, he delivers an inspiring speech to his outnumbered troops. The long and poetic speech, which came to be known as the St. Crispin’s day speech – one of the best known in all Shakespeare – strengthened his powerful status in the play.

“…This story shall the good man teach his son;

And Crispin Crispian shall ne’er go by,

From this day to the ending of the world,

But we in it shall be remember’d.

We few, we happy few, we band of brothers;

For he to-day that sheds his blood with me

Shall be my brother; be he ne’er so vile,

This day shall gentle his condition …”

Against the odds, the English defeat the French at Agincourt. The play ends with a note of political and personal triumph, as Henry woos and marries Princess Catherine of France, securing peace between the two nations, at an immense cost to human life.

Macbeth: Ambition and Moral Corruption

In the reign of King Duncan of Scotland, General Macbeth who commands respect as a valiant soldier, returning home with his colleague Banquo following a victorious military expedition, is confronted by three witches who predict cryptically that he is destined to become King of Scotland. Macbeth is urged on by his wife, who, in an ‘’unquenchable desire to become queen’’, attempts to persuade her husband with ‘a humane disposition’ to assassinate the king while he is asleep as a royal guest in their home, and frame the two intoxicated royal aides. Malcolm and Donalbain, King Duncan’s two sons who accompanied him, fled to England.

Macbeth, the play, portrays the tale of a man in pursuit of power destroying anyone on his way, bringing about a collapse in moral order, providing insights into everything inhumane about humankind. The character of Macbeth is first acknowledged as a ‘hero’; his innate desire for power is activated by the prophecy of the witches. But bound by his loyalty to his king, his ‘conscience’ would not allow him the thought of regicide: “If chance will have me king, why, chance may crown me/ without my stir”. Weighed down by fear and guilt, he drags his feet, but the valiant soldier succumbs to the “valour of his wife’s tongue”: “Your hand, your tongue look like th’ innocent flower/ But be the serpent under’t”. She herself did not have the courage to murder her royal guest with her own hand, but was persuasive: morality yields to the pressure of evil desire. Macbeth completes the task, and they feign their lament at the king’s death which they themselves brought about.

Power did not bring in peace, but inner turmoil: “In the affliction of these terrible dreams/ That shake us nightly; better be with the dead/ Whom we, to gain our peace, have sent to peace/ Than on the torture of the mind to lie/ In restless ecstasy”. Fear, guilt and repentance grip the usurper but pride would not allow their expression.

Fear and insecurity bred paranoia in Macbeth. The usurpers became preoccupied with protecting the throne and handing over sovereignty to their progeny which they were yet to produce. With the advice of the witches he arranges the murder of all they suspect would take over rule after him. First they get Banquo, his colleague, ambushed and killed; Fleance, who accompanied his father, escapes. He then learns that Macduff, the feudal lord of Fife, has fled to England to join Malcolm, the son of the slain King Duncan, and, together they are mobilising an army to attack Scotland with the intent of displacing him from the throne. An outraged Macbeth orders the slaughter of Macduff’s wife and children who remained in Scotland, and anyone related to the defector.

Malcolm and Macduff invade Scotland with a powerful army. Lady Macbeth, afflicted with intense guilt, took her own life. Macbeth was slain after a fierce battle and his severed head was presented to the newly crowned king, Malcolm, who proclaimed …”I should/ Pour the sweet milk of concord, into hell? Uproar the universal peace, confound/ All unity on earth”.

In Macbeth, Shakespeare places on stage a disturbing portrayal of humanity with all its base characteristics that compels us to see ourselves in.

Julius Caesar: Political Power, Hypocrisy and Betrayal

The theme of humans competing with each other for power, exercised inappropriately, provides a fertile ground for Shakespeare to explore the complexities of the human condition. Drawing from history, he gives dramatic expression to such a scenario in his popular play, ‘The Tragedy of Julius Caesar’, displaying the patterns of behaviour of the main characters, the focus for interpretation. The propensity to manipulate the truth in political machinations takes centre stage in the play. “Men may examine things after their fashion/ Clean from the purpose of things themselves” [Cicero: Act 1]

Julius Caesar, the Roman military expansionist, emerged as a formidable leader of the territories, following his successful campaigns in Europe. The play begins with Caesar’s triumphant return to Rome after one of his military expeditions, accompanied by generals and political figures – Cassius, Brutus and Antony. They were welcomed by scores of cheering Romans for bringing ‘‘many captives home… whose ransoms, did the general coffers fill’’. The contention for leadership of the territories, in its entirety, between Caesar and Pompey resulted in a bitter civil war with Caesar emerging victorious.

Cassius and Brutus who too had leadership ambitions fought with Pompey against Caesar. Caesar in his magnanimity, while being merciful towards his defeated opponents, remained cautious about Cassius. There was growing concern amongst the common folk [plebeians] regarding their newly emerged leader “soar[ing] above the view of men”, and using his supreme power to establish a new monarchy. They were averse to the extravagant lifestyle and corrupt practices of their former monarchical rulers and feared that Caesar may override their desire to form a republican form of governance with greater representation by commoners.

Cassius, envious of Caesar’s might, instigates a plot to remove him from power. He hatches a plot to draw Brutus into the conspiracy to lend respectability to the project as Brutus is held in high regard by the populace. Brutus is faced with having to balance his personal friendship with Caesar against the “general good of the Republic”. He finally overcomes his ambivalence and joins the conspirators in a plot to assassinate Caesar. “Let not our looks put on our purposes/ But bear it as our Roman actors do/ With untir’d spirits and formal constancy”…. “Let’s kill him boldly, but not wrathfully/Let’s carve him as a dish for the Gods”. [Brutus: Act 2. Scene1]. Caesar is stabbed to death by the conspirators, one after the other, on the ‘ides of March’ – the first full moon of the New Year for festivities and sacrifice. Turning to his friend Brutus, Caesar uttered his last words: “et tu Brute?” [Even you Brutus?”].

In a funeral oration that followed, Brutus pacified an agitated crowd by stating that despite his love for Caesar, he loved Rome more, and that Caesar posed a danger to the liberty of the nation. The masses perceived his act of murdering Caesar as a deed of heroism! But, Mark Antony, a loyalist of Caesar, after skilfully negotiating with Brutus, delivers a stirring oration with the starting captivating lines, which lives on: “Friends, Romans, Countrymen” [Act 3, Scene 2]. In his speech replete with irony, while referring to Brutus as “an honourable man”, refuted the claim by Brutus that Caesar acted in ambition and self-interest. An enraged crowd drove away Cassius and Brutus.

The two exiled assassins, Cassius and Brutus, raise an army to combat a newly formed alliance of Antony, Lepidus and Octavius [adopted son of Caesar]. Undeterred by the suicide of his wife, in his absence, Brutus marched on to combat the enemy at Philippi. “There is a tide in the affairs of men/ Which take at the flood, leads on to fortune;/ Omitted on the voyage of their life,/ Is bound in shallows, and I miseries……[Act 4, Scene 2].

Following the poor performance at the Battle of Philippi, and facing defeat, Cassius gets one of his men to kill him with his own sword. Brutus learning about the death of Cassius, commits suicide by running through a sword held by a colleague. The power sharing alliance between Octavius, Antony and Lepidus ended following a struggle for supremacy.

Shakespeare and the Modern World

Shakespeare presents man’s quest for power as a lens through which the complexities of the human condition are revealed. Portraying such a pursuit as a powerful but destructive force, he reveals the tension between honour and ambition, rhetoric and reality, leadership and moral conflict and glory and human suffering – characteristics that are universal and timeless.

Shakespeare, like other great literary artists, does not lecture to us, nor does he offer solutions, but helps us broaden our sense in recognising the humanity we share with the good and the bad, and our desires that lead us into animosity.

We live in a volatile and unpredictable world marked by geopolitical tensions, economic competition, social discontent and armed conflict resulting in global instability. Contemporary societies are currently experiencing a sense of uncertainty, desperate to find answers to establishing world order and peace.

Alongside technological advancement, humankind has developed increasingly lethal weapons with which to wage war to gain power over one another. Warfare has transformed the battlefield from land to the skies, most recently through airborne long-range missiles targeted with the use of AI; and across the oceans both on the surface and beneath it through submarines, transforming the nature of combat at immense cost to human life and property. The loss of innocent civilians, including children, caught in these conflicts has given rise to the troubling yet widely invoked phrase ‘collateral damage’, a term that seeks to justify what remains profoundly deplorable. Powerful nations frequently evade meaningful accountability, despite widespread international condemnation. And, spirituality appears to have done little to awaken human conscience and humans continue to wage conflict over religious ideology.

Although art and literature do not intend to maintain order in the way the military, the laws and institutions do, their influence is subtle yet foundational in shaping how individuals and societies, and especially their leaders envisage justice, empathy and coexistence, and in lifting us out of the moral darkness we are in. Art, including dramatic art, has a transformative influence on humanity.

Conclusion

Human beings possess an enduring duality: they are capable of reason and irrationality, compassion and cruelty, cooperation and conflict, creation and destruction. These fundamental characteristics have remained remarkably constant across history, even as cultures and technologies have changed. Great literature – particularly Shakespeare’s plays – explores this universal human condition, revealing how love, ambition, fear, grief, honour, jealousy, and the desire for power continue to shape individual actions and the course of history.

by DR. Siri Galhenage, Psychiatrist [Retd.]
[sirigalhenage@gmail.com]

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Midweek Review

Stubbornly Staying Posers

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Forty three years and counting,

Big posers remain unanswered –

For instance, couldn’t the state,

See the bloodletting coming,

When restive young hands of the North,

Opted for the gun and not the ballot?

Couldn’t it be seen that counter-violence,

Would only lead to a wasting conflict,

Wherein ordinary folk of both halves,

Would be cruelly cut down in the cross fire,

And dumped in graves still being opened?

That hands of good will and friendship,

Extended warmly in statesman like fashion,

Over the divide that was seen as enduring,

Would have laid the basis for reconciliation?

Will only ‘the peace of the graveyard’,

Be made to reign in the pauperized Isle?

By Lynn Ockersz

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