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Midweek Review

A question of integrity:Nepotism in politics and favouritism

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Things are getting ‘curiouser and curiouser’

The National People’s Power (NPP) government is under intense public scrutiny. The recent appointment of retired Commodore M.B.N.A. Premarathne as new Commissioner General of Exercise drew heavy public condemnation as the media revealed his wife, senior Professor Wasantha Subasinghe, who had been on the NPP National List at the last parliamentary election held in November 2024, recently received appointment as Vice Chancellor of the Gampaha Wickramarachchi University of Indigenous Medicine. Social media erupted with adverse comments on the appointments.

Premarathne succeeded U.L. Udaya Kumara Perera, a Special Grade Officer of the Inland Revenue Service, who retired on 10 July, 2025, having reached the mandatory retirement age of 60. The Excise Department had been placed under a retired military officer.

The public questioned the appointments against the backdrop of severe NPP criticism over the years of nepotism in public sector appointments. She was one of the 13 nominees not lucky enough to get a National List slot. The Parliament consists of 29 nominated and 196 elected members.

The following were the NPP National List nominees: Bimal Niroshan Rathnayake , Dr. Anura Karunathilake, Prof. Upali Pannilage, Eranga Udesh Weerarathna, Aruna Jayasekara, Dr. Harshana Sooriyapperuma, Janitha Ruwan Kodithuwakku, Punya Sri Kumara Jayakody, Ramalingam Chandrasekar, Dr. Najith Indika, Sugath Thilakaratne Lakmali Kanchana Hemachandra, Sunil Kumara Gamage, Gamini Rathnayake, Prof. Ruwan Chaminda Ranasinghe, Sugath Wasantha de Silva Abubakar Adambawa (Digamadulla District candidate), and Ranthnayake Hettige Upali Samarasinghe (Vanni District candidate).

Perhaps Prof. Subasinghe could have been appointed to Parliament through the National List if not for the controversial NPP decision to choose two defeated candidates, namely Abubakar Adambawa and Ranthnayake Hettige Upali Samarasinghe.

The NPP appeared to have conveniently forgotten its own high profile campaign, not only against nepotism in public sector appointments but favoured treatment to retired armed forces officers.

The Opposition is likely to press the NPP government over Premarathne’s appointment. The Excise Department is one of the three main revenue earners for the government. The other institutions are the Inland Revenue and the Sri Lanka Customs. Over the years, its reputation has been badly tarnished by corruption and manipulation at the highest level. During the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa administration (July 2022-Sept 2024), the Excise Department received the wrath of the Opposition, including the NPP, for backing Ranil Wickremesinghe’s abortive presidential election bid.

The Parliament has repeatedly found fault with the Inland Revenue, the Sri Lanka Customs and the Excise Department for failing to meet revenue targets. Their failures have been essentially blamed on corruption at all levels. Is Premarathne the best choice for this vital post? Can he meet the challenging task? The Opposition is likely to target the Excise Department as it battles to paint a bleak picture of the developing situation. Having promised transparency and accountability in the run-up to the presidential and parliamentary polls last year, the NPP owes the public a lucid explanation regarding the near simultaneous appointment of the retired Navy officer and his wife to public sector positions.

Social media platforms have given the public a limitless opportunity to vent their anger at the government. Commodore Premaratne’s appointment as Excise chief surprised many, particularly against the NPP’s harsh criticism of the previous administrations of their failure to run revenue earning mechanisms professionally.

The NPP’s accusations against other political parties appeared to have backfired on them.

Role for ex-military

The Rajapaksas were severely criticised for accommodating retired military officers in the public sector at the expense of deserving civilians. Quite a number of diplomatic postings, too, were offered to the ex-military, whereas some serving officers received top appointments.

Following the 2019 presidential election, a section of the media carried lists of ex-military officers holding public sector positions. In fact, both the UNP and the SLFP-led coalitions, as well as the SLPP, treated the ex-military lavishly.

The NPP that fielded Anura Kumara Dissanayake at the 2024 presidential election is led by the JVP. Dissanayake is the leader of both the JVP and the NPP that came into being only in 2019.

Commodore Premarathne’s appointment should be examined against the backdrop of the role played by the retired military officers/personnel grouping in the NPP’s triumph at national elections last year. Throughout the presidential-parliamentary polls campaigns, the retired military grouping played a significant role in transforming public mindset. Emergence of retired Air Vice Marshal Sampath Thuiyakontha, as a key speaker at NPP platform, upset the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government to such an extent that President Wickremeisnghe, in his capacity as the Defence Minister, imposed sanctions on the celebrated helicopter gunship pilot. The Defence Ministry ordered bases not to welcome him. Thuiyakontha hit back hard by seeking the intervention of the Supreme Court to overturn the Defence Ministry decision. The ex-AVM won the battle. The government ended up with egg on its face. Today Thuiyakontha is the Secretary to the Ministry of Defence. Who could have anticipated the JVP/NPP picking a war veteran to receive the appointment as Secretary Defence and the unceremonious scrapping of the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) post?

The NPP also brought in retired Maj. Gen. Aruna Jayasekera, who had also been a speaker on its political platforms, as the Deputy Minister of Defence. The Opposition never expected two senior retired military officers at such crucial positions in a JVP/NPP government, especially against the backdrop of the ruling party being at the receiving end of two bloody military crackdowns directed at them in 1971 and 1987-1990. Having launched two insurrections, the JVP suffered at the hands of the military like no other political party. The military, police and paramilitary groups, formed by the UNP, eradicated the top JVP leadership leaving only Somawansa Amarasinghe, who survived by the skin of his teeth by escaping to India on a boat before the military/government death squads could get their hands on him. He, too, could have been eliminated if not for the timely intervention of the Indian authorities who carried out a clandestine operation to remove him. Did some influential section of the then UNP facilitate the operation is a question that has never been honestly answered?

The NPP has indicated in no uncertain terms that whatever it campaigned for during national elections those who served its interests during difficult times would be looked after. In fact, those who threw their weight behind the NPP, at the onset of the Aragalaya that forced President Gotabaya Rajapaksa out of office, should be appreciated from the point of view of the NPP. The writer doesn’t see any wrong in that reasoning. The appointment of Rear Admiral (retd.) Fred Seneviratne, as Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to Pakistan, is a case in point. Seneviratne had been among those ex-senior military officers on NPP political platforms. Seneviratne, VSV, USP, psc, MSc (DS) assumed duties at the Sri Lanka High Commission, in Islamabad, on Thursday, 26 June, 2025.

For a long time, the top envoy’s position in Pakistan has been largely reserved for a retired military officer, regardless of the political party in power. There is no exception during the conflict that ended in 2009 and after. Pakistan is one of the few countries that backed the war against separatist Tamil terrorists.

The first post-Aragalaya parliamentary election paved the way for ex-military men to enter Parliament on the NPP ticket. Lieutenant Commander Prageeth Madhuranga (Gampaha) and Maj. Gen. G.D. Sooriyabandara (Kurunegala) were among the elected NPP members of its 159-member parliamentary group. Before the Aragalaya, the JVP/NPP fielding any ex-military officers at parliamentary elections sounded unreal. But Aragalaya has turned Sri Lanka politics upside down and the overall political environment changed to such an extent, the Rajapaksas had quite clearly lost the monopoly in fielding ex-military types at elections.

Controversial moves

The JVP/NPP lambasted the Rajapaksas bandyism and favouring close associates. The Rajapaksa family did that on an industrial scale. There was absolutely no limit to such political appointments. In fact, that had been one major campaign slogan against them at national elections in 2010, 2015, 2019, 2020 and 2024. However, the NPP, having been critical of nepotism, had no qualms in fielding Bimal Rathnayake’s wife Samanmalee Gunasinghe, a member of the JVP Central Committee from the Colombo district. While Bimal Rathnayake entered Parliament as the NPP’s first nominated member, Samanmalee Gunasinghe was elected. Now the Rathnayake duo represent the current Parliament.

The NPP’s General Secretary Dr. Nihal Abeysinghe and his son Chathuranga successfully contested Kalutara and Colombo districts, respectively, at the last parliamentary elections.

Political parties, representing the Opposition, cannot protest at such moves as they, right throughout parliamentary politics, practiced nepotism. However, the public can question such duplicitous conduct, especially through social media from those who cried hoarse about bringing a system change, but are now doing the exact same wrongs, albeit little by little. So folks don’t be surprised if it becomes an avalanche before long.

At the onset of AKD presidency, controversy erupted when he picked close friend and a contemporary at the Kelaniya University Nandika Sanath Kumanayake as Secretary to the President. Some questioned Kumanayake’s capacity to handle high pressure assignments though he had served as a Deputy Director of Customs. Of course President Dissanayake cannot be faulted for choosing a person he trusted.

Subsequently, the NPP drew fire when SSP Shanie Abeysekera and Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne had been brought back from retirement with the intention of launching an all-out offensive, targeting those the government alleged were responsible for the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Now the continuing controversy over their appointments has taken a new turn with Leader of the House Bimal Rathnayake’s recent declaration that the two top ex-cops were taken back at the request of the Catholic Church. Rathnayake, without hesitation, named Archbishop of Colombo Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith as the prime mover in bringing back Messrs Abeysekera and Seneviratne.

Obviously there is no big mystery for the duo to crack as far as the Easter carnage is concerned, where outside forces hoodwinked local Muslim fanatics to carry out the dastardly acts by making them believe they were doing it for Al Qaeda.

The Catholic Church hasn’t contradicted the responsible NPPer’s declaration. Therefore, the Church’s intervention in making key appointments -Abeysekera as Director CID and Seneviratne as Secretary to the Ministry of Public Security Ministry – will now stick.

The recent dispute over the NPP move to appoint Pushpitha Chandana Hewa Kondilage as the Auditor General underscored the responsibility on the part of all concerned to adopt an open procedure. The move to bring in Kondilage now on the CPC Board of Directors, as the AG, drew widespread condemnation. They pushed for the formalisation of the appointment of Dharmapala Gammanpila, the Acting AG, with three decades of experience in the field.

The Committee on High Posts, chaired by Premier Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, granted approval for the appointment of retired Air Force Commander, Air Chief Marshal R.A.U.P. Rajapaksa, as the Sri Lanka High Commissioner to the Republic of South Africa.

The appointment of former Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC, as Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, in New York, Nimal Senadheera, a former Sri Lanka Administrative Service (SLAS) officer, currently pursuing a PhD in Scotland, as the High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, Prof. Janaka Kumarasinghe as Ambassador to Japan, and Prof. Arusha Cooray as Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates (UAE), proved that the NPP will pursue its agenda, regardless of criticism. The government has simply ignored the protests by the Sri Lanka Foreign Service Association in this regard.

Speaker challenged

An issue that failed to attract sufficient media attention is the complaint lodged by Nawa Jathika Peramuna with the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) recently against Speaker Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne.

The complaint filed in terms of the Public Property Act and 2023 Anti-Corruption Act may not have received media attention at all if not for a hastily prepared press release issued by the Parliament. The move made by Nawa Jathika Peramuna is stimulating as its leader Sugeeshwara Bandara was the Private Secretary to the seventh executive President Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

Having backed Ranil

Wickremesinghe’s candidature at the 2024 presidential election, Sugeeswara Bandara’s move, is politically motivated and meant to humiliate the NPP. But, the political activist may find himself in hot water if unable to substantiate accusations directed at the Speaker and Parliament.

The bone of contention is whether the incumbent Speaker used an additional vehicle more than the two vehicles as stipulated, the use of a government housing unit other than the Speaker’s official residence and the favoured status granted to a member of his personal staff. The Parliament assured us that the Speaker’s personal staff comprised eight of whom four received a vehicle each and fuel allowance in terms of the relevant circulars. Nawa Janatha Peramuna insisted that according to information available, personal staff consisted of 15. Let CIABOC investigate and verify charges levelled by Bandara. If the former personal staffer of Gotabaya Rajapaksa is wrong, he must be prepared to face the consequences.

Parliament has completely contradicted Bandara’s claim pertaining to the conduct of the Speaker, whereas the activist posed a set of questions numbering 10 to the Parliament.

There had never been a previous instance of a Speaker being accused of corruption. The statement issued by Parliament, dated 06 July, disclosed that the incumbent Speaker on his own, this year, restricted the amount of litres of fuel he is entitled for to 900 litres, whereas previous Speakers drew unlimited quantities of fuel.

The previous and the NPP government’s first Speaker, Asoka Ranwala, had to leave his post under rather questionable circumstances as he could not confirm his claimed doctorate.

Bandara asked whether the Speaker received 900 litres of fuel in addition to the fuel allowance he received along with his monthly salary.

CIABOC will have to verify the high profile accusations. The Parliament cannot, under any circumstances, act in a manner that generated suspicions among the public as the country experienced extreme difficulties due to the continuing economic crisis. The decision on the part of the Speaker and Parliament to issue a statement contradicting accusations highlighted the gravity of the developing situation.

Interestingly, it was announced, last week, that the Speaker wants to convert his official residence into a knowledge hub for all elected public representatives from lowly local bodies to Parliament.

The NPP is struggling to maintain its public posture amidst various issues. The ruling party has succumbed to political pressures to such an extent, it ended up forging alliances with those who had been once called corrupt. Public responded with disbelief when the NPP reached consensus with those who had been previously accused of waste, corruption and irregularities teamed up with the NPP to form Local Government administrations. Norwood Pradeshiya Sabha is a case in point.

The Opposition will find it difficult to challenge the NPP in or outside Parliament as the public, at the presidential and parliamentary elections, annihilated them. They cannot take advantage of the developments while in power as their governments did the same.

Political parties represented in Parliament have remained silent on the issues raised by the Nawa Jathika Peramuna. At least the former Speakers who had been accused of using fuel allowance without restrictions should respond to the declaration made by Parliament.

Let me end this piece by reminding the lone battle fought by top House administrative official Lacille de Silva during Chandrika Bandaranaike Cumaratunga’s presidency when the then Speaker, the late W.J.M. Lokubandara, sacked him. The Speaker swiftly moved against de Silva after the JVP frontliner (current Minister in the NPP government) Lal Kantha lambasted Parliament for waste, corruption and irregularities on the basis of information provided by de Silva.

Ranil Wickremesinghe served as the Prime Minister during this period. Intrepid official successfully moved the Supreme Court against the Speaker’s move and emerged triumphant when the Supreme Court ruled against the controversial sacking. The Island, throughout de Silva’s campaign, stood by him. Lacille de Silva courageously made a series of disclosures that exposed those who sought to take cover behind parliamentary privileges.

The parliament, over the years, launched high profile projects to attract public attention. Some of these projects received the financial backing of the United Nations development Programme (UNDP). Perhaps the Parliament, and those working with the highest institution, should examine the conduct of the House.

Sri Lanka cannot continue with waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement at any level anywhere. The legislature, under any circumstances, cannot be above the law of the land. The same should apply to the executive, as well.

By Shamindra Ferdianndo



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Midweek Review

US paying the price for disregarding military advice

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March 4: General Dan Caine addressing the Operation 'Epic Fury' media briefing (pic courtesy official website)

Jayasekera

Sri Lanka recently sought Saudi assistance to introduce advance radar technology, capable of detecting approaching targets and drone capability to meet aerial threats. On behalf of the NPP government, that request was made by Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen. (retd) Aruna Jayasekera when he met Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Ghribi, Commander of the Royal Saudi Naval Forces, on the sidelines of the World Defence Show 2026 in Saudi Arabia, in February, this year. They also discussed the possibility of Saudi ships visiting Colombo.

Jayasekera also sought training opportunities for SLAF in Saudi Arabia when he met Lt. Gen. Mazyad bin Sulaiman Al-Amro, Commander of the Royal Saudi Air Defence Forces. Jayasekera discussed with Vice Admiral Fahad Al Ghofaily, Deputy Chief of General Staff, the possibility of securing Saudi assistance to surveillance and deep sea operational capabilities of the Navy.

Saudi Arabia has been repeatedly hit by Iran during its counter offensive. In fact, Iran stepped up attacks in the wake of the US bombing of Kharg Island, a major Iranian oil facility. It would be pertinent to mention that Admiral Steve “Web” Koehler, Commander of the US Pacific Fleet, visited New Delhi and Colombo, less than 10 days before the outbreak of war, and here he met both Minister Jayasekera and Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal (retd) Sampath Thuyakontha. It was Koehler’s second visit after the change of government in Sept. 2024. Don’t forget that it was Koehler’s command that alerted Sri Lanka, on the morning of 4 March, on the sinking of the unarmed Iranian frigate Dena.

The meticulously planned assassination of Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on 28 February was meant to bring about a swift regime change and a victorious end to the war. The joint Israeli-US war machine assumed that such a high profile decapitation strike would pave the way for swift public uprising and capitulation of the Iranian government.

The aggressors, quite wrongly, assumed that those who launched the costly protest campaign in Iran, in late December last year, against the unbearable cost of living, would be able to exploit Khamenei’s assassination.

Unpredictable US President Donald Trump was so confident, on the first day of the offensive, that he urged the Iranian military to lay down their arms and its people to take over their government. International media quoted the Republican Chief as having said: “It will be yours to take”.

Trump disregarded his top military adviser, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Air Force General Dan Caine’s warning against attacking Iran. US media reported that Caine, who succeeded Air Force General C.Q. Brown, sacked by Trump in February 2021, warned that war could be risky, potentially drawing the US into a prolonged conflict.

Over two weeks into the war, the Israeli-US assumption seems utterly wrong with those, who genuinely believed in the sure collapse of the Iranian administration following the decapitating strike, are struggling to cope up with the spirited Iranian counter attacks. While enduring a much larger devastating bombing campaign, compared to the 12-day war in June last year, Iran overwhelmed Israel and Gulf countries where powerful US forces were stationed. Their costly missile defences seemed ineffective against Iranian missile and drone salvos that caused unprecedented chaos in the region.

But, what really astonished the Gulf states was Iran’s blockade of the Strait of Hormuz – the only maritime passage between the Gulf and the Gulf of Oman and the route for about a quarter of the global liquefied natural gas and seaborne trade from Gulf countries. This stunned the aggressors and those who blindly backed their despicable strategy.

Iran has categorically denied missile and drone attacks on Cyprus, Azerbaijan and Turkey. If Iran didn’t target them, who did? Whoever staged those attacks, their intention is clear. They want to involve NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) in the Israeli-US misadventure by hitting NATO members Cyprus and Turkey. Why would Iran attack Turkey against the backdrop of Ankara’s condemnation of Khamenei’s assassination, and also denied the use of its airspace, territory, and territorial waters to the US armed forces for the ongoing war?

The US announcement on March 12 that curbs on Russian oil would be lifted till April 11 underscored the gravity of the situation. Having failed to achieve a swift ‘regime change,’ their much touted primary objective in Operation ‘Epic Fury,’ the US has no option but to swallow its pride and seek Vladimir Putin’s intervention. The US ended with egg on face. It would be pertinent to mention the US sanctioned Russian oil immediately after the launch of Moscow’s Special Operation against Ukraine in February 2022. That ban had been based on the assumption that oil revenue enabled Russia to prolong the war in Ukraine.

Does the 11 April deadline mean that the Israel-US combine seriously believed that Iran could be defeated by that time? Intense media coverage of the conflict indicated that Israel and US objectives in Iran weren’t the same. Regardless of repeatedly vowing to achieve regime change in Iran, the aggressors ended up examining ways and means of exiting the conflict triggered by them. The way Iran has been responding to Israeli-US attacks, the West cannot fully restore Hormuz by the second week of April. Prolong war may force US to extend waiver on sanctioned Russian oil, thereby further strengtheing Putin.

The US-Israeli strategy has suffered in the absence of an anticipated large scale public uprising, in Iran, immediately after the decapitation strike. When that failed to materialise, as expected, the overall picture of the largest ever combined Israeli-US offensive changed.

Unilateral US decision to lift the ban on Russian oil, even temporarily, divided the western grouping backing Ukraine. In spite of the US being a critical member of that grouping, the Iranian action left Trump with no alternative but to ease pressure on global oil markets at Ukraine’s expense. The Europeans realise that the failure to effect regime change may compel Trump to extend waiver on oil sanctions on Russia.

What really went wrong? President Trump has been so confident of Iranian surrender he mocked British preparations for the deployment of aircraft carriers to the Middle East.

“The United Kingdom, our once Great Ally, maybe the Greatest of them all, is finally giving serious thought to sending two aircraft carriers to the Middle East,” President Trump declared on March 8. The humiliating Truth Social post appeared to be influenced by rash thinking.

“That’s OK, Prime Minister Starmer, we don’t need them any longer — But we will remember. We don’t need people that join Wars after we’ve already won!” President Trump ridiculed the British. Reference to the UK as a ‘once great ally,’ underscored the US-UK rift.

But several days later, Trump sought deployment of other navies, including that of the UK to break the Iranian blockade on Hormuz Strait.

Modi phones Pezeshkian

Had the Israeli-US project achieved its primary objective, namely regime change, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi wouldn’t have had to eat humble pie after declaring solidarity with Israel, just a few days before the unprovoked war. Prime Minister Modi, on March 12, nearly two weeks after the killing of Supreme Leader Khamenei, phoned Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian.

Modi had no option but to get in touch with the post Khamenei Iranian leadership amidst growing turmoil in the country over disruption of vital gas and fuel supplies. India made its move as the US declared that New Delhi could turn to Russia for the time being. India desperately needed oil and required them as quickly as possible.

Having elevated India-Israel partnership to the highest level in the wake of Modi’s late February 2026 visit to Tel Aviv, on the eve of the unprovoked attack to decapitate the Iranian leadership, India found itself in an unenviable situation. The two-day visit led to what the two governments called “Special Strategic Partnership for Peace, Innovation and Prosperity.” In other words, the Israelis must have been working overtime on war preparations while Modi and Indian External Affairs Minister Dr. Jaishankar were visiting the Jewish State.

Modi’s call and a couple of calls from Dr. Jaishankar to his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi facilitated the passage of fuel carriers. The US must have been deeply upset by the Indian move but that ensured the BJP, in power since 2014, brought the situation under control for the time being. The truth is India had been compelled to negotiate with Iran and the latter wouldn’t have given assurance regarding safe passage for vessels carrying fuel for India without being adequately compensated.

After rushing to Israel to show their servile loyalty on the eve of launching the unprovoked attack on Iranians, the Indian-Iran deal, in the aftermath of that folly, for safe passage for New Delhi’s vessels, proved that there were limits to the world’s solitary superpower. In the run-up to Modi’s call to President Pezeshkian, the Indian leader came under heavy Congress fire over India’s failure to promptly condemn the assassination of the Iranian Supreme Leader. Initially, the Indian government acted as if Congress criticism were irrelevant but it had to appeal to Iran in the wake of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

Iran appeared to have exploited India’s difficulties. Having overlooked India-Israel/US partnership and the sinking of the unarmed Iranian frigate ‘Dena’ on 4 March, Iran’s Ambassador to India, Mohammad Fathali, on 13 March declared their readiness to grant safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz for vessels on their way to India.

Responding to a question from an RT India correspondent, the envoy highlighted that Tehran considered New Delhi as a friend and that there were converging interests between the two countries.

Asked directly whether India would receive safe passage through the Strait, he replied: “Yes, because India is our friend. You will see it within two or three hours.” (RT India is a New Delhi-based, English-language television news channel officially launched in December 2025 by Russian President Vladimir Putin).

At the time Israel-US unleashed war on Iran, India wouldn’t have anticipated such a scenario-direct negotiation with Iran to secure energy supplies and the US having to waive the ban on Russian oil sales. How would India-Iran deal on safe passage for energy carriers impact on India-Israel/US relations?

Sri Lanka, rattled by the developing situation, swiftly followed suit to explore the possibility of securing Russian oil. Russian Ambassador in Colombo Levan Dzhagaryan, on the invitation of the government, met Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, at the Foreign Ministry, and assured the Minister Moscow would be informed. However, whether that meeting would produce results, as desired by Sri Lanka, is not yet known. But, Sri Lanka, trapped in the US Indo-Pacific strategy, seems utterly helpless as President Trump’s unprovoked gangster-type actions roiled the world. Ambassador Dzhagaryan, who had served as Russia’s top envoy in Iran, from 2011 to 2022, during a recent interview with the writer explained how the West sought to defeat Russia in Ukraine and the events leading to the Special Military operation in February 2022.

Gulf States in turmoil

Dzhagaryan

The stepped-up US naval build-up against Iran made it clear that a combined Israel-US offensive was inevitable. Against that background, the significance of an invitation received by the Colombo-based media to meet UAE Ambassador in Colombo, Khaled Nasser Al Ameri, in late February, this year, was realised only after the eruption of the war.

Ambassador Al Ameri, who had been here since February 2022, never called such a meeting before during 25 February dinner meeting at Cinnamon Life at City of Dreams discussed issues amidst rising tensions. The writer was among the invited along with Kesara Abeywardena, Editor, Daily News, and Nisthar Cassim, Editor, Daily FT. Perhaps the Ambassador felt the need to comprehend the pulse of the Colombo media due to the presence of a significant Sri Lankan community employed in his country.

The Gulf countries that accommodated US forces arrayed against Iran never expected Tehran to go the whole hog. Both the US and Gulf countries obviously miscalculated Iranian determination in the face of unprovoked aggression. They had to pay a very heavy price but none more so than the UAE. The Iranians shattered the myth of their invincibility due to the deployment of costly US armaments.

Paula Hancocks reported for CNN on 10 March that more than 1,700 missiles and drones had been fired towards the UAE since the war began. Quoting the UAE Defence Ministry, Hancocks said that more than 90% of them had been downed by interceptors, fighter jets and helicopters.

President Trump admitted in an interview with CNN’s Jake Tapper recently that Iran’s willingness to strike its Arab neighbours had been his biggest surprise of the war. But, faced with relentless Israeli-US offensive, Iran couldn’t have endured the pain without inflicting losses on all those arrayed against the country. The Iranian reaction must be examined taking into consideration the killing of the country’s Supreme Leader, some of his family as well as top military leaders.

The US-led coalition will eventually overwhelm Iran but the rapidity with which that country hit back even after losing the top leadership may embolden those opposed to US strategies. That is the undeniable truth. The latest Israeli and US claims of targets taken out in Iran cannot be discussed without taking into account their claims last June. During the 12-day war against Iran, Israel and US launched massive attacks but the retaliatory campaign launched by Iran after 28 February onslaught proved that debilitating losses couldn’t be inflicted by air campaigns alone.

UAE and others had learnt a bitter lesson by being part of Israeli-US strategy meant to overwhelm Iran. They had proved that Iran couldn’t be subdued the way the US succeeded in Venezuela in January this year. Venezuela appeared to have reached a consensus with the US following the abduction of its President Nicolas Maduro. The speed the new Venezuela leadership switched its allegiance to the US is not surprising though disappointing.

“I thank President Donald Trump for the kind willingness of his government to work together,” Rodríguez posted on X on 5 March, in perhaps her most shameless act of kneeling since Maduro’s abduction. But, in Iran, the attempted regime change operation in spite of it being overwhelming with superior firepower had been thwarted by that country. Their retaliation has exposed the weakness in the overall US-led defence of what can be termed Gulf Arab countries.

The recent relocation of a significant part of the US anti-missile system deployed in South Korea, particularly to meet the nuclear armed North Korean threat underscored the inadequacy of overall defence of the region at the time Israel-US attacked Iran. Foreign media reported South Korea protesting against the US move though it couldn’t interfere in the US action.

Status of Iranian proxies

The Lebanese armed group Hezbollah reached a ceasefire agreement with Israel in November 2024, following year-long clashes. In spite of the ceasefire, according to international media, Israel continued military presence in that country and there were numerous ceasefire violations. However, Hezbollah largely abided by the ceasefire until the assassination of the Iranian Supreme Leader.

Hezbollah resumed large scale attacks on Israel following the 28 February attacks. Combined Iran-Hezbollah attacks on Israel caused significant trouble. Israel launched retaliatory strikes and expanded ground operations in Lebanon where over a million people were displaced amidst massive destruction of infrastructure.

The French offer to arrange direct talks between Israel and Lebanon to find a lasting solution to the developing crisis seems irrelevant as long as Israel-US action continues against Iran. The issue at hand is the Israel’s desire to obliterate Iran with US support. US media, particularly CNN, reported how the American public resented the expanding US role in the conflict, with Trump issuing contradictory statements regarding US objectives.

Hamas, whose October 2023 raid on Israel resulted in the ongoing conflict, appeared to have surprised Iran with its recent plea to Tehran not to attack Gulf Arab countries in retaliation for Israeli-US aggression. Iran simply ignored Hamas appeal.

Iran should be held responsible for pursuing destructive strategy in the region by sponsoring Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon and Houthis in Yemen. The Israeli military action that followed the unprecedented October 2023 Hamas raid that caused well over 1,000 Israeli deaths weakened all Iran backed groups. Iran, in a way, used these groups as a buffer against the Jewish State. Lebanon, too, is a victim of Iranian strategy that empowered Hezbollah to take on Israel. US backed Israeli actions cannot be discussed under any circumstances turning a blind eye to Iranian funding of Hamas, Hezbollah and Houthis fought back in whatever way possible. People have forgotten President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s ridiculous declaration in late December 2023 that he would deploy an Offshore Patrol Vessel (OPV) in the Red Sea in support of US-led efforts to counter Houthi attacks on the vital shipping lane.

In spite of reports and claims of the Sri Lanka Navy sending an OPV there, actual deployment never took place. Sri Lankan vessels are not equipped to face possible missile and drone threats and in case of deployment would have been vulnerable to Houthi such attacks.

 

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

Digital Transformation in the Global South: Understanding Sri Lanka through India AI Impact Summit 2026

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Artificial Intelligence has rapidly moved from being a specialised technological field into a major social force that shapes economies, cultures, governance, and everyday human life. The India AI Impact Summit 2026, held in New Delhi, symbolised a significant moment for the Global South, especially South Asia, because it demonstrated that artificial intelligence is no longer limited to advanced Western economies however can also become a development tool for emerging societies. The summit gathered governments, researchers, technology companies, and international organizations to discuss how AI can support social welfare, public services, and economic growth. Its central message was that artificial intelligence should be human centered and socially useful. Instead of focusing only on powerful computing systems, the summit emphasised affordable technologies, open collaboration, and ethical responsibility so that ordinary citizens can benefit from digital transformation. For South Asia, where large populations live in rural areas and resources are unevenly distributed, this idea is particularly important.

One of the most important concepts promoted at the summit was the idea of “people friendly AI.” This means that artificial intelligence should be accessible, understandable, and helpful in daily activities. In South Asia, language diversity and economic inequality often prevent people from using advanced technology. Therefore, systems designed for local languages and smartphones play a crucial role. When a farmer can speak to a digital assistant in Sinhala, Tamil, or Hindi and receive advice about weather patterns or crop diseases, technology becomes practical rather than distant. Similarly, voice based interfaces allow elderly people and individuals with limited literacy to use digital services. Affordable mobile based AI tools reduce the digital divide between urban and rural populations. As a result, artificial intelligence stops being an elite instrument and becomes a social assistant that supports ordinary life.

Transformation

The influence of this transformation is visible in education. AI based learning platforms can analyse student performance and provide personalized lessons. Instead of all students following the same pace, weaker learners receive additional practice while advanced learners explore deeper material. Teachers are able to focus on mentoring and explanation rather than repetitive instruction. In many South Asian societies, including Sri Lanka, education has long depended on memorisation and private tuition classes. AI tutoring systems could reduce educational inequality by giving rural students access to learning resources similar to those available in cities. A student who struggles with mathematics, for example, can practice step by step exercises automatically generated according to individual mistakes. This reduces pressure, improves confidence, and gradually changes the educational culture from rote learning toward understanding and problem solving.

Healthcare is another area where AI is becoming people friendly. Many rural communities face shortages of doctors and medical facilities. AI-assisted diagnostic tools can analyse symptoms or medical images and provide early warnings about diseases. Patients can receive preliminary advice through mobile applications, which helps them decide whether hospital visits are necessary. This reduces overcrowding in hospitals and saves travel costs. Public health authorities can also analyse large datasets to monitor disease outbreaks and allocate resources efficiently. In this way, artificial intelligence supports not only individual patients but also the entire health system.

Agriculture, which remains a primary livelihood for millions in South Asia, is also undergoing transformation. Farmers traditionally rely on seasonal experience, but climate change has made weather patterns unpredictable. AI systems that analyze rainfall data, soil conditions, and satellite images can predict crop performance and recommend irrigation schedules. Early detection of plant diseases prevents large-scale crop losses. For a small farmer, accurate information can mean the difference between profit and debt. Thus, AI directly influences economic stability at the household level.

Employment and communication

Artificial intelligence is also reshaping employment and communication. Routine clerical and repetitive tasks are increasingly automated, while demand grows for digital skills such as data management, programming, and online services. Many young people in South Asia are beginning to participate in remote work, freelancing, and digital entrepreneurship. AI translation tools allow communication across languages, enabling businesses to reach international customers. Knowledge becomes more accessible because information can be summarised, translated, and explained instantly. This leads to a broader sociological shift: authority moves from tradition and hierarchy toward information and analytical reasoning. Individuals rely more on data when making decisions about education, finance, and career planning.

Shared conditions

The impact on Sri Lanka is especially significant because the country shares many social and economic conditions with India and often adopts regional technological innovations. Sri Lanka has already begun integrating artificial intelligence into education, agriculture, and public administration. In schools and universities, AI learning tools may reduce the heavy dependence on private tuition and help students in rural districts receive equal academic support. In agriculture, predictive analytics can help farmers manage climate variability, improving productivity and food security. In public administration, digital systems can speed up document processing, licensing, and public service delivery. Smart transportation systems may reduce congestion in urban areas, saving time and fuel.

Economic opportunities are also expanding. Sri Lanka’s service based economy and IT outsourcing sector can benefit from increased global demand for digital skills. AI-assisted software development, data annotation, and online service platforms can create new employment pathways, especially for educated youth. Small and medium entrepreneurs can use AI tools to design products, manage finances, and market services internationally at low cost. In tourism, personalized digital assistants and recommendation systems can improve visitor experiences and help small businesses connect with travelers directly.

However, the integration of artificial intelligence also raises serious concerns. Digital inequality may widen if only educated urban populations gain access to technological skills. Some routine jobs may disappear, requiring workers to retrain. There are also risks of misinformation, surveillance, and misuse of personal data. Ethical regulation and transparency are therefore essential. Governments must develop policies that protect privacy, ensure accountability, and encourage responsible innovation. Public awareness and digital literacy programs are necessary so that citizens understand both the benefits and limitations of AI systems.

Beyond economics and services

Beyond economics and services, AI is gradually influencing social relationships and cultural patterns. South Asian societies have traditionally relied on hierarchy and personal authority, but data-driven decision making changes this structure. Agricultural planning may depend on predictive models rather than ancestral practice, and educational evaluation may rely on learning analytics instead of examination rankings alone. This does not eliminate human judgment, but it alters its basis. Societies increasingly value analytical thinking, creativity, and adaptability. Educational systems must therefore move beyond memorization toward critical thinking and interdisciplinary learning.

In Sri Lanka, these changes may contribute to national development if implemented carefully. AI-supported financial monitoring can improve transparency and reduce corruption. Smart infrastructure systems can help manage transportation and urban planning. Communication technologies can support interaction among Sinhala, Tamil, and English speakers, promoting social inclusion in a multilingual society. Assistive technologies can improve accessibility for persons with disabilities, enabling broader participation in education and employment. These developments show that artificial intelligence is not merely a technological innovation but a social instrument capable of strengthening equality when guided by ethical policy.

Ultimately, the India AI Impact Summit 2026 represents a symbolic shift in the global technological landscape. It indicates that developing nations are beginning to shape the future of artificial intelligence according to their own social needs rather than passively importing technology. For South Asia and Sri Lanka, the challenge is not whether AI will arrive but how it will be used. If education systems prepare citizens, if governments establish responsible regulations, and if access remains inclusive, AI can become a partner in development rather than a source of inequality. The future will likely involve close collaboration between humans and intelligent systems, where machines assist decision making while human values guide outcomes. In this sense, artificial intelligence does not replace human society however transforms it, offering Sri Lanka an opportunity to build a more knowledge based, efficient, and equitable social order in the decades ahead.

by Milinda Mayadunna

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Midweek Review

‘Conversational reading’ with children

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Enhancing Sensibility

In our contemporary culture, we have lost our age-old tradition of intergenerational transmission of stories through spoken word, and our children have lost their romance with the printed word. These were the observations made by several learned contributors to this journal in recent times. In this context, I was interested in reading the informative article titled, ‘The Art and Science of Communicating with Your Little Child’ [The Island, March 5, 2026] by senior Paediatrician Dr. B. J. C. Perera, in which he underscores the significance of meaningful communication of children, mostly with their parents, in designing the ‘architecture of their minds’, a task which cannot be served by apps, vocabulary flashcards, or educational television. Dr. Perera, has drawn a consilience between science and sensibility.

While acknowledging the developmental benefits of appropriate social interactions, stories listened to and read by children in their formative years, I wish to address the allied topic of conversational reading [also known as dialogic or interactive reading] which provides a wider area of growth and sensibility. Not pretending it to be a novel idea, I write with the hope of raising the awareness of parents, grandparents and teachers alike, of the wider scope of the topic, in view of recent research of its developmental benefits for children,

Nowadays, children spend countless hours immersed in electronic media [e. g. smart phones, social media, gaming etc.] without guidance from parents who are occupied with busy work schedules. Children have less time for reading outside the school curriculum and to have a meaningful dialogue. While not denying the immense benefits of technological advances, social media mainly provide sensation and impression, offering less depth and complexity of thought. They also provide an escape from a ruthlessly competitive education system with tuition outside school hours and burdensome homework. It is now becoming increasingly evident that overindulgence in social media use has the potential to cause pervasive detrimental effects on children relating to their emotional stability, impulse control, sleep pattern and interpersonal skill.

Before embarking on the subject of Conversational Reading and its developmental benefits, I wish to briefly address the topics of intergenerational storytelling and reading.

Intergenerational Story-telling

The tradition of intergenerational storytelling is a universal exercise, perhaps dating back to the development of language itself. Typically, stories are told for transferring information or education or for entertainment. Early humans such as the Aboriginal People of Australia, who lived before the development of the written word, story-telling by tribal elders [‘knowledge keepers’] was the primary mode of transmission of knowledge, values and life lessons. It was a powerful tool for education, intertwined with art, songs and dances, fostering beliefs about creation, ancestral spirits, and connection to the land. The stories helped to pass down generations, a sense of cultural identity and the need to live in harmony with each other and with the environment.

Story-telling through Printed Word

Following the development of the written word by Sumerians in Mesopotamia around 3500 – 3200 BCE and printing on paper by the Chinese in 868 CE, stories were delivered to some extent through the printed word. The first printed children’s story on paper, ‘Orbis Sensualium Pictus’ [The World of Things Obvious to the Senses drawn in Pictures’] published in 1658 by John Amos Comenius, the Czech educator, was an educational book with illustrations that inspired joyful learning in children. Since then illustrated story books were marketed for pleasure reading. Combining pictures with words became a delightful way to tell a story, as in the fairy tales by Hans Christian Andersen, Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland by Lewis Carroll and The Tale of Peter Rabbit by Beatrix Potter. Stories were presented in both prose and verse.

We Sri Lankans are endowed with a wealth of children’s literature pioneered by such literary figures as Kumaratunga Munidasa, Ananda Rajakaruna, Tibetan [Sikkimese] monk Rev. S. Mahinda, V. D. De Lanarolle, Piyadasa Sirisena, G.H. Perera and others. They transformed folk tales into prose and poetry for supplementary reading. Edwin Ranawaka translated children’s stories from English to Sinhala with modifications to suit the local readership. They were men of vision who inspired the young with their literary work aimed at enhancing their creativity, sensitivity and tranquillity to prepare them for the challenges of the future. Our literary icon, Martin Wickremasinghe, was ahead of his time in recognising the importance of children’s literature and its positive impact on their psychosocial and intellectual development. In his book ‘Apey Lama Sahithyaya’ [Our Children’s Literature] in the immediate post-independent era he made the astute observation that a nation without children’s literature rooted in its heritage may face intellectual and moral decline. Wickremasinge regretted that despite the above contributions, we have been slow in developing a children’s literature of our own, although such a literary genre has long been established in the west.

I apologise for not being able to add to the above any Tamil authors of children’s stories due to my lack of knowledge.

Regular exposure to reading books has a long list of benefits for children: reading expands exposure to language and new vocabulary, builds foundational skills such as prediction, sequencing, and summarising, and introduces characters and worlds far beyond a child’s family or neighbourhood. Reading is a powerful technique in broadening social, emotional and cognitive development of children.

Conversational Reading

Recent research in childhood education and psychology has shown that conversational reading with children in their early formative years [in the main the pre-primary and primary school years] can both broaden and deepen the already known developmental benefits of the reading experience.

Conversational reading is the art of reading to and reading with children of an age appropriate piece of prose or verse by an adult, in a two way interactive process, exploring their thoughts and feelings about what is read and helping them to articulate their views within their capacity. It is fundamentally different from simply reading the words in a book to a child. It promotes the use of open-ended questions to create conversations while reading. In this dynamic, the child and the adult [parent, grand-parent, or teacher] contribute to the conversation in equal parts. Conversational reading in the school setting with a group of children offers greater benefits as it encourages discussion amongst them.

Research findings on conversational reading shows a wide range of developmental benefits – cognitive, emotional, and social.

Significant improvements in language development, especially in the areas of expressive vocabulary, word acquisition and sentence structure through modelling and meaningful conversations.

Such meaningful conversations enhance reading comprehension by reflection on characters and events and encourage critical thinking by looking beyond the narrative. Their active participation increases their imagination and creativity and their motivation to read.

Children being active participants, rather than passive listeners, improve their communication skills and encourage respectful discourse and help raise their self-esteem.

It enhances social and emotional understanding through exploration of feelings and relationships, being insightful of others’ perspectives and the development of empathy.

It enables strengthening of emotional bonds with adults through meaningful dialogue.

It is a joyful exercise that facilitates learning.

Reading with children and talking with them about what matters is more important than ever before. Reading fluency, comprehension, and ability to relate the ideas in a story to yourself and the wider world are the building blocks of imagination, empathy, critical thinking, and creativity—all crucial qualities which give children the ability to better understand themselves and others and to find their place in the world.

by Dr Siri Galhenage,
MBBS, DPM, MRCPsych, FRANZCP
Psychiatrist [Retd]

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