Features
AKD faces challenging year ahead
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Senior lecturer in economics and head of the IT Department at the University of Colombo, Professor Priyanga Dunusinghe, recently declared that the new National People’s Power (NPP) administration had neither a clear economic policy nor a tangible action plan to address the plethora of serious issues facing the nation.
Prof. Dunusinghe warned of dire consequences unless the government took meaningful measures to overcome the challenges.
Appearing on Derana, the outspoken academic claimed that the investors and the public were in the dark as to the overall government economic policy. Asserting that the NPP government now primarily addressed the day-to-day issues, Prof. Dunusinghe alleged that economic reforms required to stabilize, consolidate and strengthen the economy weren’t being implemented. Therefore, the government seemed to be already late in that regard.
Obviously Prof. Dunusinghe summed up the situation on the economic front quite accurately. The academic seemed to have contradicted former President and UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe who had both publicly and privately applauded President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s economic policy recently. It could be a case of him wanting to appease NPP as he, too, has many a skeleton in his cupboard, like the bond scams or the precipitating of the ongoing debt crisis by borrowing as much as USD 12 billion from the international bond market, at high interest, without having achieved anything tangible to show with such high borrowings, all during the Yahapalana rule or misrule.
Readers should always remember Mahinda Rajapaksa and his team fought a debilitating war to a finish against the world’s most ruthless terrorist outfit, the LTTE, and defeated it against the predictions of all types of pundits, while at the same time kept the economy humming and completed some impressive infrastructure projects, like building a brand new international harbour and an airport, among so many other achievements. Need we say more?
No doubt there were some utter mistakes that can be directly attributed to some of his close relatives he had around him, but Mahinda never betrayed the country. For that matter, who is infallible in this world? The bottom line reveals only one thing that is, he was the best leader to pull the country out of the rut we were in at the time.
President Dissanayake also holds the Finance portfolio, in addition to Defence. In terms of the Economic Transformation Bill, approved by Parliament on July 25, 2024, without a vote, the NPP government has no option but to adhere to the Act. Prof. Anil Jayantha Fernando is the Deputy Finance Minister.
The agreement with the IMF, negotiated by Wickremesinghe and accepted by Dissanayake, in his capacity as the President, is the basis for the controversial Act. In spite of attacking the Economic Transformation Bill, the then Opposition conveniently refrained from seeking a vote on the Bill.
Prof. Dunusinghe has been always forthright in his criticism of questionable economic matters, regardless of who wielded the political power. The government should take such criticism seriously as the overall situation remained volatile though the parliamentary Opposition seems wholly inadequate and indifferent to the challenges ahead.
The pathetic and shoddy handling of severe shortage of rice in the open market badly exposed the government. What really surprised the hapless public is the NPP’s thinking the ‘Rice Mafia’ can be reined in by the issuance of gazettes. The NPP basically repeated President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s strategy by declaring price controls on essential commodities, like rice, by issuing gazettes. The NPP placed Nadu, Samba and Keeri Samba at Rs 230, Rs 240 and Rs 260 respectively a couple of weeks ago, following talks with rice millers, but it didn’t make any difference.
During the debate over the failed bid to control the private sector running the show, as it pleases, it was revealed that one of the biggest rice dealers in the country and identified as one of those who had been accused of earning unconscionable profits at the expense of the suffering people is on the National List of the SJB though he didn’t get an opportunity to enter Parliament this time. How did he end up in the SJB National List?
The NPP appeared to be making the often repeated mistake committed by previous governments in believing in the strength of their parliamentary group. In the face of public anger caused by wrong decisions, very often even such monolithic parliamentary groups crumble under pressure. The NPP wouldn’t be an exception unless it quickly realized and addressed the shortcomings.
Real challenge outside Parliament
The situation in Parliament is deceiving. It may give the NPP a somewhat false sense of security. Having handsomely won the presidential election in Sept, 2024 by polling 5.7 mn votes, though he couldn’t obtain 50% plus 1 vote, Anura Kumara Dissanayake consolidated the NPP’s position with a staggering 2/3 majority at the parliamentary election in Nov, 2024.
The NPP increased its tally to 6.8 mn votes from 5.7 mn polled at the presidential. Both the executive and the legislature are in the NPP’s hands. The main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) has been reduced to just 40 seats against the NPP’s 159 and down to just 1.9 mn votes at the parliamentary election. The SJB performance is nothing but pathetic.
The dismal results at the national elections had made the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) that obtained a staggering 145 seats at the 2020 general election irrelevant with their tally reduced to just three seats in the current Parliament.
But, the NPP cannot be lulled into a false sense of security, under any circumstances, as the real challenge is not the Opposition but the promises made by the party to the masses for a system change in the run-up to the presidential and parliamentary elections. That is the undeniable truth. Having come to power as an all-knowing lot, the NPP leadership will have to answer for developments, come what may.
The recent declaration that those earning a monthly salary up to Rs. 150,000 would be exempted from the PAYE (Pay As You Earn) tax to please professionals and at the same time announced the increasing of the withholding tax on fixed deposit interest to 10 percent from 5 percent, thereby hitting those living on already depleted interest incomes below the belt, underscored the crisis the country is in.
President Dissanayake, in his capacity as the Finance Minister, told Parliament on Dec. 18 that this was done in line with a fresh agreement reached with the IMF. In other words, in spite of the change of government and their severe criticism of Wickremesinghe’s policies, the NPP is also on the same track.
The bottom line is that Sri Lanka’s economic direction is firmly in the hands of the IMF and whatever the NPP leaders uttered to the contrary from election platforms to impress the public in the run up to national elections, the government will have to toe the IMF line when it presents a formal Budget in February for the next financial year.
An interim Budget/vote on account covering the first four months of 2025 was approved in Parliament on Dec. 06, 2024 without a vote, at the end of a two-day debate.
Deputy Finance Minister Fernando told Parliament that the delay in debt restructuring, over the last two years, had cost the country an additional USD 1.7 billion in accumulated interest.
Fernando is on record as having said: “We are hoping to complete the restructure of the bilateral debt and international sovereign bonds by December 31.”
The interim Budget would cover the cost of debt servicing and the government expenditure for the first four months of next year. The NPP government has assured the international community that it would continue to honour the international commitments on debt restructuring commenced by the predecessor Wickremesinghe’s government.
Ground realities
During the presidential election campaign followed by the general election, the NPP talked as if it could address issues that plagued Sri Lanka over the past decades. However, over three months after the presidential election, the public now realize that the NPP had no magic wand in its hand and some issues can never be settled.
Of course, some of those who exercised their franchise in support of the NPP at the two national elections are deeply worried and disappointed. But, the fact remains that those who exercised political power had been appropriately dealt with by the electorate and they wouldn’t be in a position to regain public confidence within a short period. That is the reality those who represent the SJB and NDF (National Democratic Front) had to contend with.
It would be pertinent to mention that two of the oldest political parties in the country, namely the UNP and the SLFP, are not even represented in the current Parliament. The UNP and SLFP leaderships are baffled, but that wouldn’t make things easy for the NPP, regardless of its numerical unconquerable position in Parliament. So did the previous Gotabaya Rajapaksa government that was ousted by violent street protests, most probably staged managed from abroad.
Let me briefly discuss the huge challenge faced by Sri Lanka in dealing with large scale poaching carried out relentlessly by the Tamil Nadu fishing fleet in addition to them destroying fish stocks here by bottom trawling. The joint statement issued following talks between President Dissanayake and Indian Premier Narendra Modi quiet clearly indicated that New Delhi wants Sri Lanka to turn a blind eye to the ongoing rape of fishery resources belonging to the people here.
President Dissanayake raised the massive destruction caused by bottom trawling practised by the Tamil Nadu fishing fleet but the joint statement and the comments made by the Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri on this issue at a special briefing indicated in no uncertain terms that India wouldn’t under any circumstances take necessary measures to prevent Tamil Nadu fishing fleet crossing Indo-Lanka maritime boundary.
India seemed to be hell-bent on allowing destructive fishing practices in Sri Lankan waters though it doesn’t allow the same in their territory.
India often emphasises the responsibility on the part of all concerned to deal with poachers in a humanitarian manner. The joint statement went a step further. Referring to the talks, Premier Modi had with President Dissanayake on Dec 16, 2024, the joint statement declared the two leaders ‘underscored the need to take measures to avoid any aggressive behaviour or violence. Would it be fair to pressure Sri Lanka, now beholden to New Delhi for swift economic assistance provided during 2022 and 2023 crisis period, to allow poaching?
How could there be a mutually acceptable solution to the poaching issue when the Indo-Lanka maritime boundary is being violated almost on a daily basis? Although the joint statement referred to the matter at hand as fisheries issues it is nothing but poaching sanctioned by the centre in India.
The joint statement, however, gave the game away when it asserted that the issue should be dealt with taking into consideration, what it called, the special relationship between India and Sri Lanka.
Hats off to President Dissanayake for taking up two related issues at a joint media briefing addressed by him and Premier Modi. A statement issued by the Presidential Media Division (PMD) quoted the NPP and JVP leader as having said that he requested Premier Modi to take measures to stop bottom trawling that caused irreparable ecological damage and also curb illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing (IUU fishing). President Dissanayake also reminded them that bottom trawling is banned in both countries. The President took up the position, therefore tangible action should be taken to stop bottom trawling.
But Indian Foreign Secretary’s response to Sachin Vadoliya of UNI query on President Dissanayake’s request pertaining to bottom trawling and IUU fishing revealed that New Delhi had no intention of addressing the issues at hand. The Foreign Secretary conveniently interpreted President Dissanayake’s comments as meaning the Sri Lankan leader calling for the problem to be solved by both countries together.
The supreme irony is that India exploited the situation to its advantage. The ongoing bid to formalize poaching by the Tamil Nadu fishing fleet under the pretext of some bilateral agreement cannot be condoned under any circumstances.
While declaring New Delhi’s immediate readiness to finalize what Premier Modi called a Security Cooperation Agreement, Sri Lanka is being asked to allow rape of its fish resource. The Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK), the largest Tamil political party that represented the Northern and Eastern regions remained unsure of its stand on the fisheries issue.
The ITAK must take a clear stand on this problem. But, the NPP, having secured the highest number of seats in the Northern and Eastern regions at the expense of the ITAK at the recently concluded general election, needs to represent the interests of the Tamil fishing community here.
Resumption of debt repayment
The primary challenge faced by President Dissanayake is nothing but preparing the economy over the next four years to restart paying the massive foreign debt owed by the country in 2028. The government’s capacity to meet this particular challenge should be examined taking into consideration Prof. Dunusinghe’s criticism of the NPP’s economic plans.
Sri Lanka, in April 2022, made a unilateral statement on stopping debt repayment. Regardless of promises made during the presidential and parliamentary poll campaigns, the NPP is slow in taking tangible measures to revive the sick economy. The absence of long queues at fuel and gas stations doesn’t mean Sri Lanka is out of the woods yet.
Unfortunately, the Opposition is waiting for problems created by previous administrations to overwhelm the NPP. Having declared that the NPP administration couldn’t last for not more than a couple of months, the Opposition realized that their only salvation is the NPP causing its own downfall.
Perhaps, the NPP should reveal its stand on accusations that the failure on the part of the Parliament to amend the Foreign Exchange Act No 12 of 2017 that allowed unscrupulous people to park billions of US dollars overseas.
Various politicians have given different figures in this regard. Then MP Gevindu Cumaratunga estimated the total amount parked abroad owing the lacuna in the Act at USD 36 billion. His colleagues Wimal Weerawansa and Vasudeva Nanayakkara, too, agreed with the figure declared by Cumaratunga.
Former Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, estimated the amount of funds parked overseas to be over USD 50 billion. Interestingly, he was among those who voted for repealing the old Act that ensured that exporters brought back export proceeds within a stipulated time period.
The Yahapalana administration repealed the time-tested Exchange Control Act of 1954 at the behest of the then Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe who refrained from voting for it.
The NPP never addressed this issue during campaigning. The NPP also owes the country an explanation as to why the price of a litre of 92 Octane couldn’t be further reduced as during the campaign the then Power and Energy Minister Kanchana Wijesekera was repeatedly accused of taking kickbacks at the expense of consumers.
So far, a litre of Octane 92 has been reduced to Rs 309 from 311 by the NPP. The government has also earned the wrath of the public for putting off the stipulated electricity price revision at a time much of the electricity is generated by hydro power stations at low cost.
The government seems caught in a vortex of problems-ranging from never ending problems faced by the farmers to Indian and US pressure to extend the moratorium on foreign research vessels visiting Sri Lankan ports. The moratorium declared by Wickremesinghe for a period of one year 2024 ended yesterday (Dec 31, 2024). Would it be extended, to allow Chinese vessels to resume visits or would some committee be appointed to take time to appease India, while Sri Lanka sought to reach some sort of understanding with China.
Features
Another Christmas, Another Disaster, Another Recovery Mountain to Climb
The 2004 Asian Tsunami erupted the day after Christmas. Like the Boxing Day Test Match in Brisbane, it was a boxing day bolt for Indonesia, Thailand, Sri Lanka, India and Maldives. Twenty one years later, in 2025, multiple Asian cyclones hit almost all the old victims and added a few more, including Malayasia, Vietnam and Cambodia. Indonesia and Sri Lanka were hit hard both times. Unlike the 2004 Tsunami, the 2025 cyclones made landfalls weeks before Christmas, during the Christian Season of Advent, the four-week period before Christmas preparing for the arrival of the Messiah. An ominously adventus manifestation of the nature’s fury.
Yet it was not the “day of wrath and doom impending … heaven and earth in ashes ending” – heavenly punishment for government lying, as an opposition politician ignorantly asserted. By that token, the gods must have opted to punish half a dozen other Asian countries for the NPP government’s lying in Sri Lanka. Or all those governments have been caught lying. Everyone is caught and punished for lying, except the world’s Commander in Chief for lying – Donald J. Trump. But as of late and none too sooner, President Trump is getting his punishment in spades. Who would have thought?
In fairness, even the Catholic Church has banished its old hymn of wrath (Dies irae, dies illa) that used to be sung at funerals from its current Missals; and it has on offer, many other hymns of peace and joy, especially befitting the Christmas season. Although this year’s Christmas comes after weeks of havoc caused by cyclonic storms and torrential rains, the spirit of the season, both in its religious and secular senses, will hopefully provide some solace for those still suffering and some optimism to everyone who is trying to uplift the country from its overflowing waterways and sliding slopes.
As the scale of devastation goes, no natural disaster likely will surpass the human fatalities that the 2004 Tsunami caused. But the spread and scale of this year’s cyclone destruction, especially the destruction of the island’s land-forms and its infrastructure assets, are, in my view, quite unprecedented. The scale of the disaster would finally seem to have sunk into the nation’s political skulls after a few weeks of cacophonic howlers – asking who knew and did what and when. The quest for instant solutions and the insistence that the government should somehow find them immediately are no longer as vehement and voluble as they were when they first emerged.
NBRO and Landslides
But there is understandable frustration and even fear all around, including among government ministers. To wit, the reported frustration of Agriculture Minister K.D. Lalkantha at the alleged inability of the National Building Research Organization (NBRO) to provide more specific directions in landslide warnings instead of issuing blanket ‘Level 3 Red Alerts’ covering whole administrative divisions in the Central Province, especially in the Kandy District. “We can’t relocate all 20 divisional secretariats” in the Kandy District, the Minister told the media a few weeks ago. His frustration is understandable, but expecting NBRO to provide political leaders with precise locations and certainty of landslides or no landslides is a tall ask and the task is fraught with many challenges.
In fairness to NBRO and its Engineers, their competence and their responses to the current calamity have been very impressive. It is not the fault of the NBRO that local disasters could not be prevented, and people could not be warned sufficiently in advance to evacuate and avoid being at the epicentre of landslides. The intensity of landslides this year is really a function of the intensity and persistence of rainfall this season, for the occurrence of landslides in Sri Lanka is very directly co-related to the amount of rainfall. The rainfall during this disaster season has been simply relentless.
Evacuation, the ready remedy, is easier said than socially and politically done. Minister Lal Kantha was exasperated at the prospect of evacuating whole divisional secretariats. This was after multiple landslides and the tragedies and disasters they caused. Imagine anybody seriously listening to NBRO’s pleas or warnings to evacuate before any drop of rainwater has fallen, not to mention a single landslide. Ignoring weather warnings is not peculiar to Sri Lanka, but a universal trait of social inertia.
I just lauded NBRO’s competence and expertise. That is because of the excellent database the NBRO professionals have compiled, delineating landslide zones and demarcating them based on their vulnerability for slope failure. They have also identified the main factors causing landslides, undertaken slope stabilization measures where feasible, and developed preventative and mitigative measures to deal with landslide occurrences.
The NBRO has been around since the 1980s, when its pioneers supplemented the work of Prof. Thurairajah at Peradeniya E’Fac in studying the Hantana hill slopes where the NHDA was undertaking a large housing scheme. As someone who was involved in the Hantana project, I have often thought that the initiation of the NBRO could be deemed one of the positive legacies of then Housing Ministry Secretary R. Paskaralingam.
Be that as it may, the NBRO it has been tracking and analyzing landslides in Sri Lanka for nearly three decades, and would seem to have come of age in landslides expertise with its work following 2016 Aranayake Landslide Disaster in the Kegalle District. Technically, the Aranayake disaster is a remarkable phenomenon and it is known as a “rain-induced rapid long-travelling landslide” (RRLL). In Kegalle the 2016 RRLL carried “a fluidized landslide mass over a distance of 2 km” and caused the death of 125 people. International technical collaboration following the disaster produced significant research work and the start of a five-year research project (from 2020) in partnership with the International Consortium on Landslides (ICL). The main purpose of the project is to improve on the early warning systems that NBRO has been developing and using since 2007.
Sri Lankan landslides are rain induced and occur in hilly and mountainous areas where there is rapid weathering of rock into surface soil deposits. Landslide locations are invariably in the wet zone of the country, in 13 districts, in six provinces (viz., the Central, Sabaragamuwa, Uva, Northwestern, Western and Southern, provinces). The Figure below (from NBRO’s literature) shows the number of landslides and fatalities every year between 2003 and 2021.
Based on the graphics shown, there would have been about 5,000 landslides and slope failures with nearly 1,000 deaths over 19 years between 2003 and 2021. Every year there was some landslide or slope failure activity. One notable feature is that there have been more deaths with fewer landslides and vice-versa in particular years. In 2018, there were no deaths when the highest number (1,250) of landslides and slope failures occurred that year. Although the largest number in an year, the landslides in 2018 could have been minor and occurred in unpopulated areas. The reasons for more deaths in, say, 2016 (150) or 2017 (250+), could be their location, population density and the severity of specific landslides.
NBRO’s landslide early warning system is based on three components: (1) Predicting rainfall intensity and monitoring water pressure build up in landslide areas; (2) Monitoring and observing signs of soil movement and slope instability in vulnerable areas; and (3) Communicating landslide risk level and appropriate warning to civil authorities and the local public. The general warnings to Watch (Yellow), be Alert (Brown), or Evacuate (Red) are respectively based on the anticipated rainfall intensities, viz., 75 mm/day, 100 mm/day; and 150 mm/day or 100 mm/hr. My understanding is that over the years, NBRO has established its local presence in vulnerable areas to better communicate with the local population the risk levels and timely action.
Besides Landslides
This year, the rain has been relentless with short-term intensities often exceeding the once per 100-year rainfall. This is now a fact of life in the era of climate change. Added to this was cyclone Ditwah and its unique meteorology and trajectory – from south to north rather than northeast to southwest. The cyclone started with a disturbance southwest of Sri Lanka in the Arabian Sea, traversed around the southern coast from west to east to southeast in the Bay of Bengal, and then cut a wide swath from south to north through the entire easterly half of the island. The origin and the trajectory of the cyclone are also attributed to climate change and changes in the Arabian Sea. The upshot again is unpredictability.
Besides landslides, the rainfall this season has inundated and impacted practically every watershed in the country, literally sweeping away roads, bridges, tanks, canals, and small dams in their hundreds or several hundreds. The longitudinal sinking of the Colombo-Kandy Road in the Kadugannawa area seems quite unparalleled and this may not be the only location that such a shearing may have occurred. The damages are so extensive and it is beyond Sri Lanka’s capacity, and the single-term capacity of any government, to undertake systematic rebuilding of the damaged and washed-off infrastructure.
The government has its work cutout at least in three areas of immediate restoration and long term prevention. On landslides warning, it would seem NBRO has the technical capacity to do what it needs to do, and what seems to be missing is a system of multi-pronged and continuous engagement between the technical experts, on the one hand, and the political and administrative powers as well as local population and institutions, on the other. Such an arrangement is warranted because the landslide problem is severe, significant and it not going to go away now or ever.
Such an engagement will also provide for the technical awareness of the problem, its mitigation and the prevention of serious fallouts. A restructuring could start from the assignment of ministerial responsibilities, and giving NBRO experts constant presence at the highest level of decision making. The engagement should extend down the pyramid to involve every level of administration, including schools and civil society organizations at the local level.
As for external resources, several Asian countries, with India being the closest, are already engaged in multiple ways. It is up to the government to co-ordinate and deploy these friendly resources for maximum results. Sri Lanka is already teamed with India for meteorological monitoring and forecasting, and with Japan for landslide research and studies. These collaborations will obviously continue but they should be focused to fill gaps in climate predictions, and to enhance local level monitoring and prevention of landslides.
To deal with the restoration of the damaged infrastructure in multiple watershed areas, the government may want to revisit the Accelerated Mahaweli Scheme for an approach to deal with the current crisis. The genesis and implementation of that scheme involved as many flaws as it produced benefits, but what might be relevant here is to approach the different countries who were involved in funding and building the different Mahaweli headworks and downstream projects. Australia, Britain, Canada, China, Italy, Japan, Sweden and Germany are some of the countries that were involved in the old Mahaweli projects. They could be approached for technical and financial assistance to restore the damaged infrastructure pieces in the respective watershed areas where these countries were involved.
by Rajan Philips ✍️
Features
Feeling sad and blue?
Here is what you can do!
Comedy and the ability to have a good laugh are what keep us sane. The good news to announce is that there are many British and American comedy shows posted up and available on the internet.
They will bring a few hours of welcome relief from our present doldrums.
Firstly, and in a class of its own, are the many Benny Hill shows. Benny is a British comedian who comes from a circus family, and was brought up in an atmosphere of circus clowning. Each show is carefully polished and rehearsed to get the comedy across and understood successfully. These clips have the most beautiful stage props and settings with suitable, amusing costumes. This is really good comedy for the mature, older viewer.
Benny Hill has produced shows that are “Master-Class” in quality adult entertainment. All his shows are good.
Then comes the “Not the Nine o’clock news” with Rowan Atkinson and his comedy team producing good entertainment suitable for all.
And then comes the “Two Ronnies” – Ronnie Barker and Ronnie Corbett, with their dry sense of humour and wit. Search and you will find other uplifting shows such as Dave Allen, with his monologues and humour.
All these shows have been broadcast in Britain over the last 50 years and are well worth viewing on the Internet.
Similarly, in The USA of America. There are some really great entertainment shows. And never forget Fats Waller in the film “Stormy Weather,” where he was the pianist in the unforgettable, epic, comedy song “Ain’t Misbehavin”. And then there is “Bewitched” with young and glamorous Samantha Stevens and her mother, Endora who can perform magic. It is amazing entertainment! This show, although from the 1970s was a milestone in US light entertainment, along with many more.
And do not overlook Charlie Chaplin and Laurel and Hardy, and all the Disney films. Donald Duck gives us a great wealth of simple comedy.
The US offers you a mountain of comedy and good humour on Youtube. All these shows await you, just by accessing the Internet! The internet channel, ‘You tube’ itself, comes from America! The Americans reach out to you with good, happy things right into your own living room!
Those few people with the ability to understand English have the key to a great- great storehouse of uplifting humour and entertainment. They are rich indeed!
by Priyantha Hettige
Features
Lalith A’s main enemy was lack of time and he battled it persistently
Presidential Mobile Service at Matara amid JVP terror
Like most Ministers, Mr. Athulathmudali over programmed himself. In this respect his was an extreme case. He was an early riser and after his morning walk and the usual routines of a morning, was ready for business by 6.30 a.m. In fact he once shocked an IMF delegation by fixing the appointment with it at this hour. The delegation had to be persuaded that they had heard right, and that the appointment was indeed for 6.30 a.m. and not 6.30 p.m. This desire to get through much as possible during a day inevitably led to certain imbalances. Certain matters which needed more time did not get that time, whilst at the level of officials, we felt that we needed more time with him, and quality time at that.
I had spoken to him several times on this subject. He always had good intentions and wanted to give us more time. But with his political, social and even intellectual responsibilities in regard to speaking engagements of a highly professional nature, it was not often possible to find this time. This situation was highlighted in a comic way, when one day on hearing that the minister had arrived in office for a short time, I grabbed some important papers which I wanted to discuss with him, and made for his room. When I entered, I found three officers, with files in their hands milling outside the door of the washroom. The minister was inside.
I suggested that we might as well form a queue outside the door, a queue which I also joined. An official who came after me also joined the queue. When the minister opened the door, to his great astonishment, and then to his amusement, he found five senior officials, including his Secretary lined up outside the bathroom door! It was funny and we made it funny. But the underlying intentions were quite serious, and we wanted to send him a message that we wanted more time with him. We had to however grab moments such as these in order to keep the flow of work going.One day he good humouredly said, “You all swamp me as I come in,” to which I lightly replied “As a distinguished lawyer you should know that possession is nine-tenths of the law, and now we are in possession of both your room and your attention.” Mr. Athulathmudali chuckled.
An important requirement under Mr. Athulathmudali was a report that had to be submitted to him if any official under his Ministry went abroad on official business. The report had to be reasonably brief, more analytical than descriptive and wherever possible or relevant contain specific recommendations in regard to the betterment of the officer’s area of work. Since the Ministry was quite large, a considerable number of officials went abroad for seminars, study tours, research collaboration, conferences, negotiations and so on. There were, therefore a significant number of reports coming to him. Many of these he read, and on some, he commented or asked questions or sought clarifications. What amazed us was how he found the time. His main enemy was time and he battled it with persistence and determination. Most of us were also in a similar position, and in this, his powerful example was a source of encouragement.
Duties not quite pleasant
As mentioned in several places in these memoirs, a senior public servant’s or a Secretary’s job is not always a pleasant one. At the level of the hierarchy of officials the buck stops with you. Thereafter, when necessary, battling the minister becomes your business. I used to insist to my officials that I needed a good brief. I was not prepared to go and start an argument with a minister unless I was in possession of the full facts. Interpretation was my business. But I needed verifiable facts and authentic figures. Officers who worked with me were soon trained to comply with these requirements. After that was done, if there was any flak, it was my business to take it upon myself. On one such occasion, I had to speak rather firmly to the acting Minister, Mr. G.M. Premachandra. He was young, energetic and even aggressive and was somewhat of a “stormy petrel.” He was an effective speaker in the Sinhala e and could be a formidable debater.
When he became State Minister for Food, he took it upon himself to probe everything. He started getting involved in administrative matters, the implications of which he did not understand, and the details of which he had no time for. During the course of these he not only started criticizing officials liberally, but also employed innuendo to suggest that they were corrupt. When interested parties got to know this, they fed him with halftruths and sometimes plain lies. This naturally confirmed the suspicions in his own mind. He blindly felt around and got hold of some tail and thought that was the elephant. The State Secretary, Mr. Sapukotana, an experienced and balanced official tried his best to advice the minister of the consequences of his actions.
Senior officials in the Food Department were being kept off balance much of the time. Paralysis as creeping into the decision making process. No one was taking decisions because taking decisions risked misinterpretation, suspicion and innuendo. The Deputies were pushing papers up to the Food Commissioner, and soon the Food Commissioner was pushing papers up to the State Secretary. Matters were getting really serious, because delays in calling for and deciding on tenders, attending to commercial disputes and so on were bound to have a serious effect on the availability of timely food supplies, and the maintaining of food security.
Mr. Sapukotana kept me informed from time to time of the developing situation. He tried his best to handle it without disturbing me. But it gradually came to a point that we were both of the view that my intervention was necessary. I took an opportunity that presented itself after a “mini cabinet” meeting which Mr. Premachandra chaired as Acting Minister. I asked him whether he would stay back for a moment. His Secretary seemed embarrassed to stay, but I asked him also to sit. Thereafter, I politely but firmly explained to the minister, the consequences of his actions.
I asked him whether he was aware that nobody was prepared to take a decision in the food sector. I pointed out that should disaster strike, Minister Athulathmudali would certainly ask him for an explanation. I told him further, that in such a contingency, that we as officials will have to tell the truth to the minister. The acting minister listened in silence. I wondered as to what forces of counter attack were gathering in his breast. He did not have the reputation of bowing meekly to a challenge and here I was calling into question his entire approach to his work.
Ultimately when he spoke, he said something that we least expected and which took us completely by surprise. He said that he listened carefully to me; he said that until now he had not realized the gravity of the situation that his actions were precipitating. Then to my great astonishment he said: “You have given me advice like a parent, like a father. Even parents don’t always give such good advice. I will act according to your advice.” Mr. Sapukotana and I were rendered speechless. This was one more of the many experiences I had in public service, where the totally unexpected had occurred.
Through my experience I have been convinced that one should not shirk one’s duty to advice ministers. This duty has to be performed in the public interest and one should not be deterred by possible consequences. However, there is a way and manner of giving this advice. One has to be polite. One should not adopt a confrontational attitude. In my experience, some of these “consequences” which people fear are more imagined than real, and ministers and politicians do not always act according to their perceived public characteristics. On this occasion Mr. Premachandra was a case in point.
Presidential Mobile Service – Matara
The second Presidential Mobile Service was to be held at Matara on November 3, 1989. This was a time of intense JVP activity when the country was gripped by fear. The decision to hold the service in Matara in the deep south was it a sense a challenge to the JVP. Rumours were rife that they would disrupt activities. We were to leave during the early morning of Nov. 3 and this itself was scary. In fact the country had reached a stage where there was very little traffic on the roads after about 9 p.m. We had now to leave for Matara to face an unknown situation leaving home around 4.30 in the morning.
When we left, we noticed that there was hardly any traffic on the roads. All around was in pitch darkness. Even some of the street lights were not functioning. It was quite eerie. We made our way past numerous check points at a couple of which we were stopped.
All this was not a comfortable experience. One felt apprehension. I was booked at the Weligama rest house but when I reached it I found that the power had been disrupted by the JVP during the previous night. We would have to be without lights or fans. But what was far worse was that the disruption of power had affected the pumping of water and the toilets could not be flushed.
The rest house was in short uninhabitable. The authorities there informed us that power would be restored by evening. But none of us had confidence that this would be done or if done, that it would not be disrupted again during the night. Some of us therefore decided to make alternative arrangements, which were not easy to make. Most of the hotels in the vicinity of Matara and even somewhat beyond had already been booked. Eventually, after a diligent search and with the assistance of friends, I found myself a room at Koggala Beach hotel.
This was an immense relief. In fact, it turned out to be much more than mere relief because of the interesting crowd of public servants in occupation. They were a jolly group of story tellers who had a variety of the most hilarious anecdotes to retail, which spared no one. When we reached the hotel at the end of a tiring day, we were able to forget the grim reality outside. Perhaps we really needed to laugh our cares away. Most of us had been subjected to considerable strain for a significant period of time.
At the mobile service itself in the Rahula College premises where the service was held was almost completely deserted on the first day. People were afraid to defy a JVP ban on attending. On the second day however the dam burst. People flocked in from all quarters and directions jamming the space and facilities available. Long queues formed outside areas allocated to all Ministries. The people themselves had suffered due to the disruption of their lives and activities, and when some relief seemed available, one day was all they could contain themselves however dire the threat. They voted with their feet.
On that second day we couldn’t finish at 5 p.m. There were so many people that hours were extended till 6.30 p.m. By the time we got back to our hotels, it was well past 8 p.m. Usually, the third day of the service was a half day, where we finished by 1 p.m., had lunch and started for home. But because of the lost first day and the crowds, the third day was extended to 5 p.m. But that was the official time. Many of us were stuck till about 7 p.m. We did not want to abandon the people still in the queue and who were now looking pretty desperate that they would not be attended to. They had suffered much. This meant once again traveling in the dark, this time to get home.
(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Peiris)
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