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A brief history of Fabianism in British Ceylon

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A. E. Goonesinha with Nehru. Image courtesy of Yasmin Koch

By Uditha Devapriya

In 1829 the Crown Colony of Ceylon was visited by two distinguished civil servants. Tasked by the British government to investigate the state of the colony and the future of its administration, they came up with a set of sweeping reforms that would shape the political structure of the country over the next century. Known as the Colebrooke-Cameron Commission, and named after its two authors, the document has since been ranked among the most important set of reforms in the British Empire.

As historians have observed, the Colebrooke-Cameron Commission laid the blueprint for the further colonisation of Ceylon. It gave fresh impetus to the plantation economy which the British government had pioneered in the early 19th century.

Over the next century or so, this model would form the basis of relations between Ceylon and Britain. The document also recommended the diffusion of Western values across Ceylon. In keeping with this, the government promoted English education, encouraged Christian missionaries, and withdrew support for traditional institutions.

At the time, very few questions were raised about the future of colonial rule. Yet it provoked resistance, particularly among the traditional elite. That resistance peaked with a rebellion in 1848. Brutally put down by the government, the rebellion more or less questioned the basis of the colonial model. The rise of an articulate, Western-educated elite in these years helped raise the cry for reform. As the historian Kumari Jayawardena has argued, their resistance took on two forms over two phases: a cultural and religious revival from the 1880s to 1920, and calls for political and constitutional reform after 1920.

While scholars, including historians, have delved in-depth into the growth of anti-colonial resistance during this time, not much attention has been paid to how developments in Britain shaped, and ran parallel to, these movements. It was in the late 19th century that labour unrest in Britain led to the rise of radical politics in British society. Just three years before the Rebellion, for instance, Engels had published The Condition of the Working Class in England, which laid bare the situation of the English proletariat. 20 years later, the Trades Union Congress was formed in Manchester.

A. E. Goonesinha (Courtesy of Yasmin Koch)

Though largely unacknowledged, the Fabian Society played a role in developments in Ceylon. Leading Sri Lankan historians, such as K. M. de Silva and Kumari Jayawardena, have noted the influence such societies had on labour politics in the island. However, this restricts our frame of reference to the second phase identified above – the period from 1920 to 1948, when Ceylon gained independence – and overlooks the contribution that the Society made, however inadvertently, to anti-colonial struggles in an earlier period.

To a certain extent, that may have to do with the nature and the character these struggles took at that point. In late 19th century Ceylon, opposition to colonialism typically took the form of confrontations with Christian missionaries and an upsurge in indigenous revivalist movements, be they Buddhist, Hindu, or Muslim. The Fabian Society had yet to perfect its strategies during this period and these had yet to seep into colonial societies. At the time, radical political movements of the sort emerging in industrialised Western societies may not have appealed to nationalist struggles in colonies like Ceylon.

Nevertheless, such a reading essentialises the trajectory of these struggles and overlooks the common ground which nationalists in colonial societies sought with radical progressives in the metropole. A key example would be the Buddhist Revival in late 19th century Ceylon. Sparked by open debates between Buddhist monks and Evangelical missionaries, the Revival took on a new lease of life with the entry of Western rationalists and radicals, prominently the Theosophical Society. Among the most progressive and articulate of these figures, who fought for the cause of Buddhists in Sri Lanka, was Annie Besant, the British radical who had, in 1885, joined the Fabian Society. Although her later immersion in Theosophy led her to renounce her former political affiliations, Besant’s interventions in the anti-colonial struggle in British Ceylon, and later India, cannot be written off.

The Society made its most seminal contribution, arguably, when its members held influential positions in the Colonial Office. This was under the second MacDonald government (1929 – 1935). In 1931, almost a century after the Colebrooke-Cameron Commission, which had laid the foundation for colonial rule in the island, the British government enacted the most radical set of reforms with the Donoughmore Constitution. For the first time in a British colony, the government granted the vote to every citizen. Utterly progressive for its time, it set the benchmark for the many reform processes which would follow.

The Donoughmore Commission, which had authored the Constitution, was headed by four parliamentarians, including two leading members from the Fabian Society: Sydney Webb, Secretary of State for the Colonies, and Drummond Shiels, Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies. To appreciate the scale of the Donoughmore Constitution, one must remember that this was a period when few within Ceylon, even the most anti-imperialist, envisioned a Ceylon falling outside of the British Empire. Though certain nationalists made the call for swaraj (self-government), it would not be until much later, in the 1930s, that a radical left calling for complete independence would emerge.

Against this backdrop, the labour movement in Ceylon benefited from interactions with the metropole. The most important development in this regard was the founding of the Ceylon Labour Party in 1928 by the trade unionist A. E. Gunasinha. Revered today as the father of the labour movement in Sri Lanka, Gunasinha had taken a lead in a series of strikes in the 1920s – including one at the harbour in Colombo in 1927 – after forming the Ceylon Labour Union in 1923. Pitted against the constitutional reformists of his day, who dominated the elite-led Ceylon National Congress, Gunasinha came to be influenced in his political activities by two sources: Indian nationalism and the British Labour Party.

The formation of the Ceylon Labour Party helped expand Gunasinha’s radicalism further. It is important to contextualise here the kind of radical politics that the Party envisioned. Opposed to all forms of revolutionary ideology, Gunasinha framed it as a “social democratic” formation, “[neither] revolutionary [n]or Communist.”

The Labour Party, along with the Fabian Society, responded positively to Gunasinha. To put this in context, the British Labour party, as Kumari Jayawardena has noted, was regarded by anti-colonial elements in Ceylon “as the only element in British political life which was sympathetic to their demands.” Drummond Shiels, for instance, was friends with Gunasinha, and went so far as to advise him on political tactics.

In 1927, when Ramsay MacDonald was elected as Prime Minister, Gunasinha travelled to Britain. There he met members of the Trades Union Congress. As Ceylon’s delegate for the Commonwealth Labour Conference the following year, he found common ground with activists from such countries as South Africa and Palestine. This was to profoundly influence his political activities upon his return to Ceylon.

Gunasingha’s brand of militant nationalism and labour activism, however, was to meet its end with the formation of leftwing parties in the 1930s. The most significant of these, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party or LSSP, founded in 1935, signalled a rupture with not just elite politics but Gunasinha’s activism as well, in calling for complete independence from the British Empire. Yet many of the new leftwing activists had themselves been educated in British universities, including the London School of Economics. Though critical of Gunasinha’s tactics, they were no less influenced by the radical movements they encountered in the metropole. While Gunasinha, in later years, grew more conservative, these Young Turks formed the bastion of left-wing activism in Ceylon.

Yet in its own way, the imprint of British parliamentary politics, and of the Labour Party and the Fabian Society, survived these ruptures. The Donoughmore Constitution, and the Soulbury Constitution which followed it in 1947, a year before Ceylon’s independence, ensured some continuity for the democratic socialist ideals that underlay these movements, particularly in their framing of the State as a dispenser of social welfare.

The combination of militant nationalism, trade unionism, and socialism came to the fore with the election in 1956 of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike and his Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), which preached the gospel of State-led industrialisation, nationalisation, and patronage of indigenous cultural and artistic forms. As James Jupp put it in 1978 – six years after Ceylon renounced the British Crown and turned into a Republic – this ideology was “populist, socialist, democratic, and nationalist.” It owed much to the tenets of Fabianism, which had earlier seeped into Indian political life through Jawaharlal Nehru.

It is only by recognising the limitations of these ideologies that we can take stock of the influence that Fabianism exerted on countries like Ceylon. On the one hand, it bequeathed to two generations of left-wing leaders – from the early 20th century to the post-colonial period – the ideals they needed to take the mantle of anti-colonialism forward. On the other hand, it failed to operate beyond the parliamentary system at a time when social forces were clamouring for radical change, of the sort that the parliamentary model may not have been able to deliver. It is this paradox, eternal as it is – between the ideals of parliamentary democracy and the rumblings of extra-parliamentary resistance – that continues to assail Sri Lankan society. While the gradualist tactics of the Labour Party and Fabian Society helped resolve that paradox in the early 20th century, it has become difficult, even in “Asia’s oldest democracy” – a distinctly Fabian contribution – to resolve it today.

Uditha Devapriya is a researcher, writer, and political analyst from Sri Lanka who writes to various publications. He can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com



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The Iran War, Global Oil Crisis, and Local Options

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Flight of Insanity

Now in its third week and still no end sight, Trump’s Iran’s war is showing a tedious pattern of tragic-comic episodes. The human tragedy continues under relentless aerial assaults in Iran and under both aerial and ground assaults in Lebanon. Israel, now in a hurry to destroy as much it can of its enemy assets before Trump lapses into war withdrawals, is picking its spots at will; three of its latest scalps could not have come at higher echelons of the Iranian regime. Within two days, Israeli has targeted and killed Ali Larijani, the powerful, versatile and experienced secretary of the Supreme National Security Council; Gholamreza Soleimani, head of the Basij paramilitary force; and Iran’s Intelligence Minister Esmail Khatib.

Yet there is no indication if the continuing hollowing out of Iran’s decision making apparatus will produce the intended effect of encouraging the people of Iran to come out on the streets and topple the regime. People cannot pour on to the streets, even if they want to, until the American and Israeli bombing stops. That may not happen till the US military finishes its list of asset targets in Iran and Israel finishes off the list of Iranian leaders who are tagged on by Mossad’s network of Iranian moles. They are so widespread that last year after setting up a special task force to expose the internal informants, the National Security Council found out that the person whom they had selected to lead the task force was himself a spy! Disaffected citizens are also becoming informal informants.

The comical side of the war is provided by President Trump in the daily press court that he holds at the White House, taking full advantage of the presidential system in which the chief officer is not required to present himself to and take questions from the country’s elected lawmakers. There has never been and there likely will never be  another presidential spectacle like Donald J. Trump. It is shocking although not surprising to find out daily as to how much he doesn’t know about the war that he started or where it is heading. The ghost of Donald Rumsfeld, the Defence Secretary of the Iraq war and the coiner of the ‘unknown unknowns’ phrase, would tell you that Trump is the epitome of one of the known knowns, the predictable bully. For all his misjudgements and bad calls over the Iraq war 23 years ago, Rumsfeld now looks like a giant of a professional in comparison to Pete Hegseth, the bigmouthed charlatan who parades as Donald Trump’s Secretary of War.

Asymmetric Advantage

For its part, Iran appears to be reaping the worst and the best of an asymmetric warfare. Iran is getting pummelled in all the metrics of conventional warfare and there should be nothing surprising about it. It is rather silly for the American and Israeli military spokespeople to crow about their aerial strikes and their successes. On the other hand, the US and Israeli forces combined have not been able to answer Iran’s ability to establish areas of war where Iran sets the term and scores at its choosing. Quite astonishingly, President Trump has said that Iran was not supposed to attack its neighbours and no one apparently told him that such attacks might happen.

“Nobody. Nobody. No, no, no. The greatest experts—nobody thought they were going to hit,“ Trump responded to a leading question by a Fox News reporter whether the President was “surprised nobody briefed you ahead of time” about the likelihood of Iranian retaliation against America’s Gulf allies. Prevarication is second nature to President Trump and it is the same explanation for the Administration’s strategic gaffe over the Strait of Hormuz.

Iran has imposed a blockade over the narrow waterway between the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman that provides vital passage for about 20% of the world’s oil shipments. Again, no one told him that Iran might do this. That is also because Trump has gotten rid of all the people in government capable of providing advice and is surrounding himself with sidekicks who will not challenge him on his misrepresentation of facts. As well, by keeping Congress out of the loop the President and the Administration tossed away the opportunity to deliberate before deciding to go to war.

True to form, Trump trots out another bizarre argument that the US does not have any shipment through the Strait of Hormuz and, therefore, it is up to countries, including China, that depend on the Hormuz route to come to his party in the Persian Gulf. The US would be there to help them out and he went on to invite his erstwhile allies and fellow NATO members to join the US and help the world keep the Strait of Hormuz open for its oil shipments.

Trump’s calls have been all but spurned. No US president has suffered such a rebuff. Other presidents did their consultations with allies before starting a war, not after. “This war started without any consultations,” said Germany’s Defence Minister Boris Pistorius. He then  queried incredulously: “What does Donald Trump expect from a handful of European frigates in the Strait of Hormuz that the mighty US Navy cannot manage alone?” Iran has let it be known that it will block passage only to its enemies and allow others to cross the strait by arrangement. Chinese, Indian and Pakistani ships have been allowed to navigate through the strait. The UN and NATO countries are reportedly considering new initiatives to ensure safe passage through the Strait, but details are unclear.

While the official American endgame is unclear, scholars and academics have started weighing in and calling Trump’s misadventure for what it is. Three such contributions this week have caught the media’s attention. Muhanad Seloom writing online in Al Jazeera, has presented an unsolicited yet by far the strongest case for Trump, arguing that “the US-Israeli strategy is working” because Trump’s war against Iran is accomplishing a “systematic, phased degradation of a threat that previous administrations allowed to grow for four decades.” A former State Department staffer and now a Doha and Exeter academic, Seloom seems overly sanguine about the impending demise of the Iranian regime and underplays the political implications of the war’s externalities and unintended consequences for the Trump presidency in America.

The comprehensive degradation of virtually all of Iran’s hard assets is not in question. What is in question is whether the asset degradation is translating into a regime change. The additional questions are whether the obvious success in asset degradation is enough to save President Trumps political bacon in the midterm elections in November, or will it stop Iran from controlling the Strait of Hormuz and impacting the global oil flows. Firm negative answers to these questions have been provided by two American scholars. Nate Swanson, also a former State Department staffer turned academic researcher and who was also a member of Trump’s recent negotiating team with Iran, has additionally highlighted the martyrdom significance of the killing of Ayatollah Khamenei both within Iran and in the entire Shia crescent extending from Lebanon to Karachi.

Robert Pape, University of Chicago Historian, who has studied and modelled Iranian scenarios to advise past US Administrations, has compared President Trump’s situation in Iran to President Johnson’s quagmire in Vietnam in 1968. Pape’s thesis is that asymmetric conflicts inherently keep escalating and there is no winning way out for a superpower over a lesser power. The main  difference between Vietnam and Iran is that Vietnam did not trigger global oil and economic crises. Iran has triggered an oil crisis and the IMF is warning to expect higher inflation and lower growth as a result of the war. “Think of the unthinkable and prepare for it,” is the advice given to world’s policy makers by IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva to a symposium in Japan, earlier this month.

Global Oil Crisis

The blockade of the Strait of Hormuz has created a crisis of uneven supplies and high prices the likes of which have not been seen since the 1973 oil embargo by Arab countries in the wake of the Yom Kippur War that saw the price of oil increasing four fold from $3 to $12 a barrel. The International Energy Agency (IEA), which came into being as the western response to the 1973 Arab oil embargo, has warned that the market is now experiencing “the most significant supply disruption in its history.”

According to Historians, denying or disrupting oil flows has been an effective tool in modern warfare. The oft cited examples before the 1973 oil embargo are the British oil blockade of Germany in World War 1, and the stopping of Germans accessing the Caucasus oilfields by the Soviet Union’s Red Army in World War II. The irony of the current crisis is that until now the world was getting to be more energy efficient and less oil dependent as a result of the technological, socioeconomic and behavioural changes that were unleashed by the 1973 oil embargo. Post Cold War globalization streamlined global oil flows even as the turn towards cheaper and renewable energy sources increased the use of alternative energy sources.

What was becoming a global energy complacency, according to Jason Bordoff and Meghan O’Sullivan, American academics and National Security advisers to former Presidents Obama and Bush, suffered its first disruptive shock with the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. Market reaction was immediate with crude oil prices increasing by over 50% and exceeding $135 per barrel. Russia cut its natural gas supply to Europe by half leaving western Europe the worst affected region by the crisis. In contrast, Asia is the worst affected continent by the current crisis although market reaction was not immediate apparently because the US was deemed a far more reliable actor than Russia. It is a different story now.

The present crisis is expected to ratchet up crude oil prices to as high as $150 to $200 a barrel in current dollars from what was below $75 before Trump started the war. Futures trading before the war projected $62 per barrel in 2027. Now, lower prices are not anticipated until after the end of this decade. The daily price has been yo-yoing above and below $100 in harmony with Trump’s musings about the course of the war and the time for its ending. The current market uncertainty stems from the growing realization that the Trump Administration was not clear about why it was starting the war and now it does not know how or when to bring it to an end. The Hormuz crisis has made the prospects all the bleaker.

Sri Lanka’s Options

In the unfolding uncertainty, the only certainty is that Sri Lanka’s options are limited. The challenges facing the country and the government involve both politics and economics. For the country, even the political options are limited – perhaps as limited as the economic options available to the government in the short term. The incessant political critics of the government start with extrapolating Aragalaya and end with anticipating another government collapse like the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government. But anyone looking for political alternatives to the NPP government should look at the press photograph showing a recent news conference of opposition party leaders announcing the formation of “a common opposition platform to resist the government’s anti-democratic actions.” Missing an action and absconding per usual, like Julia Roberts in Runway Bride, is once again Sajith Premadasa, the accredited Leader of the Opposition.

Talk about democratic priorities when the economic engine and the energy generators will soon have no oil or diesel to run on. Among the assembled, there is no one equipped enough to head a government ministry with the possible exception of Champika Ranawaka. And it is rich to talk about constitutional dictatorship for a group that was associated with the extended one-party government from 1977 to 1994, and a second group the tried to perpetuate a one-family government between 2005 and 2022. It is virtually imperative to argue that for the sake of the country the NPP government must successfully navigate through the impending crisis. Whether the government will be able to live up to what is now a necessity, not just expectation, we will soon find out.

There is no minimizing or underestimating the magnitude of the crisis. Crude oil and petroleum products account for nearly 20% of the total import bill. Rising oil prices will impact the balance of payment and forex reserves, and could potentially siphon off the currently accumulated $7+ billion forex balance. Rupee devaluation and inflation are likely, but not necessarily to the absurd levels reached during the ultimate Rajapaksa regime. Economic growth will slow and the $1.5 to $2.0 billion FDI targets may not materialize. The current arrangement for debt repayment may have to be revisited, even as relief measures will need to be undertaken to soften the rising price effects throughout the economy and among the less privileged sections of society. Restricting consumption has already been started and the country may have to brace for further restrictions and even power cuts.

In the short term, renegotiating the current EFF (Extended Fund Facility) terms with the IMF will be unavoidable. Equally important are long term measures. The low storage capacity for oil and petroleum has made price fluctuations inevitable. The government has announced storage capacity expansion in Kolonnawa and fast tracking the construction of a jet-fuel pipeline from Muthurajawela to Katunayake – to facilitate the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) becoming a regional aviation hub. The current shipping problems present a new opportunity for the utilization of the expanded terminal facilities to increase transhipment operations at the Colombo harbour.

At long last, after 78 years, there is some action to upgrade the storied 99 oil tanks in Trincomalee. But the bulk of the upgrading depends on the trilateral agreement between Sri Lanka, India and the United Arab Emirates to create an energy hub in Trincomalee. This might run into delays because of the current situation involving the UAE. Already delayed is the construction of the $3.7b Sinopec Oil refinery in Hambantota, the MOU for which was signed more than an year ago. The NPP government has been adept in keeping good relationships with both India and China. Now is the time to try to expedite the deliverables on their commitments.

Another not so long term necessity is to expand electricity generation through renewable sources and minimize its dependence on thermal generation based on imported oil, not to mention coal. Thermal power contributes to just under 50% of energy output at about 80% of total generation costs. In contrast, just over 50% of the output is generated by renewable sources, including hydro, at 20% of the total cost.

The contribution of hydropower is weather dependent and its uncertainty has long been the pretext for persisting with thermal power and not encouraging the development  of solar and wind energy sources. There is no more urgent time to stop this persistence than now in light of the oil crisis. The government must cut through the cobwebs of vested thermal power interests and make clean energy a central part of its Clean Sri Lanka initiative. China is in the forefront of renewable energy technology and expansion and has timed the unveiling of its new five year renewable energy expansion plan to coincide with the current oil crisis. Many countries are emulating China and Sri Lanka should join them.

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Two Decades of Trust: SINGER Wins People’s Brand of the Year for the 20th Consecutive Time

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Singer Sri Lanka, the nation’s foremost retailer of consumer durables, celebrates a truly historic milestone at the SLIM-KANTAR People’s Awards 2026, securing a prestigious triple victory while marking 20 consecutive years as the People’s Brand of the Year, an achievement made possible by the enduring trust and loyalty of Sri Lankan consumers.

This year, SINGER was honoured with yet another triple win with People’s Brand of the Year, Youth Brand of the Year and People’s Durables Brand of the Year at the awards ceremony. This remarkable recognition reflects the deep and lasting relationship the brand has built with Sri Lankans across generations, standing as a symbol of trust in homes across the island.

Reaching this 20-year milestone is not just a testament to brand strength, but a celebration of the millions of customers who have continuously chosen SINGER as a part of their everyday lives. For two decades, Sri Lankans have placed their confidence in the brand, welcoming it into their homes, their families, and their aspirations.

Expressing his appreciation, Janmesh Antony, Director – Marketing of Singer Sri Lanka PLC, stated:

“Winning these awards reflects our commitment to quality, innovation, and staying closely connected to our customers. Being recognised as Durables brand, Youth brand, and as the People’s Brand of the Year highlights our ability to resonate across generations. As we celebrate 20 years as the People’s Brand, our deepest gratitude goes to our customers, this milestone truly belongs to them. It also reflects the dedication of our teams, who continuously strive to serve them better every day. Winning Youth Brand of the Year further reinforces our focus on staying relevant and meaningfully connected with the next generation.”

Commenting on the milestone, Mahesh Wijewardene, Group Managing Director of Singer Sri Lanka PLC, added:

“This recognition is a tribute to the millions of Sri Lankans who have stood by us over the years. Being named the People’s Brand of the Year for the 20th consecutive time is both humbling and inspiring. It reflects the deep trust our customers place in us, and we are truly grateful for the role we play in their everyday lives. This milestone strengthens our commitment to continue delivering value, innovation, and service excellence, always with our customers at the heart of everything we do.”

Over the years, SINGER has grown alongside the people of Sri Lanka, evolving from a trusted household name into a future-ready retail powerhouse. By continuously innovating its product portfolio and enhancing service excellence, the brand has remained closely aligned with the changing needs and aspirations of its customers.

Guided by a deep-rooted customer-first philosophy, an extensive islandwide retail network, and dependable after-sales service, Singer continues to set benchmarks not only in the consumer durables sector but across the nation. By elevating everyday living and bringing greater convenience, comfort, and ease into Sri Lankan homes, the brand has become a trusted partner in shaping modern lifestyles. Its growing connection with younger audiences further reflects its ability to seamlessly blend legacy with contemporary aspirations.

As Singer Sri Lanka celebrates this milestone, the company remains profoundly grateful for the trust placed in it by generations of Sri Lankans. With a continued commitment to enriching lives through innovation and making everyday living more effortless and accessible, Singer looks ahead to growing alongside its customers, strengthening its place as one of the most trusted, loved, and enduring brands in the country.

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Test cricket of a different kind in 1948

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Photo shot on the occasion of the 1948 women’s cricket match between England and then Ceylon

Early last year [probably 2004] I received a call from Michael Ludgrove the then head of the rare book section at Christies Auction house requesting help to decipher the names of Ceylonese cricketers who had signed a cricket bat in the 1930’s following a combined India-Ceylon match against the visiting MCC. This led to my keeping an eye out for unusual items on Ceylon cricket.

A few months later a set of autographs came up for sale. They were of the visiting English women cricketers who played a match in Colombo, against the Ceylon women in the first “Test” of its kind. I was lucky to trace two of the test cricketers from the Ceylon team who now live in Victoria, Beverly Roberts (Juriansz) and Enid (Gilly) Fernando. Incidentally Gilly is called Gilly after AER Gilligan the Australian Cricketer and answers to no other name.

The visiting English team were on their way to Australia on the SS Orion. The Colombo Cricket Club were the hosts and the match was played at the Oval on the November 1, 1948. The match attracted a crowd of around 5,000 many of whom had not seen women play cricket before. Among the distinguished guests were the Governor General, the Bishop of Brisbane, the Assistant Bishop of Colombo -the Reverend Lakdasa de Mel, the Yuvaraj and Yuvaranee of Kutch and Sir Richard Aluwihare.

The well known cricket writer, SP Foenander, provided the broadcast commentary.

The English team consisted of: Molly Hyde (Capt.), Miss Rheinberger, Nacy Joy, Grace Morgan, Mary Duggan, Betty Birch, Dorothy McEroy, Mary Johnson, Megan Lowe, Nancy Wheelan,

The Ceylon team consisted of Miss O Turner (Capt.), Miss Enid (Gilly) Fernando, Miss C Hutton, Miss S Gaddum, Shirley Thomas, Marienne Adihetty, Beverley Roberts, Pat Weinman, Leela Abeykoon, Binthan Noordeen

Reserves: Mrs D H Swan & Mrs E G Joseph. Umpires: W S Findall and H E W De Zylva.

There is on record a previous match, played by a visiting English women’s cricket team in Colombo. However, they played against a team consisting mainly of wives of European Planters and no Ceylonese were included.

Beverley Roberts, 16 years old Leela Abeykoon and Phyllis De Silva were from St John’s Panadura which was the first girl’s school to play cricket. Their coach was G C Roberts (older brother of Michael Roberts). Marienne Adihetty was from Galle and her brother played for Richmond College. Binthan Noordeen was from Ladies College. She is the granddaughter of M.C. Amoo one of the best Malay cricketers of former days, who took a team from Ceylon to Bombay in 1910. Binthan was a teacher at Ladies College at the time and also excelled in hockey, netball and tennis. Pat Weinman is the daughter of Jeff Weinman, a former Nondescripts cricketer.

The team was mainly coached by S. Saravanamuttu with others such as S J Campbell helping. The arrangements were made by the Board of Control of Cricket headed by P Saravanamuttu. Though the match itself was one sided with the Ceylon women cricketers beaten decisively, the Ceylon team impressed the visitors by their gallant display, after less than two months of practice as a team. The English team won the toss and batted first. Molly Slide the captain scored a century in a fine display of batting. The captain of the Ceylon team Mrs Hutton took six wickets for 43.

(Michael Roberts Thuppahi blog)

Dr. Srilal Fernando in Melbourne, reproducing an essay that appeared originally in The CEYLANKAN, a quarterly produced by the Ceylon Research Society in Australia.

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