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A departure from the 1995 Age of Consent Legislation

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Parliament

Examining Sri Lanka’s New ‘Romeo and Juliet Law’:

By Prof. M.W. Amarasiri de Silva

According to an article published in The Island newspaper on March 25, 2024, Dr. Sudarshini Fernandopulle, MP, has raised concerns about the lack of consultation with the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus before the Justice Ministry gazetted a bill on February 9, 2024. This bill aimed to amend Chapter 19 of the Penal Code, proposing a reduction in the age of consent for sexual intercourse to 14 years. Dr. Fernandopulle emphasised that this provision directly relates to the human rights of children, with a specific focus on girls. She highlighted the profound impact such legislation could have on their lives, including implications for health and individual identity. Therefore, she stressed the importance of a cautious and sensitive approach to safeguard children’s rights and well-being.

In light of this discussion, I wish to present the findings of a study I conducted for UNICEF in 2009, demonstrating how increasing the age of marriage to 16 years has significantly reduced instances of underage sexual activities such as rape and non-consensual sex. This research underscores the critical need for comprehensive measures to protect children, particularly in matters as crucial as the age of consent.

The General Marriage Ordinance of 1907 and the Kandyan Marriage and Divorce Act of 1952 permitted child marriages. Notably, most marriages in Sri Lanka were registered, including those of children before 1995. In 1995, significant amendments were made to both these laws, effectively removing the legal sanction for marriages under 18. The legal age of marriage was raised to 18 years. Notably, the law was interpreted to disallow parental consent for marriages of children under 18 years, establishing an absolute prohibition. These legal changes also impacted the Penal Code, raising the age of sexual consent from 12 to 16 years. This adjustment in the Penal Code has direct implications for the law on rape.

The concept of “statutory rape” in criminal law, which pertains to sexual intercourse with a minor below the age of 16, became legally recognized. It’s worth noting that these legal reforms did not affect the Muslim community, as their marriage system operates under the jurisdiction of Muslim law. While the Muslim Law Research Committee proposed raising the age of marriage within the Muslim community, this recommendation has yet to be implemented. However, within the Muslim community, the existing criminal law prohibits sexual intercourse with a child wife under 12 years of age. This provision is interpreted as a form of statutory marital rape, illustrating the complexities within the legal framework concerning marriage and sexual consent across different communities in Sri Lanka.

Early Child Marriages

Early (child) marriages, defined as those occurring before the age of 18, and instances of statutory rape involving individuals under 16 years of age, disproportionately affect young girls. When a case of child marriage is reported, the male partner often faces legal consequences. In many instances, he is sentenced to rigorous imprisonment, ranging from a minimum of 10 years to a maximum of 20 years.

Court decisions frequently direct the girls involved in such marriages to correctional institutes like the Girl’s Home in Ranmuthugala. They undergo a reform and rehabilitation program typically lasting three years or less. After completing the program, they are returned home under the supervision of the Probation Officer from the respective Probation Division. This process aims to support and guide the girls as they reintegrate into society after their challenging experiences.

In cases of statutory rape, the girl in question undergoes examination by the respective Judicial Medical Officer (JMO), who then initiates a correctional program tailored to the girl’s needs. Additionally, the JMO provides crucial evidence for legal action against the perpetrators. According to the Penal Code, any instance of vaginal intercourse with a girl under 16 years old, regardless of whether it occurred within the context of a consensual marriage, romantic relationship, or otherwise, constitutes rape. Perpetrators are thereby subject to prosecution and may face rigorous imprisonment, with a minimum sentence of ten years and a maximum of 20 years.

A 2009 study revealed a significant decrease in registered marriages involving individuals under 18 years old in Sri Lanka between 1994 and 2003. This decline has been particularly pronounced following the amendment of marriage laws in 1995, which raised the legal age of marriage to 18 years. The data indicates a substantial drop from approximately 6,000 male and female individuals marrying before turning 18 in 1996 to only around 1,000 in 2003. This decline can be attributed to the legislative changes implemented in 1995 and is evident across all ethnic groups except the Muslim community.

Concerning Trend

The evidence presented in this report indicates a concerning upward trend in the incidence of early marriages and statutory rape. There are indications that these practices are on the rise, particularly in less developed districts and Divisional Secretariat divisions, areas affected by conflict, specific ethnic communities, the estate sector, and impoverished regions. Data from various agencies, including safe houses and Certified Schools for female children, suggests that the percentage of girls entering these institutions who have experienced statutory rape and consensual marriages is increasing. It’s crucial for lawmakers to consider the full spectrum of implications when drafting new legislation, especially when it concerns sensitive issues like the age of consent.

While reducing court cases of underage sex and rape may be an intended outcome of such a law, it’s equally important to weigh the potential social, psychological, and physiological consequences.

Here are some key considerations that lawmakers should take into account:

1. Social Implications: Lowering the age of consent may shift societal norms and attitudes toward sexual behaviour among adolescents. This could lead to changes in how young people perceive relationships, intimacy, and consent, potentially influencing their behaviour in ways that may not align with their emotional or cognitive maturity.

2. Psychological Implications: Adolescents may face increased pressure to engage in sexual activities before they are emotionally or mentally ready, leading to negative psychological consequences such as trauma, regret, or confusion. Additionally, lowering the age of consent may blur boundaries between age groups, potentially exposing younger individuals to situations they are ill-prepared to handle.

3. Physiological Implications: Adolescents undergo significant physical and hormonal changes during puberty, but these changes do not necessarily correspond to the development of emotional or cognitive maturity. Lowering the age of consent without considering these differences could increase the risk of exploitation or harm to individuals who are not fully equipped to make informed decisions about their sexual health.

4. Legal Safeguards: While reducing court cases related to underage sex and rape is a valid concern, it’s important to ensure that legal safeguards are in place to protect individuals from coercion, manipulation, or abuse. This includes robust education on consent, comprehensive sex education programs, and adequate support systems for victims of sexual violence.

UN Convention

Overall, any proposed changes to the age of consent should be accompanied by thorough research, consultation with experts in fields such as psychology, sociology, and public health, and a comprehensive understanding of the potential consequences for individuals and society as a whole. Balancing legal objectives with ethical considerations is essential in crafting legislation that promotes the well-being and safety of all individuals, particularly vulnerable populations such as adolescents.

The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child defines a child as any individual below the age of 18 years. Consequently, any form of sexual activity involving those under 18 years old can logically be categorized as child abuse or rape. The legal age of consent for engaging in sexual intercourse varies from one country to another. In the United States, it ranges from 16 to 18 years of age, with California setting it at 18 years.

In India, the age of consent is established at 18 years according to the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act. Before the enactment of the POCSO Act in 2012, there was no distinct age of consent defined for males, and it was determined by Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code, which outlines the definition of “rape.” The Law Commission of India advised against altering the age of consent from 18 years, noting that this age has fluctuated significantly in Indian legal history.

Initially set at ten years in 1860, it was raised to 16 years for females until 2012. The decision to increase the age of consent for females in India was informed by tragic events such as the Phulmoni case. In 1860, the age of consent for females was a mere ten years. However, following public outrage sparked by the Phulmoni case in 1891, where an 11-year-old girl died due to injuries sustained during forced sexual intercourse by her husband, the age of consent for women was raised to 12 years under Section 375. Despite the severity of the crime, the husband was convicted only of causing grievous hurt by a rash or negligent act endangering life, and he received a sentence of one year’s rigorous imprisonment. Thereafter, the age of consent was raised to 14 years in 1925 and to 16 years in 1940.

Enactment of POCSO

Before the enactment of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act in 2012, the age of consent for females in India stood at 16 years, while there was no specific age of consent defined for males. Over time, amendments to the marital rape exception outlined in Section 375 of the law have occurred. This exception has evolved from setting the age at ten years in 1860 to 15 years by 2012.

Sri Lanka is considering lowering the age of consent for sexual intercourse to 14 years. This proposed statutory change raises concerns about potential significant negative consequences. While there has been some debate on the matter, it is widely acknowledged that establishing a minimum age limit for sexual consent is crucial. It is essential to recognize that children under the age of 14 lack both the cognitive development and emotional maturity necessary to make informed decisions about their sexual behaviour.

Lowering the legal age of sexual consent would result in the decriminalisation of a significant number of underage individuals engaging in sexual intercourse. The arguments against such a legal amendment are summarized and demonstrated to lack validity. This proposal is not merely contrary to popular opinion but is widely viewed as absurd. In 2013, when Professor John Ashton, then President of the Faculty of Public Health, Royal Colleges of Physicians, Liverpool, England, suggested reducing the age of consent from 16 years to 15 or 14 years, the proposal was promptly rejected by representatives from both the government and the opposition. Even Prime Minister David Cameron referred to the suggestion as “offensive.”

There are numerous compelling arguments against such a change. This proposal could have far-reaching implications for other areas where the rights of young people are unfairly restricted. Across all jurisdictions in the UK, the existing laws dictate that the age of consent for any form of sexual activity is 16 years for both males and females, regardless of their sexual orientation or the gender of their partner(s).

In the United States, engaging in sexual activity with a person under the age of 16 is considered an offense. However, Home Office guidance in the USA clarifies that there is no intention to prosecute teenagers under 16 if both parties consent and are of similar ages. Additionally, it is unlawful for an individual aged 18 or older to engage in sexual activity with a person under 18 if the older person holds a position of trust, such as a teacher or social worker, as such conduct constitutes an abuse of trust. There is no evidence to suggest that the legal minimum age of sexual consent in a country correlates with the sexual behavior of young people.

A change in the law is often argued to potentially lead to an increase in younger children engaging in inappropriate sexual activity. However, there is a notable lack of evidence supporting this claim. Much of the available evidence suggests that the current legal framework has minimal impact on the sexual behavior of young individuals. For instance, data collected between 2010 and 2012 indicates that 31% of British males and 29% of British females had experienced full sexual intercourse before reaching the age of 16. Comparatively, fifty years earlier, only 15% of males and 4% of females reported engaging in sexual intercourse before this age. Remarkably, there had been no alteration in the law concerning heterosexual intercourse during this time period. Furthermore, a study examining the reasons for sexual abstinence among American school students found that the law was not commonly cited as a factor influencing their decision to abstain from sexual activity.

Young people aged 14 years typically lack the cognitive maturity necessary to assess the risks associated with engaging in sexual activity. There is substantial evidence suggesting that 14-year-olds does not possess the cognitive capacity to evaluate risks and benefits, comparable to individuals aged 21. Furthermore, concerns regarding emotional maturity are often raised, supported by neuroscientific findings indicating significant changes in the adolescent brain throughout the teenage years and beyond. Research highlights the differential development of subcortical limbic systems relative to top-down control systems during adolescence, suggesting that teenagers may not be physiologically equipped to make decisions regarding risk-taking.

Despite these findings, relying solely on indirect evidence may be imprudent, especially when more directly relevant studies indicate that the inexperience of youth rather than biological limitations contributes to their vulnerability in risky situations.

The prevalence of sexually transmitted infections and teenage pregnancies among 15–17-year-olds remains substantial. Additionally, many young people, particularly girls, report distressing sexual experiences, with a significant number regretting their first sexual encounter. Most important is to facilitate the provision of appropriate sex education to children and adolescents, enabling them to make informed decisions. Furthermore, it would ease the delivery of sexual health services to this age group, alleviating concerns about inadvertently supporting illegal activity.

It will not escape the notice of the discerning reader that the principles and evidence presented here extend beyond the realm of sexual consent to various other areas where the legal standing of minors is debatable. Sri Lanka needs research into adolescent sexuality before setting up age of consent for sexual inter course. We do not know what percentage of children under 14 and 16 years of age are involved in sexual activity. What percentage of teenagers get pregnant, and subject to rape and sexual misconduct. A study conducted on early marriage in the Batticaloa District shows that the amendments to the marriage law in 1995 that increased the age of marriage to 18 years has actually reduced the incidence of registered marriages in all categories of persons, except the Muslims who were not covered under the new law. It has actually reduced the incidence of teenage pregnancies and rapes.

Due to lack of data, which is a result of poor data collection procedures and

coordination among service providers in Sri Lanka it is hard to comment on the prevalence or patterns of early marriages, statutory rape or teenage sexual activity. The 2009 study based on data available with safe houses and certified schools finds that statutory rape is increasing in the country, particularly in the rural sectors and less developed districts, despite the increase of age of consent to 16 years in 1995 amendments to the law.

There is a significant shortage of data regarding the prevalence and patterns of early marriages and statutory rape in Sri Lanka. Specifically, there is a lack of information concerning the demographics involved, such as ethnicity, age, geographical distribution, and socioeconomic status of families. Furthermore, there is a notable absence of research on the psychological and health impacts, as well as the effects on education and human rights, associated with early marriage and rape.

Moreover, there is a notable absence of studies or data shedding light on the factors contributing to the high rates of early marriages and rape in communities experiencing significant stress, residing in impoverished areas, or belonging to specific ethnic enclaves. At the national level, marriage data are not categorized to distinguish early marriages involving individuals under 18.

Despite the prevalence of issues such as teenage pregnancies, suicides among young individuals, and early onset of menstruation in these populations, there has been insufficient investigation into the interconnections between these issues in the context of Sri Lanka.

In summary, the complexities of setting the age of sexual consent highlight larger questions regarding the rights and obligations of minors within society. Through a commitment to evidence-based strategies and an understanding of adolescent development, policymakers can work towards establishing a legal structure that prioritizes the well-being and rights of young people. It’s important to emphasize that decisions regarding the age of consent should not be solely influenced by the frequency of court cases involving teenage sexual behavior, nor should they be swayed by political expediency. Any alterations to this law should be grounded in careful consideration of its societal implications and the protection of vulnerable individuals, rather than serving as a tool for political maneuvering.



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Why spill water and reject sunlight while burning imported fuel?

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Sri Lanka needs a fairer and more transparent approach to renewable energy

by K R Pushparanjan

Sri Lanka has spent several decades encouraging private investment in renewable energy. Small hydropower was among the earliest successes of this policy while rooftop solar has more recently enabled thousands of ordinary households and businesses to become electricity producers. These developments have reduced the country’s dependence on imported fuel, mobilised private capital for electricity generation and contributed towards a cleaner and more diversified energy system.

It is therefore difficult to reconcile these objectives with reports that renewable generators are increasingly being required to curtail production during periods of low electricity demand, particularly on Sundays, Poya days and other holidays. The question is especially relevant to run-of-river mini-hydropower, where naturally available water may simply pass downstream when generation is stopped, and to rooftop solar, where abundant midday sunshine cannot be postponed until the evening peak.

There are, of course, legitimate technical reasons why the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB), as system operator, may occasionally have to curtail renewable generation. An electricity system must maintain a continuous balance between generation and consumption. On Sundays and holidays, industrial and commercial demand can fall considerably while solar, hydro and wind generation remain available. Certain conventional generating units may sometimes have to remain connected to provide frequency control, voltage support, operating reserves and other services essential for grid stability. Transmission constraints can also make it impossible to substitute generation in one part of the country directly for generation elsewhere.

No responsible renewable-energy producer would suggest that grid security should be compromised merely to accept every available unit of renewable electricity. However, legitimate engineering considerations should not become a blanket explanation that places curtailment decisions beyond public scrutiny.

The CEB itself describes the economic principle underlying electricity dispatch as merit-order dispatch, under which lower-cost generation is normally utilised before progressively more expensive generation. Consequently, whenever inexpensive renewable electricity is deliberately curtailed while substantially more expensive oil-fired generation continues, electricity consumers and renewable producers are entitled to ask why. If a particular thermal generating unit must remain online for frequency stability, voltage support, network security or some other technical requirement, that can be explained. If transmission congestion requires renewable generation in a particular area to be reduced, that too can be demonstrated. Transparency should strengthen technically sound decisions, not threaten them.

Mini-hydro and an unequal contractual relationship

Run-of-river mini-hydropower deserves particular consideration. Unlike reservoir hydro, most such plants have limited ability to store water. When sufficient water is available, but the plant is instructed not to generate, that water may simply bypass the turbines and continue downstream. The opportunity to produce that electricity is then lost. No imported diesel, furnace oil or coal is required to allow that water to turn a turbine, and there is no corresponding fuel-related foreign-exchange expenditure.

Sri Lanka’s mini-hydropower industry was developed largely through private investment. The CEB currently records 219 commissioned mini-hydro projects with an aggregate capacity of approximately 430 MW and acknowledges the role of government policy in encouraging private-sector development of this indigenous renewable resource.

Yet, there has always been a fundamental imbalance in the commercial relationship between the small power producer and the national purchaser. Mini-hydro projects have historically sold their electricity through the Standardised Power Purchase Agreement (SPPA). The very nature of a standardised agreement substantially limits the individual developer’s negotiating position. Published material concerning Sri Lanka’s small-power-producer framework has described the SPPA as standardized and non-negotiable.

This is hardly a negotiation between parties of equal bargaining strength. A mini-hydro developer cannot realistically reject an unfavorable provision and offer the electricity to another national grid. For much of the industry’s history there has effectively been one purchaser, leaving the developer with little practical alternative but to accept the terms offered.

The weakness of that position becomes particularly evident when curtailment occurs. A PUCSL-commissioned study has recorded that under the original SPPA there was no penalty on the CEB for not purchasing energy. The developer may have invested the capital, borrowed the money, undertaken the construction and hydrological risks, maintained the machinery and had both water and generating equipment available, yet still carry the financial loss when electricity cannot be accepted for reasons originating within the national system.

If curtailment is genuinely necessary for grid security, the plant operator may have to accept the technical instruction. It does not logically follow, however, that the entire financial consequence should automatically be imposed upon the weaker contracting party.

Germany curtails renewables too – but differently

Germany provides a useful comparison precisely because it demonstrates that renewable curtailment is sometimes unavoidable even in an advanced electricity system. With very large quantities of wind and solar generation, Germany regularly experiences transmission congestion and occasions when all available renewable electricity cannot immediately be transported to consumers.

The important difference lies in how the problem is managed. Germany operates a regulated redispatch system. European electricity-market rules require redispatch to be undertaken according to objective, transparent and non-discriminatory criteria. Conventional generation, renewable generation and storage can all form part of the process, with interventions determined by what is required to relieve network constraints safely and economically.

Equally important is the recognition that curtailment has financial consequences. Germany’s Federal Network Agency explains that affected generators and storage operators have statutory entitlements to appropriate financial compensation within the redispatch framework. Depending upon the circumstances, relevant arrangements can take account of generation expenditure, lost revenue opportunities, readiness costs, maintenance implications and costs avoided because generation was reduced. The German framework also provides balancing mechanisms intended to address the commercial position of installations affected by redispatch, including renewable generators.

The principle is worth considering in Sri Lanka. When a privately financed generator is required to sacrifice otherwise available production for the security and benefit of the national electricity system, why should that cost automatically and entirely be borne by the generator?

Germany offers another lesson that may be even more important: transparency. Through the Federal Network Agency and its SMARD electricity-market information platform, information on congestion management, renewable curtailment and conventional redispatch is publicly available. Official German figures show that renewable curtailment amounted to approximately 3.5 percent of renewable generation in 2025, meaning that more than 96 percent of renewable electricity generated reached the system and consumers.

Sri Lanka cannot simply copy Germany. The two electricity systems differ enormously in size, resources, interconnections and market structure. What can be adopted, however, are the principles of transparency, non-discrimination, accountability and fair treatment of generators affected by decisions taken for the benefit of the wider system.

What generation remained online?

Whenever significant renewable curtailment occurs in Sri Lanka, sufficient information should therefore be made publicly available to answer some straightforward questions. How many megawatts were curtailed, for how many hours, and how many megawatt-hours of renewable electricity were consequently lost? Which thermal generating units remained operational during those hours? What fuel were they using and what was their approximate generation cost? Why was each of those units technically required to remain online? Was the curtailment caused by system-wide oversupply, a local transmission constraint, frequency considerations or some other identifiable requirement? These are not unreasonable questions. If the decisions are technically and economically sound, the answers should vindicate the system operator.

The issue assumes particular importance because Sri Lanka has historically spent enormous sums purchasing thermal electricity. An Auditor General’s special audit concerning ACE Power Embilipitiya reported expenditure of approximately Rs. 59.454 billion on electricity purchased from that plant between 2016 and 2021. The audit also drew attention to transmission-system problems and the consequences of permanent solutions not being implemented in a timely manner.

This does not establish that thermal generation is unnecessary or that private thermal producers have acted improperly. Nor should allegations of corruption be made against particular parties without evidence. Nevertheless, Sri Lanka’s long history of public concern regarding procurement, governance and major public expenditure makes transparency particularly important. Large thermal power contracts, fuel purchases and capacity arrangements involve substantial sums of money. The best protection against suspicion is not secrecy but disclosure.

If expensive thermal generation genuinely has to remain online while inexpensive renewable generation is curtailed, publish the technical reason. Publish the quantities. Publish the relevant costs. Allow engineers, economists, regulators, investors and electricity consumers to examine the decision for themselves.

Rooftop solar must not become the next casualty

The same argument now applies to rooftop solar. Sri Lanka successfully encouraged households and businesses to invest their own money in solar installations. Net Metering, Net Accounting and related arrangements helped transform consumers into small-scale electricity producers and contributed substantially to the growth of distributed renewable energy. PUCSL continues to recognise Net Metering, Net Accounting and Net Plus within Sri Lanka’s rooftop-solar framework.

The rapid expansion of rooftop solar undoubtedly creates genuine technical difficulties. Solar production is concentrated around daytime hours, while Sri Lanka’s major electricity demand peak occurs later. On a sunny Sunday or holiday, solar production can therefore be substantial precisely when commercial and industrial demand is low. Distribution networks designed for one-way electricity flows may also encounter voltage and hosting-capacity limitations as increasing quantities of electricity flow back from consumers towards the grid.

But it would be fundamentally unfair to encourage citizens to invest their savings in solar energy and subsequently treat their electricity as a problem simply because the national grid has not developed quickly enough to accommodate it.

Battery energy storage offers an important part of the eventual solution. A household battery can capture surplus solar energy around midday and release it during the evening, when both the household and the national system need electricity most. PUCSL has already recognized the value of combining rooftop solar with battery storage in its evolving regulatory arrangements.

However, domestic battery storage still represents a considerable additional investment for an ordinary household. Public policy should therefore be careful not to make battery ownership an economic prerequisite for participating in rooftop solar before such systems become reasonably affordable.

Until domestic battery storage becomes economically accessible to the average household, Net Metering and Net Accounting should be preserved, strengthened and made genuinely accessible. They provide a practical bridge between today’s rapidly growing distributed solar generation and tomorrow’s electricity system in which affordable batteries, utility-scale storage, pumped hydro and sophisticated demand management can shift much more renewable energy from periods of surplus to periods of high demand.

The national grid should, during this transition, continue to perform an important balancing function. Meanwhile, policy should encourage rather than compel household batteries through appropriate time-of-use tariffs and incentives. As battery prices decline, consumers will increasingly adopt them voluntarily because the economics make sense.

The grid must evolve with renewable energy

The longer-term answer is therefore not to choose between renewable energy and grid stability. Sri Lanka needs both.

Investment is required in battery storage, pumped-storage hydro, stronger transmission and distribution networks, better renewable forecasting, modern inverter technology, sophisticated system-control facilities and demand-response programmes. Electricity tariffs can also be designed to encourage industries, commercial establishments, water pumping, electric-vehicle charging and other flexible loads to consume more electricity during periods of abundant solar production.

The electricity system must gradually become capable of moving energy not merely geographically but also across time—storing electricity when nature provides more than consumers require and releasing it when demand rises.

This is also essential for maintaining investor confidence. Private investors make renewable-energy decisions according to expected annual generation, financing costs and anticipated revenue. If a developer can spend substantial capital constructing a renewable project only to face unpredictable curtailment outside his control and without adequate compensation or contractual recourse, the investment risk increases. Eventually that risk translates into higher financing costs, higher required returns and fewer projects.

A country cannot credibly invite private investors to finance renewable energy infrastructure while retaining an overwhelmingly one-sided contractual ability to discard their output and transfer the resulting financial loss back to them.

Transparency should not frighten the CEB

Nobody should expect the CEB to compromise national grid security merely to accommodate a mini-hydro plant or rooftop-solar producer. Where curtailment is technically unavoidable, it should occur.

But “system stability” should never become a phrase that ends the discussion.

Where synchronous generation must remain operating, explain why. Where transmission congestion requires renewable curtailment, identify the constraint. Where renewable producers sacrifice available generation for the benefit of the national system, develop a fair compensation mechanism. Where expensive thermal generation remains operational while naturally available water bypasses turbines, disclose why that was the technically necessary and economically preferable decision.

Germany demonstrates that renewable curtailment and renewable-energy development are not contradictory. Even sophisticated electricity systems sometimes have to discard renewable electricity. The difference is that a mature system attempts to minimize curtailment, operates under transparent rules, publishes relevant information and recognizes the financial consequences imposed upon generators.

Sri Lanka should aspire to the same principles.

We should not encourage private investors to build mini-hydropower plants and then place them against the wall through contracts over which they have little negotiating power. We should not encourage households to spend their savings installing solar panels and later make them bear the cost of deficiencies in the electricity network. And we should certainly not discard economically usable indigenous renewable energy without a convincing explanation while scarce foreign exchange is being spent importing fuel.

Sri Lanka should not spill usable water, reject available sunlight and then burn imported fuel to produce electricity that nature was prepared to provide without a fuel bill.

The issue is not whether every unit of renewable electricity can always be accepted. Clearly it cannot. The real test is whether every unit curtailed was genuinely necessary, whether the least-cost and least-wasteful solution was chosen, whether affected producers were treated fairly, and whether the public is permitted to see the evidence.

That is not an unreasonable demand from renewable-energy producers. It is the standard of transparency, accountability and economic discipline that Sri Lanka’s electricity consumers should expect from a modern national power system.

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‘Career of Evil’

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense 22

by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha

I return now to J K Rowling of Harry Potter fame, writing under the pseudonym Robert Galbraith about Cormoran Strike. There are several books in this series of off-beat detective stories, featuring a private investigator who lost a leg while serving in the army, and his assistant Robin Ellacott, who had been raped when a student, with lasting psychological effects. Strike himself was the child of a rock band groupie, who had lived a sordid life, her last attachment being to a failed rock star of relatively aristocratic provenance and brutal habits.

Career of Evil is the third in the Strike series, and markedly different from the two books I read previously, the first and the fifth. Those were relatively speaking classic whodunnits, with a range of possible murderers, the solution in the end being quite unexpected but also convincing. The murderers in both cases are unhinged, but this does not become obvious until Strike has put two and two together and revealed a history of aberrant behaviour.

This novel has just a few suspects, all of them bizarre, as is made clear from the moment they are introduced. The case begins with Robin being sent a severed leg from a dead body, or rather it begins with the thoughts of the murderer who seeks revenge from Strike, which it seems he intends to achieve by first terrifying and then killing the woman he calls Strike’s Secretary. He also evinces a horrid desire to mutilate women after abusing them.

The first person Strike thinks of as a possible suspect is a member of a crime syndicate known to have sent body parts through the post, but Strike soon decides that he cannot be the perpetrator, in part because he is not likely to have known that Strike was responsible for his conviction earlier. Rather Strike is convinced it is one of three people who hate him, two of them individuals he helped to prosecute when he was in the investigating unit of the army, the third his step-father whom he suspected had killed his mother.

Unfortunately, Wardle, the policeman assigned to the case, who gets on well with Strike, is convinced it is the first person Strike had suggested, and does not seem interested in the rest, so Strike sets about trying to find out what they are up to.

They are not easy to trace, but Strike eventually tracks them down. He finds Laing’s mother in Scotland, although she is no longer able to provide any useful information. He then tracks down the mother of Laing’s first wife, Rona, whom Strike had found tied up and tortured. It was this incident that led to Laing’s conviction and imprisonment, and ultimately fuelled his hatred of Strike.

He finds the sister of the second suspect, Noel Brockbank, and learns that she and her brother were both abused as children by their stepfather. Brockbank later went on to abuse young girls himself. When Strike went to arrest him over the abuse of his stepdaughter, Brockbank attacked him with a broken bottle, and Strike knocked him out. Brockbank subsequently suffered seizures and was found to have a serious brain injury. Although Strike was initially blamed for the injury, it was later established that Brockbank had fractured his skull in a rugby match before the confrontation. Brockbank was therefore never convicted of the abuse allegations, while Strike was cleared of responsibility for his brain injury.

Strike’s third suspect is his former stepfather, Jeff Whittaker, whom he describes as unutterably filthy and abusive, yet strangely attractive to women. When Strike tracks him down, he finds Whittaker living with Stephanie, a woman who supports him with what she earns as a sex worker. Despite being abused by Whittaker, she remains devoted to him.

In his musings, the killer refers to the woman he lives with as “It”, suggesting that he could be Whittaker, who lives off Stephanie’s earnings. But when Robin is attacked by a man dressed differently from Whittaker, whom she had seen shortly before, it becomes clear that Whittaker is not the killer. Laing, the first of Strike’s three suspects, is also apparently ruled out when Robin sees him on crutches and learns that he is claiming disability benefits. Strike and Robin therefore concentrate on the third suspect, Noel Brockbank, whom they eventually trace to a home he shares with his girlfriend, Alyssa, and her two young daughters. Robin has seen the younger girl and becomes increasingly worried about what Brockbank might do to her. Although Strike has ordered her to leave Brockbank alone, Robin continues investigating because of her concern for the child. She eventually discovers that Brockbank has been sexually abusing the older of the two girls.

Meanwhile, Strike and Robin manage to identify the girl whose leg was sent to the agency. Among the bizarre letters Strike had received in the past was one from a young woman who fantasizes about having her healthy leg amputated and believed that Strike had deliberately had his own leg removed. Robin realises that the girl was suffering from a condition known as body integrity identity disorder, or BIID, in which a person has a persistent desire to have a healthy limb or other body part removed. Strike simply ignored the letter, unaware that the girl was suffering from a recognised condition and that her request was serious. The girl, Kelsey Platt, is subsequently found to have been murdered, and the police discover forged letters apparently written by Strike in response to her.

Wardle has his suspicions of the man married to the girl’s sister, with whom she had lived. Strike thinks this absurd, and it turns out that the man has an alibi for the time of the murder, but Strike does go along when the sister asks to see him and is overwhelmed by the sense of grief she and her husband evince.

The girl is evidently a godsend to the murderer, whose desire to remove body parts could not be controlled. He chops fingers off a girl he almost kills, and then removes the nose and ears of a girl he kills soon afterwards. And previously he had sent Robin the toe of the girl whose leg had been sent earlier.

All this horror can seem over the top, and one may wonder how Rowling could bring herself to wallow in such grim material. But perhaps she felt very strongly about the abuse women were subject to, and though her depiction of the way women played into the hands of abusive men seems excessive, she feels that awareness of that increases the need for support groups and other mechanisms to provide safety nets.

But there is also another side to the novel, namely the relationship between Strike and his partner Robin, which verges on the romantic though neither wishes to move on the matter. Strike feels diffident about taking advantage of his position as her employer, while Robin is engaged to a young man she has known for years, and whom she was virtually engaged to while at university. He has stood by her after the rape, when she could barely face society, and she finally decides to accept him and they are planning their wedding at the beginning of this book. But she finds that he is jealous of Strike, and hence his resentment of her commitment to her work, she breaks off the relationship when they are staying with her parents to finalize arrangements for the wedding.

But they still share a flat, and given the threat looming over her she cannot really move to live by herself. And gradually his misery wears her determination down, and she agrees again to marry him. The novel ends with their wedding, which Strike just manages to get to, causing her to beam, though she ‘had not once smiled in the entire service’.

But they still share a flat, and with the threat hanging over her, Robin cannot really move out and live by herself. Gradually, Matthew’s misery wears down her determination, and she agrees to marry him after all. The novel ends with their wedding. Strike arrives just in time, battered and bloodied after his confrontation with the killer. Robin has not smiled once during the ceremony, but when she sees Strike, she suddenly beams.

Before that, in the kerfuffle caused by Robin’s attempt to rescue the children of the woman Brockbank was living with, Strike sacks her. This turns out to be useful to him, because he subsequently enlists the children’s mother, Alyssa, to help trap the killer, whom he has by then identified as Donald Laing. With Shanker’s help, Strike arranges for Alyssa to pose as his new secretary and lure Laing into the open while he gains access to the flat Laing has been using as a hideout. There he discovers the evidence of the murders, including the severed body parts kept in a refrigerator.

This leads to a dramatic climax in which the murderer turns up. Strike has difficulty subduing him, partly because of his missing leg, but he is helped by Shanker, a man whom his mother, Leda, had taken in as a neglected and badly beaten boy and who has remained deeply grateful to the family. With the murderer captured and the case effectively wrapped up, Strike asks Shanker to drive him to Yorkshire, where Robin’s wedding is taking place. They arrive while the ceremony is still in progress, and Strike manages to get into the church just as Robin is making her vows. When she sees him, she beams and says “I do” while looking at him rather than at Matthew.

Clearly, this suggests that the relationship between Strike and Robin is far from settled. Indeed, as I discovered when I read the fifth book in the series, the story certainly does run and run.

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Ananda Ganegoda: Pioneer in popularising Sinhala music

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Ananda Ganegoda

by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

It was with a great sense of sadness that I received the news about the death of Ananda Ganegoda at the age of 80 years; the last of the famous industrialist Ganegoda brothers to depart. Ananada was a businessman par excellence but he ought to be remembered specially for his outstanding contribution to popularising Sinhala music by founding the music label Singlanka in 1980. Unfortunately, I lost touch with him, having seen him only once since I left Sri Lanka in May 1988. As I mentioned in my article on statins (Cholesterol lowering statins: Scope for use widens – The Island; 18 September) I have met some remarkable people in my practice of medicine and Ananda was certainly one of them.

The Ganegoda brothers were actually two sets of first cousins though they worked as a single family. Nandajeewa, Sumanalatha, Wimalajeeva, Karunajeewa and Ratnajeeva were the children of Jineris Ganegoda whilst Chandrasiri, Jinadri and Ananda were the children of Jineris’ younger brother Johanis. Sadly, it seems to have been forgotten by many that the Ganegoda brothers were instrumental in changing our export economy by starting garment factories in 1954, one of the first groups of non-traditional exports. According to a family post on Facebook, the visionary leader was Wimalajeewa, who started Noortex, Mayura, GIL and Eurolanka garment factories. Others followed suit and they presided over a vast business empire.

My first contact was not with Ananda but Karunajeeva, if my memory serves me right. After a consultation and a friendly chat, he invited me to a factory visit, which I readily agreed to. He took me to one of the factories in Ratmalana and I was very pleasantly surprised with the high standards maintained in the factory including workers’ welfare. I was able to taste the delicious food served to the workers. The icing on the cake was his measuring me out for shirts and trousers which I wore for a very long time!

Maybe around late 1983 or early ‘84, Ananda ‘channelled’ me for a consultation in the Central Hospital for chest pain and was accompanied by his wife, Nandani. I noted that, in addition to the cigarette smell, he had heavy nicotine staining of fingers. After having ensured that his pain was not cardiac, I tore into him stating, “What is wrong with you? You are among the Sri Lankan businessman doing well and you seem determined to commit suicide with chain smoking,” Then I started wondering whether I had been too blunt, but Ananda said “Dr, Thank you very much. I will stop smoking” and his calm response took me by surprise. On a subsequent social occasion, Nandani whispered in my ear that he had an occasional ‘secret smoke’ and when I encountered, Ananda said “Dr, hari amarui” but promised he would give up completely. I do not know whether he did so but the significant reduction of consumption, hopefully, contributed to his longevity.

I met him last in 1995, in the role of a peacemaker when he was in open conflict with a close relative of mine. I pleaded with him to stop the battle, pointing out that one of his nieces was being courted by the son of my relative. Though shocked, he promised to make peace.

Ananda’s crowning achievement was the founding of Singlanka which made Sinhala songs accessible to the masses. Those of us, old enough to remember, know how difficult it was to listen to music. As a child, I had to go to the village Community Centre to listen to the radio, which is in utter contrast to what is happening today. With just a click on the smartphone anyone can listen to music of any choice, anytime, anywhere as long as you are connected to the internet! Recording with the ability to playback, started with the Phonograph invented by Thomas Edison in 1877, Vinyl records being available from the early twentieth century. They came in various speeds and sizes but needed cumbersome players.

The real breakthrough came in 1963, when the Dutch company Philips introduced the Compact Cassette with more convenient players. Singlanka gave everyone the opportunity to listen to their favourite artists on Compact Cassettes. When the Compact Disc format, developed jointly by Philips and Sony, released in 1983, gathered momentum, Singlanka too moved to this format but most of us are still in possession of Singlanka cassettes. I still occasionally listen to Nanda Malini’s “Pavana”, which has become relevant because of the recent death of Nanda Malini and the ascent of JVP to power, but that is another story.

Most of our famous singers, including the greats like Amaradeva and Nanda Malini, owe at least a significant part of their fame and fortune to Singlanka, which was Ananda’s brainchild. Looking at the discography of Singlanka is like looking at a list of all favourite singers. In addition, Ananda gave the opportunity to the less known in the field of music also to showcase their talent, the best example being Carlo Fonseka’s Calochita Gee, which was a compilation of songs sung by various artists to the lyrics and melodies of Carlo. Who would have imagined multi-talented Carlo having musical creativity as well!

As for me, one event illustrated his generosity and his sense of gratitude. When Dr N J Wallooppillai retired, and I succeeded him as Cardiologist, I arranged for an international conference “Cardiology Update”, which was held on 6th and 7th of June 1985 at Galadari Meridien Hotel, culminating in a banquet. When I rang Ananda about this, he immediately offered to sponsor music for the evening and arranged for Patrick Denipitiya Combo to play and Ivor Dennis, Indrani and Sisira Senaratna to sing. It was a memorable evening, with plaudits from attendees, though we did not have an opportunity to rehearse. I compeered and we selected the songs as we went on. When Indrani wanted to sing Gaya Geethayan I had to stop as it was a Hindi tune and Indians were in the audience! My wife Primrose joined Ivor Dennis to duet “Olu Pipila Wela Lela Denawa”. We ended the banquet with Ivor Dennis singing, and the audience joining, the patriotic song Dakuna, Negenahira, Batahira, Uturada, Eka Kodiye Sevene thanks to Ananda. I am eternally grateful to him.

May Ananda attain the Supreme Bliss of Nibbana!

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