Editorial
A.T. Ariyaratne: Death of a colossus
The death last week of Dr. A.T. Ariyaratne, who founded and led the Sarvodaya movement in Sri Lanka after a long life of 92 years, has robbed the country of a colossus of his generation. His own name, as well as that of the organization he created is very well known to everybody in all homes across the length and breadth of the country. A small made, soft spoken personality with a shock of white hair and an ever present smile, he had a face that could best be described by the Sinhala word seedevi with all its many connotations. It reflected his inner calm, non-violent disposition and Gandhian values. The origin of the name Sarvodaya can be traced to Sanskrit roots – sarva (all) and udaya (uplift). Mahatma Gandhi, whose footsteps Ariyaratne sought to follow, saw it as “uplift for all.”
Ahangamage Tudor Ariyaratne was a teacher at Nalanda College, Colombo, when he founded Sarvodaya in 1958. He had taken a group of 40 schoolboys and 12 teachers from Nalanda to Kathaluwa, a Rodiya village of outcasts and beggars to help uplift conditions of people living there. From that small acorn, a mighty oak grew. By 1972, the growing demands of the fledgling organization compelled his retirement from the teaching profession and devote himself full time to the Sarvodaya Shramadana, a self-governance movement which among other things provides comprehensive development and conflict resolution programs to villages.The Internet says that as of 2006, “Sarvodaya staff people were active in 15,000 of 38,000 villages in Sri Lanka.” The organization estimated 11 million individual beneficiaries and financial reserves ran at Rs. 1.6 billion in that year.
Although well funded Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) like the Ceylon School for the Deaf and Blind and the Ceylon (later Sri Lanka) Red Cross have been around longer than Sarvodaya, the latter arguably became one of the best funded, if not the best funded NGO in the country. Ariyaratne’s commitment and simplicity impressed the donor community which staunchly supported his movement that grew exponentially from its grassroot begining. Obviously, the organization necessarily had to present professionally produced project proposals to donors and satisfy them that their money was well spent.
During the course of time, the needed skills and capacity to run an organization as big as Sarvodaya had become was acquired. The consciousness that donor support will not continue to flow forever necessitated the setting up income generating ventures, recruiting needed personnel and adequately remunerating them within a framework of relatively modestly paid grassroots workers. Balancing an equation such as this would have been no easy task but the organization appears to have succeeded in achieving its objective.
Sarvodaya’s presence in villages countrywide and the work it was doing made it a formidable political force. Rightly or wrongly it was rumoured at one time that Ariyaratne planned to run for the presidency. President Premadasa in 1990 set up a seven-member Commission of Inquiry (COI) including two retired Supreme Court judges (one of them headed the commission) and five other eminent persons to investigate NGOs and a variety of connected matters. This COI was assisted by counsel from the Attorney General’s Department and included a police investigation unit. It was widely perceived that Sarvodaya was specially targeted and the organization was compelled to pour resources and energy to defend itself. The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) commented adversely on the methods adopted at the COI. Nothing eventually came out of the investigation.
Ariyaratne was awarded the country’s highest national award of Sri Lanka Abhimana by President Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2007. This award can be held by only five living persons at any time. Since he was awarded the Ramon Magsaysay Award for community leadership in 1969, awards and accolades have been poured on him from all corners of the globe. He was also nominated for a Nobel Prize. The esteem in which he is held was demonstrated by the state funeral accorded to him at Independence Square.
Letters to the Editor
We publish today two letters to the editor casting a light on the state of our nation. One of them written by an occasional contributor to our columns, pays a rare tribute to a public official. The writer lost a son at far away Buttala in what he has described as “unknown circumstances.” This resulted in a “somewhat complicated procedure entailing an exhumation, cremation and deposition of ashes.” Since the postmortem could not definitely establish the cause of death except for some extraneous substance found in his stomach, the coroner ordered that he be buried for at least three years and if necessary cremated thereafter.
The burial was in the Anglican section of Kanatte. The family being Buddhist wished a cremation at the end of the three years and the deposition of the ashes in the family vault in the Buddhist section. The letter writer has highly commended the Cemetery Manager for the assistance rendered. In a country where the norm is dissatisfaction about shoddy services from public and local government employees, it is heartening that there are exceptions to the ‘can’t care less’ attitude of many public servants and there are people who are willing to go public with commendations for exceptional services received.
The second letter was from a young Lankan who with her Dutch partner was on what she has called a safari to Yala. Their vehicle had hit a stray dog on the road and the driver wanted to proceed on their way as this was not an unusual occurrence. His passengers would have none of it and made him turn back to the dog lying with a broken pelvis on the roadside. They sought and obtained veterinary assistance and plan to take the animal back with them to the Netherlands where they have two other rescued dogs. The compassion demonstrated to an injured animal was truly heartwarming.
Editorial
‘Cockroaches’ tame a mighty regime
Youth-led protests are spreading across India. “Cockroaches” have emerged far too strong to be crushed under hobnailed boots. What began as a satirical cockroach hashtag campaign, following a judge’s disparaging remark about the Indian youth, has meteorically morphed into a youth-led mass protest movement. Young Indians, led by the online political initiative, Cockroach Janatha Party, have taken to the streets in defiance of the mighty BJP-led government.
The triggers behind the current protest campaign in India were the cancellation of NEET-UG, a nationwide entrance examination for admission to undergraduate medical and certain allied health science courses, following an alleged paper leak, and activist Sonam Wangchuk’s hunger strike. Fasts have a strong, historical resonance in India, as evident from the tectonic shifts in Indian politics, caused by the hunger strikes of famous freedom fighters like Mahatma Gandhi and Potti Sriramulu and anti-corruption campaigners like Anna Hazare. But the surge of youth anger in India cannot be reduced to those factors alone. Reflected in the aggressive protests in India are public concerns over governance issues. However, the ongoing protests are not without a ‘me-too’ dimension, coming in the wake of mass uprisings in South Asia that forced a President out of office in Sri Lanka and brought down governments in Bangladesh and Nepal.
The Congress Party, desperately looking for something to hold on to in a bid to make a comeback, is accused of trying to hijack the ongoing youth protests. It is not likely to succeed in its endeavour. The Indian youth cannot be unaware of how opportunistic political forces manipulated a genuine youth-led protest campaign in Sri Lanka to capture power.
The powerful Modi government has had to bite the bullet to negotiate with the Cockroach Party protesters, who are openly clashing with the police. Perhaps, having seen how counterproductive the use of brutal force to crush protests was in Bangladesh, the Modi government has chosen to act with restraint and is trying to throw some bureaucrats to the wolves. It has also vowed to build a secure future for the Indian youth. But it remains to be seen whether the BJP-led government will be able to deflect the blame and assuage public anger.
Mass uprisings aimed at engineering regime changes in democratic countries warrant a fresh look at the changing dynamics of the fundamental relationship between the citizenry and the state. In most parts of the world, people no longer live in a chaotic state of nature, which is believed to have led their ancestors to accept restrictions on their freedom in return for benefits such as social order, security and justice, as Locke, Hobbs, Rousseau and others have argued. These factors may still define people’s relationship with the state, but in some countries the line between the state and the government has blurred, with their rulers overstepping their limits, like King Louis XIV of France, who said, “I am the state”. In this day and age, people are conscious of their rights more than ever, and their needs and aspirations have undergone radical changes during the past several decades. It looks as if a need had arisen for a new social contract, as it were, in a highly interconnected, well-informed world.
The expansion of social media and the rise of web-based activism with unlimited potential have created a situation where people seek to influence, or even make direct interventions in the affairs of the state, a trend that suggests what could be considered a tendency of the modern society to move towards more openness and direct democracy through citizens’ initiatives, etc.
India is doing well on the economic front. According to World Bank data, India remains one of the fastest-growing, large economies. If Sri Lanka’s economy had been so vibrant, perhaps there would not have been a popular uprising in 2022. When mass protest campaigns, such as the Arab Spring, Aragalaya, and youth-led uprisings in Bangladesh and Nepal, are examined, it becomes evident that protesters were driven not only by prevailing politico-economic issues but also by a quest for value-based governance or the practice of governing according to ethical principles and shared social values, ensuring that public decisions promote justice, trust and the common good. Governments, especially in this part of the world, have to come to terms with this new reality and adapt to the changing role of the informed and active citizenry if they are to retain public confidence and remain relevant.
Editorial
An indictment of all parties
Saturday 25th July, 2026
The Opposition’s no-faith motion against Justice and National Integration Minister Harshana Nanayakkara was debated and defeated yesterday. Nobody expected its passage by any stretch of the imagination.
Notwithstanding the defeat of the no-faith motion, some of the points raised by the Opposition during yesterday’s debate are valid. The Negombo Prison riots which claimed 31 lives including those of 10 officers and caused extensive damage to state property could have been prevented if the warring inmates had been transferred to other prisons after their first clash. Why the two violent groups were kept together thereafter defies comprehension. As a prison officer told Minister Nanayakkara at the Prison Headquarters, the incident could have been nipped in the bud. There were serious lapses on the part of the prison authorities and the government, and they cannot absolve themselves of the blame for the loss of life.
However, it is not fair to hold the incumbent government responsible for all chronic prison ills. Overcrowding, which is one of the main causes of prison unrest and violence, is not of recent origin. It has been reported that Sri Lanka’s prison system, designed to accommodate around 11,000 inmates, is currently holding more than 42,000 prisoners, resulting in severe overcrowding and placing immense pressure on prison infrastructure and staff. Prisons are also characterised by a chronic shortage of officers. These issues would not have arisen if the previous governments had taken action to expand the prison system and recruit more personnel.
SJB MP Ajith P. Perera told Parliament during yesterday’s debate that there were about 42,000 inmates in the country’s prisons, and out of them more than 30,000 were drug offenders. In other words, the previous governments carried out anti-narcotics campaigns without increasing the prison capacity to hold more suspects and convicts. MP Perera revealed that more than 15,000 people were languishing behind bars as delays on the part of the Government Analyst’s Department (GAD) had prevented them from obtaining bail. This amounts to a blatant violation of their human rights. It is an indictment of all political parties that have been in power. As the old saying goes, when one finger is pointed at another, three fingers point back at the accuser; criticism of others should be accompanied by self-reflection.
GAD is reportedly experiencing a shortage of personnel and other resource constraints. Why didn’t the previous governments solve these problems? What action has the incumbent administration taken to resolve them? Are there reasons other than resource shortages for GAD’s failure to submit reports to courts expeditiously? It is hoped that the government and the Opposition will stop trading allegations and make a joint effort to ensure that suspects are not held on remand due to institutional delays and lapses.
Meanwhile, the defeat of a no-faith motion does not necessarily translate into the exoneration of the minister against whom it is moved. As for Minister Nanayakkara, the issue has now moved beyond Parliament into the court of public opinion. It will not go away, as evident from the fate that befell Minister Keheliya Rambukwella and those who circled their wagons around him and defeated the motion of no confidence moved against him for fraudulent procurement of drugs, etc., during the previous government. Rambukwella was arrested, remanded and prosecuted. He now has court cases to contend with. Most of those who defended Rambukwella either lost their seats at the last general election or did not have the courage to contest it. This is something the present-day rulers should bear in mind. Those who do not learn from history are said to be doomed to repeat it.
Editorial
Underworld threats to holy shrine
Friday 24th July, 2026
Sri Lanka has succeeded in defeating terrorism but failed to neutralise the netherworld of drugs and crime. Successive governments have launched ambitious operations against the underworld but crime syndicates are still going strong as evident from frequent incidents violence and drug detections. Now, a notorious drug dealer, Mohamed Imran aka Kanjipani Imran, has reportedly threatened to attack the Devinuwara Sri Vishnu Maha Devalaya perahera over a dispute between two kavadi dance groups.
The underworld has emerged so powerful as to pose threats to a perahera held in honour of God Vishnu, one of Sri Lanka’s four guardian deities, and therefore the vulnerability of the mere mortals vis-a-vis crime syndicates goes without saying. Underworld threats to the Devinuwara perahera remind us of the Sura-Asura war, a legendary, cosmic conflict in mythology between deities and demons.
Basnayake Nilame of the Vishnu Devalaya is reported to have lodged a complaint with the police about underworld threats. An investigation has got underway, and the police say they will intensify the security cordon during the Devinuwara festival. The police must not leave anything to chance in making security arrangements to ensure the safety of the public, the participants in the Perahera and the Devalaya officials. It may be recalled that there was a devastating attack on a religious ceremony 17 years ago in the Matara District, where the Devinuwara shrine is located.
An LTTE suicide bomber attacked a religious event at a mosque in Akuressa, in 2009, killing about 15 people and injuring another 60, including the then Minister Mahinda Wijesekera, a former Basnayake Nilame of the Devinuwara Vishnu Devalaya. Wijesekera, who suffered permanent injury and left politics, died a few months ago at the age of 83. One can only hope that nothing untoward will happen in Devinuwara.
Terrorism and other forms of violence have not spared all four major religions in this country. Mobs who carried out the 1983 anti-Tamil pogrom, looted and torched Hindu temples besides the houses and business places of their victims. The LTTE attacked Buddhist temples, massacred Buddhists including monks and Muslims inside mosques as part of its ethnic cleansing campaign. The National Thowheed Jamaath (NTJ) attacked churches, killing Christians. Now, an organised criminal gang is threatening one of Sri Lanka’s oldest shrines venerated by Buddhists and Hindus alike.
Underworld threats to the Vishnu Devalaya perahera remind us of the NTJ’s original plan to attack the Dalada Perahera in Kandy. The Presidential Commission of Inquiry, which probed the Easter Sunday terror attacks (2019), revealed that NTJ’s plan had been to attack the Dalada Perahera, but it had been changed due the detection of explosives in Wanathawilluwa and external factors such as ISIS losing ground in Syria and Iraq. Subsequently, the NTJ attacked churches and hotels.
Interestingly, while underworld kingpins are instigating prison riots, carrying out narcotic operations and killings, and threatening to attack a holy festival, Deputy Minister of Defence Maj. Gen. (Retd.) Aruna Jayasekera has elevated himself to celestial heights, as it were. He is reported to have claimed at a public event that no one in the Opposition is capable of challenging President Anura Kumara Dissanayake in a future presidential contest effectively, and only those who have descended from heaven, like him (Jayasekera), are equal to such tasks. His speech was aired on television and a video of it has gone viral in the digital realm. We thought there were only fallible earthlings in the parliament of Sri Lanka, but now the Deputy Minister of Defence would have us believe that even celestial beings have representation in the JVP-led NPP government.
It is ironic that notorious criminals, released on bail, are carrying out various underworld operations and threatening to attack religious events, while former intelligence officers who were instrumental in defeating terrorism are being detained. Imran was arrested together with another underworld leader, Makandure Madush, in Dubai and extradited in 2019. He was released on bail in December 2022 although it was obvious that he would flee the country and operate from overseas, as we pointed out in an editorial comment on 02 Jan., 2023. A probe must be conducted to find out how Imran managed to obtain bail while everything possible is done to bring him to justice.
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