Opinion
Adikaram, a man like no other
38th death anniversary of Dr E. W. Adikaram falls today
By Professor J.B. Disanayaka
It happened about sixty years ago. I was just a lad of seventeen, studying in grade eleven at Ananda College. As I walked past the small playground in the centre of the primary school premises, I caught the sight of a small-made man in our national dress, walking towards the Principal’s office. A senior whispered, “That’s Dr. Adikaram”. I had a good look at him, the new President of the BTS [Buddhist Theosophical Society], which looked after Ananda as the country’s main Buddhist educational institution.
I saw him again about ten years later, at the office of the Indian High Commission, where I had gone to get a visa to go to India to attend a religious conference in Darjeeling, organised by the Quakers, a society known for their opposition to violence and war. Dr. Adikaram was also there to get his visa to attend the very same meeting. It was my rare privilege to have a word with him. We left to India by air, from Ratmalana, on the full-moon day of Wesak, 1959.
That was rather a coincidence, I thought, to go to India, the land of the Buddha’s birth, on the full-moon day of Wesak, which celebrates three events of His life — the Birth, the Enlightenment and the Passing Away. At Madras, we boarded the Howrah Express to Calcutta. There were four of us, all on our way to the Conference: Dr. Adikaram, Chris Pullenayagam, Chitra Wijesinha and me. I had the rare chance to sit next to Dr. Adikaram and chat with him for two long days!
Some of what he said took me by surprise. I just could not understand him when he said that he had seen my ‘astral body’ on three or four occasions when he was reading in his study at his house in Pagoda. Being a Theosophist, he was able to explain to me about ‘astral bodies’ but I simply could not take his word. It was so strange. So, I requested him to write all that on paper and he promised to do so on his return to Sri Lanka. And he did. It ran to about four or five foolscap pages!
As he sat in his study at Pagoda, he saw the glimpse of someone walking into his house. He came out of the room but there was none. This happened on a few more occasions and as days went by, he got a faint glimpse of the face of this strange man. He told all his friends, including Dr. Mahinda Palihawadana, the Principal of Ananda Sastralaya, whom he met in the morning at Pagoda, to keep track of this strange character. However, they saw no one that fits his frame. On his return from the Indian High Commission, he told his friends, “Well, I saw that man today!”
Quakers had chosen one of the most beautiful sites for their Conference, in a bungalow overlooking Mount Kanchenjunga, one of the world’s highest mountains in the Himalayan range, bordering India and Nepal. We spent about a week listening to lectures and discussing matters of ethical interest — on how to build a world without barriers. On my return to the Island, I contributed an article to the University journal and it was titled, ‘A World Without Barriers’.
Later, he took me to Adayar in Madras to listen to J. Krishnamurti at Vasanta Vihar. Krishnamurti was a man of stature, both physically and spiritually. I listened to him in earnest and found that his words made a lot of sense. ‘Conditioning’ is the word that made all the difference. We are all ‘conditioned’ by the world around us so much so that we fail to see reality. Our beliefs and dogmas, rites and rituals prevent us from seeing reality and all that prevents us from living in peace.
I had the chance to discuss some of these matters in detail with him intimately when I came to Pagoda to translate into Sinhala his PhD thesis, ‘Early History of Buddhism in Ceylon’. It was a wonderful model of research based on the study of Pali texts. He also made me study Pali so that I could do a better Sinhala translation. He assured to me that studying Pali was fun because he himself learnt it only after his first year at the University College, giving up science and mathematics.
I spent my vacations at Pagoda in the early sixties translating his book, but unfortunately, I could not finish the work because I had to leave on a Fulbright scholarship to California in 1963. I think he himself completed the translation but never forgot to acknowledge my contribution in his Sinhala Preface. Only a few knew it because in the Preface my name appears as ‘Jayaratna Banda Disanayaka’ of the Department of Sinhala of the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya!
Dr. Adikaram
Conditioning’, as Krishnamurti says, prevents our mind from seeing reality. So, we wanted to look at the nature of the mind itself, and we did a couple of experiments. I was at the Peradeniya campus and he was at Pagoda. We decided to set off a time on a particular day of the week to think about something, like rivers, mountains, animals and plants and so on. At the agreed upon time, I spent about five minutes, thinking about something in particular and jotted it down on a piece of paper. He did the same thing in his study at Pagoda. I posted my note to him and he sent his note to me. On many an occasion we have thought about the very same thing! Now, isn’t that strange!
Minds can communicate. Some call it telepathy. It still happens to me almost every day. I am writing this note on the fifteenth of March 2021. Let me tell you about a few strange coincidences that took place last month. On the ninth day of February I wanted to find out a little more about the Sinhala word san nam (brand name) and I thought of calling Achintya Bandara, a young lecturer in the Sinhala Department, because he said the other day that I am the san nam of Sinhala linguistics. In fifteen minutes, my mobile rings. It was Acintya Bandara.
On the 10th, Dr. Malini Endagama of the Mahavamsa Editorial Board wanted me to translate its fifth chapter into English. I was not interested and she wanted me to suggest another name. I thought of my friend, Austin Fernando, who was the Secretary to the President under a previous government, and who has written a book in English, titled ‘My Belly is White’. However, I was unable to contact him because I do not have his telephone number. A couple of hours later, Austin rang me to find out the meaning of a Sinhala word. What a bit of luck!
On the 13th of February, I wanted to write a short note on the Sinhala word kana kaesbaeva (blind sea-turtle). Then rings my mobile. “Sir, my name is Unantenne. What does kana kaesbeva viya siduren balanava mean? “Why on earth were we both thinking of the same blind mythical animal at the same time? What does all this mean? That the mind is strange. It was Dr. Adikaram who made me think about the unimaginable ways of the human mind.
His booklets in the Sitivili (Thoughts) series were all about the ways of the world and the ways of the mind. He always posed questions and wanted you to answer them along with him. Do you think or does thinking occur to you? Why do we get angry when others scold you? What do dreams tell you? Are there layers in the mind — deep and surface? Can the end justify the means?
I liked his style of writing in Sinhala — simple and straightforward. When I compiled a handbook on the correct usage in Sinhala, in 2018, I chose him as one of the seven modern writers who have a style of their own and who deserve to be imitated. He was also one of the first to write on Modern Science in Sinhala. He edited the first science magazine in Sinhala, titled Navina Vidya . He compiled a small English-Sinhala glossary for school children to help them learn science in Sinhala.
He was a man, a bachelor, who loved not women but nature — birds and flowers. At Pagoda I observed, every morning, how he kept food for the birds and watered his flower plants. Occasionally, he would call me and say, “Look how this flower smiles at me”. He allowed mice to hang around the garage as they pleased. Once he did not drive his car for a week because there were new-born little mice in the dicky!
Dr. Adikaram was a vegetarian not because it was a considered a sin (pav) to kill animals. “Even if someone were to tell me that it is a merit (pin) to kill animals, I shall not kill simply because it hurts animals”. He never visited the zoo because they had to kill many animals to keep other animals alive. Prof. Mahinda Palihawadana is still a vegetarian doing his best to make this a world where not only human beings but all beings can live in peace.
My interest was not in birds and plants but in language and culture. However, he was able to shift my attention to plants when he took me, along with Siri Palihawadana, who had an expensive camera, to the Peradeniya Botanical Gardens, to take pictures of certain trees for his textbooks on science. We sat under the shade of many trees and enjoyed our meals at leisure.
The 28th of December 1985 was a strange day. I was at the University of Edinburgh on a Commonwealth scholarship to study Applied Linguistics. On many a day, I would stop by the University Bookshop on Buccleuch Place to buy a book usually on Linguistics. However, when I browsed the books on the 28th, my attention was drawn to a book on Krishmanmurti and I was delighted to have got my hands on it.
I went back to my room and was reading Krishmnamurti, always thinking of Dr. Adikaram, who introduced me to him at Vasantha Vihar in Adayar. My telephone rang and it was Siri Palihawadana. “JB, I have some bad news to tell you. Doctor passed away a few hours ago.” Now isn’t that strange? To buy a book on Krishnamurti and read it, as Dr. Adikaram lay in his death bed?
Siri and his wife Lakshmi looked after Dr. Adikaram with utmost care and affection. I remember that he had a nursery of sandal-wood plants at the backyard and they were distributed to those who loved plants. As I write this note in the library of my daughter’s house, near the Sri Jayewardenepura campus, I see the young sandalwood tree in her garden, gifted to her by Ravi Palihawadana. It brings back memories of an unforgettable past, when Dr. Adikaram moulded my way of thought and my way of life.
Dr. Adikaram was like no other because different people saw him in different ways. He was an orientalist, with his knowledge of Pali and Sanskrit, a historian, who recorded the History of Early Buddhism in Ceylon educator who was the Principal of a leading Buddhist school, Ananda Sastralaya in Kotte, founder of the leading Buddhist girls’ school in Nugegoda, Anula Vidyalaya, science writer, and philosopher who did his best to mould the minds of the young to create a world without barriers.
by Chethana Ranathunga and
Yasu-e Karunaratne Edussuriya
A coalition that previously held only three parliamentary seats has achieved a sweeping victory in Sri Lanka’s recent parliamentary elections. The JVP-led NPP coalition now has a two-thirds parliamentary majority. This political shift positions the leftist alliance to implement widespread policy changes, potentially offering the stability that many Sri Lankans have long been yearning for. Yet, Sri Lanka now stands at a critical juncture where the presence of a strong opposition is not merely desirable; it is absolutely essential!
Regardless of which party holds power, unchecked authority poses inherent risks. A vigilant opposition that maintains checks and balances is fundamental. An effective opposition serves to expose legislative loopholes, identify critical areas of concern, and provide a vital check on the majority’s power. As a driving force with 159 seats, the NPP government will steer policy and reform, but to govern effectively, they must have a strong yin to their yang.
An opposition is only as effective as the leadership that guides it. Sri Lanka has a history of opposition parties that have resisted policies and reforms simply for the sake of opposition. Is this the political culture and path we wish to continue? An effective opposition leader holds the government accountable, challenging proposed legislation to protect the interests of the people rather than the party. Such a leader acts as a bridge, channelling public concerns into meaningful political discourse and refining legislative measures to benefit the nation as a whole. Sri Lanka’s democratic future depends not solely on the strength of the ruling coalition but on an empowered opposition ready to engage, challenge, and elevate governance.
On 21 November 2024, Sajith Premadasa was appointed the leader of the opposition. While his political prominence cannot be denied, the question is whether he is the most qualified person for the role? In contrast, de Silva stands out as a compelling alternative for opposition leadership.
Throughout his tenure in Parliament, Dr. de Silva has consistently been a voice of reason, advocating for economic stability, fiscal responsibility, and transparent governance. His contributions to major legislative reforms demonstrate a commitment to policies that prioritise national welfare over partisan gain. His engagement with international bodies, including the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and the Asian Development Bank has showcased his ability to navigate complex economic challenges with strategic foresight.
While Premadasa remains a prominent figure, securing 145,611 preferential votes in the most recent elections—more than Dr. de Silva’s 81,473—voter dynamics reveal deeper trends. Unlike many of his colleagues, Dr. de Silva achieved a remarkable 17.72% increase in preferential percentage gain, signalling growing public support. This contrast becomes more striking when considering that many in the SJB.
experienced declines in voter preference, including Premadasa himself, who saw a 9.05% drop.
The data points to a shift in voter sentiment and highlights Dr. de Silva’s appeal as a leader who resonates with evolving public expectations. His ability to secure increased support, even in challenging political climates, displays his potential to lead a strengthened, purpose-driven opposition.
Dr. de Silva also has an impressive academic and career background. He is a highly respected economist and has built a career that spans both the private and public sectors. Educated at Royal College Colombo, Dr. de Silva earned his BS in Business Management from Truman State University in 1988 before completing his MA and PhD in Economics at the University of Missouri in 1993. He also furthered his expertise in social programme evaluation through an executive programme at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 2006, as part of the prestigious Eisenhower Fellowship.
Dr. de Silva’s career in economics is distinguished by his tenure at DFCC Bank, where he served as Chief Economist and Treasurer, and his role as a co-founder and Joint Managing Director of The Nielsen Company. His rich experience in both banking and market research has given him a nuanced understanding of economic systems, making him a key figure in shaping policy decisions.
Though Dr de Silva is in the opposition, he has emphasised his commitment to supporting policies that benefit the country, regardless of political affiliation. He has made it clear that his role is not to oppose for the sake of opposition but to contribute constructively to national growth. His leadership approach focuses on ensuring that policies are in the best interest of the people of Sri Lanka.
Further, Dr. de Silva’s economic blueprint for Sri Lanka, which has been updated through three distinct editions, stands as a comprehensive and strategic plan for the country’s growth and development. Each iteration has built upon the last, adapting to the evolving challenges and opportunities facing the nation. The blueprint focuses on key areas such as economic diversification, fiscal discipline, social welfare, and enhancing Sri Lanka’s global competitiveness. His plan offers concrete solutions for boosting sustainable growth, tackling inequality, and ensuring that the benefits of economic progress reach all segments of society.
Dr. de Silva’s constructive approach to governance highlights why he is the ideal candidate to lead the opposition in Sri Lanka. While he holds a position in the opposition, he has consistently supported and actively contributed to positive government policies that promote the country’s long-term stability and development. Notably, Dr. de Silva backed crucial reforms like the Central Bank Act of 2023, which strengthened the independence of the Central Bank by removing the Finance Secretary from its board, as well as the Public Finance Management Act, the Public Debt Management Act, and the Parliamentary Budget Office Act. When the opposition leader Premadasa considered opposing key bills like the Central Bank Act, Dr. de Silva successfully persuaded them to abstain, recognising the vital importance of these reforms for the country’s stability. His support has gone beyond mere endorsement; as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance (COPF), he has worked alongside the government to refine and improve these laws, offering valuable suggestions to make them even more effective.
Dr. de Silva has also demonstrated foresight in addressing pressing issues such as the fertiliser crisis. Recognising the problem early on, he raised alarms in COPF regarding the government’s decision to lift the ban on chemical fertiliser imports, questioning the potential implications of such a move. His proactive stance in highlighting potential risks, even when it involved challenging government policies, showcases his commitment to the country’s well-being over political rivalry
Dr. de Silva’s leadership as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) has not only demonstrated his exceptional ability as a “doer,” but also highlighted his success in building consensus and driving meaningful reforms across political divides. Under his guidance, COPF has tackled a range of critical issues with determination and a commitment to transparency and accountability. One of the most significant achievements of COPF during his tenure was the investigation into the irregularities surrounding Sri Lanka’s visa outsourcing contract. The decision to bypass competitive bidding, which led to a sharp increase in visa fees from USD 1 to USD 25, was uncovered by COPF. This raised serious concerns over the government’s failure to protect public funds and ensure the best value for money. Dr. de Silva’s insistence on thorough scrutiny ultimately led to a Supreme Court ruling in August 2024, which suspended the controversial contract and restored the previous, more affordable visa system managed by Mobitel.
Another pivotal moment under Dr. de Silva’s leadership was his intervention to reduce milk powder prices. Recognising the undue financial burden placed on Sri Lankans due to high taxes on imported milk, Dr. de Silva pointed out the discrepancy in the government’s handling of local and imported milk powder tariffs. His advocacy for revisiting the tax structure resulted in an overnight reduction in milk prices nationwide, directly benefiting consumers.
Dr. de Silva’s commitment to social issues was also evident in his leadership on alleviating period poverty. Following discussions with civil society organisations post-Budget 2024, Dr. de Silva championed a proposal to provide free sanitary napkins to schoolgirls. His initiative led to the allocation of underutilised funds from the Ministry of Education to create a voucher system, benefiting 800,000 schoolgirls across the country.
These milestones, from exposing visa system corruption to driving significant social change and tackling economic inefficiencies, emphasise his effectiveness in promoting good governance. His work within COPF has not only saved public funds but also ensured that government policies are scrutinised for their impact on the people. His leadership in COPF is a clear demonstration of why he is the right choice to lead the opposition, advocating for a government that serves the people with integrity and transparency.
Outside his work in the Committee on Public Finance, Dr. Harsha De Silva has been instrumental in shaping one of Sri Lanka’s most impactful public health initiatives: the Suwa Seriya Ambulance Service. Established in 2016 following a proposal by Dr. de Silva, Suwa Seriya addresses a critical gap in the country’s healthcare system and has been recognised by the World Bank as one of the world’s most efficient public services. Prior to this initiative,
Sri Lanka lacked an organised ambulance service capable of responding to urgent medical emergencies, especially in rural areas.
Dr. de Silva’s leadership and accomplishments clearly demonstrate that he was the ideal candidate to lead Sri Lanka’s opposition. His record of driving critical reforms as Chairman of the Committee on Public Finance and his instrumental role in establishing the Suwa Seriya Ambulance Service highlight his ability to turn vision into impactful action. Dr. De Silva’s pragmatic approach, focus on transparency, and commitment to the nation’s long-term development made him the strongest, most qualified individual to hold the opposition’s reins.
At a time when Sri Lanka’s political landscape requires a strong, constructive opposition to maintain democratic checks and balances, Dr. de Silva’s leadership is essential. He has shown time and again that his priority is not partisan politics but the welfare of the people. As Sri Lanka’s ruling coalition embarks on sweeping reforms, Dr. de Silva’s ability to challenge, scrutinise, and improve policies will be vital for ensuring accountability and protecting the interests of the public. The country needs a leader like Dr. de Silva in the opposition—someone who will not only hold the government to account but also actively shape policies for a better, more inclusive Sri Lanka.
Chethana Ranatunga has a B.A. Economics (Specialised in Banking and Finance) from the University of Colombo and is reading for her MPP at the University of Oxford (2024-25). She also worked as an Economist at the Interim Parliamentary Budget Office and the Committee of Public Finance Sri Lanka
Yasu-e Karunaratne is a lawyer and economist with a BBA in Business Economics (Special) from the University of Colombo and LLB (London). She also worked as an Economist at the Interim Parliamentary Budget Office and the Committee of Public Finance Sri Lanka.
By Gomi Senadhira
I was surprised to read a few comments published in the newspapers and social media about the way the Speaker Ashoka Ranwala wore his speaker’s wig at the ceremonial opening of the parliament. Some of which were extremely unwise, for example, one such comment was, “This shows how stupid the entire parliament is. Please teach the Speaker to wear the wig properly. Looks like he just got off from a motorbike. Has he not seen a Speaker before in his life?”
On ceremonial occasions, the Speaker of Sri Lanka’s parliament wears a black robe trimmed with gold lace and a full bottomed wig. This is a practice we have copied from the British House of Commons where the Speaker wore a black and gold robe over court dress with a white waterfall cravat and a full bottomed wig. In addition to the speaker the clerks, who are the senior officials in the House of Commons, also wore bob wigs and long gowns. Fortunately, we did not adopt that dress code for the officials. Unfortunately, the speaker copied this British fashion from the seventeenth century and continues to follow it.
In 1992, the Speaker Betty Boothroyd, the first female speaker of the British House of Commons, ditched the wig because she “…couldn’t have a good laugh disguised in something so imperious.” Since then her successors too have followed her style and have further simplified other aspects of their costume and started to wear plain black gowns over lounge suits. Furthermore, in 2017 the UK parliament’s Speaker John Bercow ruled that wigs and formal dress will no longer be worn by parliamentary officials in the Commons, ending a 300-year-old practice.
However, the current Commons Speaker Lindsay Hoyle, who was elected to the post in 2019, decided to go back to the old tradition and wear his full ceremonial attire for the State Opening of Parliament by the queen. He also had also directed the Clerks of the House of Commons to wear their bob wigs. So, the Clerks have once again started to wear their wigs. But when it came to the Speakers own wig there was a slight hitch. The horsehair ceremonial hair piece which was last worn by Speaker Bernard Weatherill before his retirement in 1992 had gone missing and the House of Commons officers failed to find it even after an extensive search within the Palace of Westminster. A new wig would have cost over one thousand pounds (£1,320 plus VAT to be exact) to British tax payers. So, if one Googles Lindsay Hoyle, it is possible to find a picture of him walking through the Members’ Lobby in the House of Commons during the State Opening of the Parliament by the Queen, wearing the formal Speaker of the House of Commons regalia, a black and gold robe over court dress with a white waterfall cravat…. but no wig!
That means, it has been three decades since the speaker of the UK’s House of Commons last wore this “imperious” piece of horsehair. In our neighbourhood, the Speakers of the India’s Central Legislative Assembly used to wear robes and wigs while presiding over the meetings of the Assembly from 1921 to 1946. But in 1946 Speaker G.V. Mavalankar stopped that practice. In Australia, the traditional outfit of the Speaker of the House of Representatives included a black academic gown, a jacket, a lace collar and a full wig. But the last time an Australian Speaker wore the full ceremonial outfit was in 1983. The Speaker’s wig, I understand it is on a “loan” to a museum, where it really belongs.
So, isn’t this the proper time to stop splitting hairs over how to wear this ceremonial piece of horsehair and ask why the speaker should continue to wear this glaring symbol of colonial inheritance?
(The writer, a retired public servant and a diplomat, can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)
I refer to Maneesha Seneviratne’s excellent tribute to Senator A. Ratnayake in The Island of 25 Nov.
One of the most valuable events in A. Ratnayake’s career stands as a powerful reminder for those who fervently compete for positions in governments and within political parties driven by sheer greed.
This is about how he became the first Cabinet Minister of Food, Co-operatives, under D S Senenayake. Ratnayake had often been a vocal critic of D. S. Senanayake and his policies during their time in both the State Council [in 1936-47] and later in Parliament. He had, on occasion, even supported Marxists like Dr. N. M. Perera and Philip Gunawardene, representatives of Ruwanwella and Avissawella electorates, respectively. Ratnayake believed this history of dissent would make his chances of being offered a ministerial position highly unlikely.
To his surprise, one evening, the phone rang. When he answered, the familiar voice of D. S. Senanayake greeted him with an unexpected question:
“I say, Rat, how would you feel about joining my Cabinet?”
Ratnayake was momentarily stunned into silence. Regaining his composure, he replied in Sinhala with a hint of humour, “Sir, ara ibba waturata danawa wage ne” (It’s like asking a tortoise to willingly enter the water).
Senanayake burst into hearty laughter, momentarily deafening Ratnayake. Once the laughter subsided, Ratnayake inquired about the portfolio being offered. He expressed a preference for the Education Ministry, noting his extensive experience serving on education committees in the State Council and even acting as Minister of Education.
However, Senanayake was firm. “No, Rat. I want you to handle the subjects I managed during my time in the State Council. Will you honour me by accepting the position of Minister of Food and Cooperative Undertakings? The other part, Agriculture, I want Dudley to take over—he has already agreed. You are the only person I trust to carry forward the plans I initiated, even though you’ve been one of my harshest critics.”
This unexpected offer left Ratnayake both surprised and deeply hounored.
After the first Parliamentary election under the Soulbury Constitution in 1947, D. S. Senanayake gave Sir John Kotelawala a practical instruction. “I say, Lionel, check if we have a majority. If not, see if you can get a few chaps to join the government. The Eastern Province members are the best bet—they always come to Parliament with open minds,” he remarked, laced with humour.
Reflecting on his tenure in the first Parliament, Senator A. Ratnayake once said, “After 16 years of giving the government hell, I found myself on the receiving end—and what an unrelenting opposition it was. Among them were NM and Philip, and, of course, Dr. Dahanayake. Taming that opposition was like trying to humanise hell.”
Dr. Dahanayake, in particular, stood out as one of the most vocal critics of Ratnayake’s policies, challenging and dissecting his decisions with vigour. These spirited exchanges underscored the era’s vibrant democratic ethos and the intense parliamentary discourse that shaped policy and governance.
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