Features
Afghanistan:Broken promises, burning nation
Afghanistan remains on a knife-edge. Looming famine, widespread malnutrition, and the forced repatriation of refugees are signs not of a nation in crisis — but one already collapsed, hollowed out to its core. What we witness now is the brutal depth to which a country can fall when gutted by decades of foreign intervention and abandoned in its ruins. In the arid camps near the Iran–Afghanistan border, thousands of Afghans — mostly women and children — queue not just for bread, but for the return bus to a country ravaged by the West and its yesteryear darling boys — extremist factions it nurtured during the Soviet invasion of the 1980s. Since early June, almost 450,000 Afghans have been repatriated from Iran.
Iran has discovered, with alarming clarity, that some among the flood of Afghan refugees were not innocent victims of Taliban rule, but clandestine agents — spies, informants, operatives — aligned with foreign intelligence services. Tehran’s recent internal assessments suggest that these “refugees” played a significant role in intelligence collection that aided the decapitation strike conducted by Israel during the 12-day war — a conflict so sharp, so surgical, that it dismantled the upper echelons of Iran’s military leadership. Some of Iran’s most decorated commanders, long feared for their reach in the Shi’ite axis, were eliminated in what now appears to have been a masterclass in pre-emptive warfare.
This is no accident of modern conflict. It is the outcome of an intelligence matrix decades in the making. And while the dust of that brief war is still settling over Gaza and Tehran, across the Mediterranean one can already hear the humming of American-funded military construction projects in Israel. One does not need clairvoyance to see the writing on the wall: the United States and Israel are preparing, not for “possible contingencies”, but for the final war — against Iran. Whether it will unfold in six months or before 2029, its inevitability now seems axiomatic. The American empire, battered by the blunders of its interventions, is not retreating — it is refocusing.
It is no hyperbole to say that Iran is teetering on the brink of collapse. With its regional ambitions bloodied and internal fractures widening, the regime faces a perilous trilemma: strike first and pre-emptively test a nuclear weapon; open negotiations that will be seen as capitulation; or allow the centre to collapse into a Hobbesian morass of tribal, ethnic and ideological warlords. The ghosts of Syria and Libya beckon. And it is not improbable — if not entirely likely — that the Islamic Republic will stumble into the same abyss.
But it is to Afghanistan that we must return, for it is the starkest embodiment of Western hubris and geopolitical cruelty — a nation devastated not only by extremist violence but by the far more insidious and enduring destruction wrought by the United States. Over two decades, Washington’s relentless drone campaigns, black-site renditions and proxy wars annihilated communities and dismantled civil society under the guise of “nation-building.” The 2021 cynical withdrawal was no triumphant exit but a chaotic abdication, leaving behind a shredded country — over 240,000 dead, millions displaced, and a social order torn to pieces. President Reagan once welcomed Afghan jihadists into the White House as “freedom fighters”, while Zbigniew Brzezinski proudly admitted in 1998, “We didn’t push the Russians to intervene, but we knowingly increased the probability that they would.” This cold calculus of manipulation and betrayal inflicted damage on Afghanistan deeper than any extremist group, making the US not just a foreign invader but the principal architect of the nation’s catastrophic unraveling. As a result, Afghans are starving, and their women and children are subjugated under draconian Sharia law — all while Obama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize and now Trump is busy tailoring his own suit for the same honour. Are we not long overdue for a conscience to reject this century-old bully?
Where democracy once stood, theocracy returned. Child marriage is now resurgent under Taliban rule. For instance, this week, a 45-year-old man in Helmand married a six-year-old girl, but the Taliban, adhering to their own codes, forbade him from taking her home until she turns nine. Girls are denied education beyond primary school. Women are barred from parks, gyms, universities — erased from public life with a bureaucratic efficiency that chills the soul. In a recent report, UNICEF estimated that more than 80% of Afghan girls are now out of school, a number that would have been unimaginable during even the darkest years of the Taliban’s first rule. And yet, this is the “stability” some regional powers now seek to legitimise.
Russia’s recent decision to formally recognise the Taliban government is neither noble nor necessary — it is a calculated geopolitical gambit. “The new authorities in Kabul are a reality,” proclaimed Sergey Lavrov — yet this “reality” includes Haibatullah Akhundzada and Abdul Hakim Haqqani, both pinned by ICC warrants for gender persecution. The farce lies not in Moscow’s blunt pragmatism, but in the ICC’s selective zeal: united in punishing the powerless, yet devoid of courage when the accused is powerful.
Benjamin Netanyahu, under ICC scrutiny for war crimes in Gaza, yet breezed into the White House just this week, greeted by an American administration that praised him as a cornerstone in regional stability. As Thucydides observed, “The strong do what they can; the weak suffer what they must.”
Afghanistan today stands as both a metaphor for the West’s failed imperial vision and a testing ground for future experiments led by self-proclaimed guardians of the “Global South”.
In other words, the profound tragedy of Afghanistan lies not solely in the retreat of Western influence, but in the manner by which the country has become a focal point for emerging geopolitical forces, each pursuing their own strategic interests under the banner of a shifting world order. The much-discussed notion of “multipolarity” increasingly reveals itself less as a path to balance and more as a terrain of transactional pragmatism. Where the United States once established drone bases, new actors invest in natural resources. Where former alliances shaped conflict lines, new diplomatic overtures seek footholds in an uncertain landscape. The promise of democracy, once championed as the nation’s future, has given way to an uncertain present with diminished prospects.
And amid all this, the Afghan people — the real victims, not the regimes — are forgotten. They are trafficked, starved, silenced. Their pain is co-opted into geopolitical scorecards. Their exile is treated as a statistical inconvenience. Iran turns them away. Pakistan bombs their borderlands. Europe offers token visas to a lucky few. America forgets them entirely. What remains, then, is a question no policymaker dares to answer: Is this what liberation looks like? Is this the sum total of $2.3 trillion spent, 20 years of occupation, and a whole generation raised on promises of democracy and progress?
Afghanistan’s tragic arc exposes the profound moral failure of those who claimed to save it. From the covert intelligence operations that fostered future extremists in the 1980s to today’s cynical realpolitik — marked by selective recognitions and shifting alliances — the Afghan crisis transcends its borders. It stands as a stark indictment of global power, reminding us all that history’s judgment will be neither lenient nor forgetful. Nor should it be.
by Nilantha Ilangamuwa ✍️
Features
Rethinking global order in the precincts of Nalanda
It has become fashionable to criticise the US for its recent conduct toward Iran. This is not an attempt to defend or rationalise the US’s actions. Rather, it seeks to inject perspective into an increasingly a historical debate. What is often missing is institutional memory: An understanding of how the present international order was constructed and the conditions under which it emerged.
The “rules-based order” was forged in the aftermath of two catastrophic wars. Earlier efforts had faltered. Woodrow Wilson’s proposal for a League of Nations after World War I was rejected by the US Senate. Yet, it introduced a lasting premise: International order could be consciously designed, not left solely to shifting power balances. That premise returned after World War II. The Dumbarton Oaks process laid the groundwork for the UN, while Bretton Woods established the global financial architecture.
These frameworks shaped modern norms of security, finance, trade, and governance. The US played the central role in this design, providing leadership even as it engaged selectively- remaining outside certain frameworks while shaping others. This underscored a central reality: Power and principle have always coexisted uneasily within it.
This order most be understood against the destruction that preceded it. Industrial warfare, aerial bombardment, and weapons capable of unprecedented devastation reshaped both the ethics and limits of conflict. The post-war system emerged from this trauma, anchored in a fragile consensus of “never again”, even as authority remained concentrated among five powers.
The rise of China, the re-emergence of India, and the growing assertiveness of Russia and regional powers are reshaping the global balance. Technological disruption and renewed competition over energy and resources are transforming the nature of power. In this environment, some American strategists argue that the US risks strategic drift Iran, in this view, becomes more than a regional issue; it serves as a platform for signalling resolve – not only to Tehran, but to Beijing and beyond. Actions taken in one theatre are intended to shape perceptions of credibility across multiple fronts.
Recent actions suggest that while the US retains unmatched military reach, it has exercised a level of restraint. The avoidance of escalation into the most extreme forms of warfare indicates that certain thresholds in great-power conflict remain intact. If current trends persist-where power increasingly substitutes for principle — this won’t remain a uniquely American dilemma.
Other major powers may face similar choices. As capabilities expand, the temptation to act outside established norms may grow. What begins as a context-specific deviation can harden into accepted practice. This is the paradox of great power transition: What begins as an exception risk becoming a precedent The question now is whether existing systems are capable of renewal. Ad hoc frameworks may stabilise the present, but risk orphaning the future. Without a broader framework, they risk managing disorder rather than designing order. The Dumbarton Oaks process was a structured diplomatic effort shaped by competing visions and compromise. A contemporary equivalent would be more complex, reflecting a more diffuse distribution of power and lower levels of trust Such an effort must include the US, China, India, the EU, Russia, and other key powers.
India could serve as a credible convenor capable of bridging divides. Its position -engaged with multiple powers yet not formally aligned – gives it a degree of convening legitimacy. Nalanda-the world’s first university – offers an appropriate symbolic setting for such dialogue, evoking knowledge exchange across civilisations rather than competition among them.
Milinda Moragoda is a former cabinet minister and diplomat from Sri Lanka and founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, a strategic affairs think tank could be contacted atemail@milinda.org. This article was published in Hindustan Times on 2026.04.19)
By Milinda Moragoda
Features
Father and daughter … and now Section 8
The combination of father and daughter, Shafi and Jana, as a duo, turned out to be a very rewarding experience, indeed, and now they have advanced to Section 8 – a high-energy, funk-driven, jazz-oriented live band, blending pop, rock, funk, country, and jazz.
Guitar wizard Shafi is a highly accomplished lead guitarist with extensive international experience, having performed across Germany, Australia, the Maldives, Canada, and multiple global destinations.
He is best known as a lead guitarist of Wildfire, one of Sri Lanka’s most recognised bands, while Jana is a dynamic and captivating lead vocalist with over a decade of professional performing experience.
Jana’s musical journey started early, through choir, laying the foundation for her strong vocal control and confident stage presence.
Having also performed with various local bands, and collaborated with seasoned musicians, Jana has developed a versatile style that blends energy, emotion, and audience connection.
The father and daughter combination performed in the Maldives for two years and then returned home and formed Section 8, combining international stage experience with a sharp understanding of what it takes to move a crowd.
In fact, Shafi and Jana performed together, as a duo, for over seven years, including long-term overseas contracts, building a strong musical partnership and a deep understanding of international audiences and live entertainment standards.
Section 8 is relatively new to the scene – just two years old – but the outfit has already built a strong reputation, performing at private events, weddings, bars, and concerts.
The band is known for its adaptability, professionalism, and engaging stage presence, and consistently delivers a premium live entertainment experience, focused on energy, groove, and audience connection.
Section 8 is also a popular name across Sri Lanka’s live music circuit, regularly performing at venues such as Gatz, Jazzabel, Honey Beach, and The Main Sports Bar, as well as across the southern coast, including Hikkaduwa, Ahangama, Mirissa, and Galle.
What’s more, they performed two consecutive years at Petti Mirissa for their New Year’s gala, captivating international audiences present with high-energy performance, specially designed for large-scale celebrations.
With a strong following among international visitors, the band has become a standout act within the tourist entertainment scene, as well.
Their performances are tailored to diverse audiences, blending international hits with dance-driven sets, while also incorporating strong jazz influences that add depth, musicianship, and versatility to their sound.
The rest of the members of Section 8 are also extremely talented and experienced musicians:
Suresh – Drummer, with over 20 years of international experience.
Dimantha – Keyboardist, with global exposure across multiple countries.
Dilhara – Bassist and multi-instrumentalist, also a composer and producer, with technical expertise.
Features
Celebrations … in a unique way
Rajiv Sebastian could be classified as an innovative performer.
Yes, he certainly has plenty of surprises up his sleeves and that’s what makes him extremely popular with his fans.
Rajiv & The Clan are now 35 years in the showbiz scene and Rajiv says he has plans to celebrate this special occasion … in a unique way!
According to Rajiv, the memories of Clarence, Neville, Baig, Rukmani, Wally and many more, in its original flavour, will be relived on 14th July.
“We will be celebrating our anniversary at the Grand Maitland (in front of the SSC playground) on 14th July, at 7.00pm, and you will feel the inspiration of an amazing night you’ve never seen before,” says Rajiv, adding that all the performers will be dressed up in the beautiful sixties attire, and use musical instruments never seen before.
In fact, Rajiv left for London, last week, and is scheduled to perform at four different venues, and at each venue his outfit is going to be different, he says, with the sarong being very much a part of the scene.
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