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Current Trends in the Coconut Industry

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by Dr. P. G. Punchihewa

“It’s an old and common saying: The coconut tree affords meat, drinks and cloth, true. I’ll also like to add – toddy, wine, vinegar, oil, milk and honey … all eatables, besides it affords other necessaries as mats, brooms, bottles, dishes and ropes” –so wrote Robert Knox the English sailor and trader in 1681 who spent 19 years in captivity in the island. .Long before Knox, coconut had played a vital role in the lives of the people of Sri Lanka. The first coconut plantation in the island, (cocopalm garden three yojanas in length according to Culavamsa )- may be even in the world-, was established during the reign of Aggabodhi I, He ruled from 571A.D to 604 A.D.

But Knox’s statement was the first which spelled out the many uses of the coconut tree in detail.

Coconut, a subsistence crop had to await the arrival of the colonial powers in the island, particularly the British, to change to a plantation crop. With the finding of new uses of coconut oil, in the manufacture of margarine, candles and soap in Europe, the demand for coconut oil increased by leaps and bounds. Accordingly all the major colonial powers started the cultivation of coconut in their colonies. The British in India and Sri Lanka, the Dutch in East Indies, French in Africa, and the Germans in the Pacific. The ‘Forward’ written by Sir W.H. Lever, the founder of Lever Brothers, to ‘Coconuts-the Consoles of the East’ published by Smith and Pape, speaks of the keen interest shown by the British in the cultivation of coconut as follows.

“I know of no field of tropical agriculture that is so promising and I do not think in the whole world there is a promise of so lucrative an investment of time and money as in this industry. The world is only just awakening to the value of coconut oil in the manufacturing of artificial butter of the highest quality and of the byproduct copra cake as a food for cattle.”

Accordingly, the colonial government encouraged the cultivation of coconut, particularly in the North -West of the island. “The rapid expansion of the coconut industry had begun in the late 1850s, but the pace had been accelerated in the 1860s .The acreage went up from about 250,000 in the 1860s to 850,000 in the first decade of the 20th century (K.M. De. Silva: A History Sri Lanka page 287).

Apart from encouraging the rapid expansion of the area under coconut, the English diverted the industry to processing of coconut products as well. The establishment of a crushing plant for milling copra into oil and copra meal commenced around 1830 and there had been regular shipments of oil from Ceylon to Europe. In 1853 Sri Lanka had exported, 33,900 gallons. (Samuel Baker: Eight Years in Ceylon: pg. 158.)

In 1855 soap making commenced and several kinds of soap were produced and exported. Sri Lanka was thus ahead of most of the coconut producing countries that were continuing to export only copra. The 19th century also saw Sri Lanka taking another important step in processing of coconut products.

Following the industrial revolution the need arose for a cheap ingredient for the ever increasing demand for candy among the working class in the UK. Coconut proved to be ideal. But the practice at the time to import the whole nut was cumbersome and expensive. Experiments had been carried out in the UK to find a solution. It was discovered that grated coconut meat heated on steam tables resulted in it not becoming rancid and the result was desiccated coconut. The first desiccated coconut factory was established at Dematagoda and by 1890 Sri Lanka had exported 6,000 tons of desiccated coconut. In 1900 it had gone up to 60,000 tons. At that time, Sri Lanka was the leading exporter of desiccated coconut.

Similarly, the first fiber mill was set up in the 19th century and in 1853, 2,380 tons of coir had been exported. Coconut thus came to be one of the three major exports of the island, the other two being tea and rubber.

Along with the plantation and industrial sectors coconut continued as a small holder crop serving mostly the needs of the local population. Coconut being an important food item of the people, with the increasing population, the consumption increased and by mid nineteen -fifties the export of kernel products, mainly desiccated coconut, coconut oil and copra decreased. A study done in 1969 for UN/ECAFE reported as follows “The fall in Ceylon’s exports of both copra and coconut oil in recent years particularly since 1964 is attributable to the progressive decline in exportable surpluses owing to a rising domestic consumption” (The Coconut Industry of Asia’ page 58) .

The downward trend continues .The exportable surplus as a percentage of production has varied from a high of 38.2% in 1985 to a low of 14.0%in 2007. (Coconut Statistics 2017 C.D.A page 11.)Product wise a volume of 56,144 MT coconut oil exported in 1985 declined to 6,310 in 2017 and 52,157 MT of desiccated coconut to 29,418 MT for the same period.

However there are a few , new kernel products –virgin coconut oil, coconut cream (milk) and powder and coconut water which are just making an entry into the export market (page 12 CDA).In 2017 the kernel product exports have brought in $312,316, 000.

It has been able to reach these levels of exports only due to a new trend in imports. To augment the local supplies Sri Lanka has been importing vegetable oils and fats for some time .But from 2005, it had increased by leaps and bounds. Till then imports were mainly for industrial purposes. But from 2005 large volumes of crude palm oil have been increasingly imported for edible purposes as well, reaching 121,706 MT in 2015.This is in addition to the import of small volumes of soya oil, sunflower oil and coconut oil. The total value of vegetable oils and fats imports in 2017 had been Rs. 29,662,257,394 of which the largest volume was for crude palm oil and palm oil products. (Table 23, 24 CDA.)It also cushioned the local nut price increase in order to satisfy the domestic consumers.

However as against the declining value of kernel products a redeeming factor is the enhanced export earnings from non-kernel products which has amounted to $ 283,872,000), in 2017compared to $94,989,000 in 2005 and $ 188,722,000 in 2010 .Products like coir pith and molded coir products for use in horticulture and increased volume of activated carbon have accounted for this enhanced export earnings.

There is a number of factors responsible for this huge drop in exports in kernel products. While the Philippines and Indonesia have vast extents brought under coconut, running into several millions of hectares, in Sri Lanka coconut acreage is shrinking due to urbanization, opening up of new industrial ventures, fragmentation of holdings, crop diversification, pests, diseases, and drought. From a peak of 1.15 million acres in 1962 the area under coconut decreased to 1.09 million acres in 2015.The study done by the Department of Census and Statistics in 2005 revealed that the aggregate extent under coconut crop at national level has declined by about 5% during the period from 1982-2002( page 4 of the study)

 

In 2006 the ‘Weligama Wilt’ was reported and it was estimated that 300,000 palms at the initial stages and more in repeated cycles had to be removed. March 16,2019 ,Daily Mirror reported of 96,000 coconut trees on 1,200 acres to be felled to construct the Bingiriya Free Trade Zone. Felling of coconut trees is continuing. And the production of coconut has remained static. Since 1980 Sri Lankan coconut production had exceeded 3,000 million nuts only few times. The average yield is around 2,500 nuts per acre per annum.

However it is noticed that in 2017 the domestic consumption has come down to 1,700 million nuts from a high of 2437 million nuts in 2008.In earlier years (2005) the domestic consumption was calculated at 95.52 fresh nuts and 1, 02 kg of coconut oil per head per annum approximately. (Coconut Statistics CDA 2005). But the 2017 report dumps fresh coconut consumption, coconut oil consumption, milk powder consumption and adjustment stocks all under domestic consumption. (Coconut Statistics 2017).With a provisional population of 21.44 million in 2017, it is surprising how the consumption had come down so drastically particularly when in the previous year it was reported that the domestic consumption was 2119 million nuts and the provisional population 21.20 million. It is worth studying this situation in the next few years as to why it happened.

Efforts to increase production and productivity have not had much effect. Sri Lanka has introduced only four high yielding varieties since 1960 the bulk coming from the two earlier varieties. The total number of seedlings issued from 2008 to 2017 is 386,555 (in thousands) ( Sri Lanka Coconut Statistics 2017). On the basis of 64 trees to an acre this should cover an area of more than 600,000 acres! By now some of them should be bearing. Obviously there is something wrong with the quality of seedlings or statistics!

From the above facts and figures, it is obvious that the future of the coconut industry in the island is not that rosy. Unless the industry and the government take corrective measures, an industry with so much of potential is on the path of no return. A study covering all the aspects of the industry and involving all stake holders is a necessity.

In the coconut industry there are many stake holders. Starting from coconut growers there are the processors of different products. Copra, desiccated coconut ,coconut oil, virgin coconut oil ,coconut water ,coconut cream, fiber products, coconut shell charcoal ,activated carbon and many others. They all operate in water tight compartments. There should be a forum chaired by the C.D.A where they could meet and discuss their sectoral and industry problems regularly.

Unlike in rubber or tea it is not possible to get actual and correct figures except for exports of coconut products. The total extent under coconut is taken from the agricultural census conducted once in ten years. By the time the figures are available nearly eleven to twelve years have lapsed and much change would have taken place on ground specially with felling of coconut trees for various activities. Therefore reliance on them for planning for the industry would naturally give a wrong picture.

In order to assess the current situation of the extent of land under coconut and production levels, the feasibility of conducting a regular random or sample survey under the direction of the Department of Census and Statistics should be considered. Field level officers of the Coconut Cultivation and Research Boards could be used for this survey.

Earlier domestic consumption was calculated on the basis of the household income and expenditure survey conducted by the Department of Census and Statistics. Now the basis of calculation is not provided with the overall figure.

Although recently exports of non-kernel products have increased in volume and value ultimately it too depends on the increased production of coconut. As such it should be the concern of processors and exporters of kernel as well as non-kernel products to get involved with projects to increase production .They have the capital and a drop in nut production may affect their outputs.

One last question is how long Sri Lanka is going to depend on import of vegetable oils to sustain the export of kernel products. Economically and health wise whether it is worth should draw the attention of the government and others concerned.

There is a more important aspect to it. In Sri Lanka coconut is important as a source to meet the daily requirement of nutrients particularly of the lower income groups. The study done in 2002 by the Department of Census and Statistics reveals that out of the daily requirement of the nutrients needed by the Sri Lankans 15%calories,5% of protein and 70% of fat are derived from the source of coconut.

“Dr. Mary G. Enig, a nutritionist/biochemist of international renown for her research on the nutritional aspects of fats and oil addressing the Asian and Pacific Coconut Community 36th annual session had the following to say.

“Recently published research has shown that natural coconut fat in the diet leads to a normalization of body lipids, protects against alcohol damage to the liver ,and improves the immune system’s anti-inflammatory response .Clearly there has been increasing recognition of health supporting functions of the fatty acids found in coconut. Now it can be recognized for another kind of functionality: the improvement of the health of mankind.” This was in 1999.

In 2006 ,Conrado S. Dayritt Professor Emeritus of Pharmacology ,College of Medicine ,University of the Philippines at the technical meeting of the Asian and Pacific Coconut Community stated that “the chemical properties and biologic actions that make coconut oil superior to other oils for cooking and health use ,viz chemical nature and stability ,absorbability, metabolism, physiologic, and pharmacologic actions, antimicrobial, immune-regulatory and anti-inflammatory.”

In this context, is it in the interest of the health of the people of Sri Lanka that we should continue to use imported vegetable oils in large quantities and barter a time tested precious, healthy oil for the sake of some additional dollars?

Our slogan should be increase the production and productivity of coconut, increase the domestic consumption of coconut and increase the coconut exports.

 

(From String of Archaeological sites in the East coast and other articles by Dr.P.G.Punchihewa Former Secretary Ministry of Coconut Industries and former Executive Director Asian and Pacific Coconut Community Jakarta.)



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The final voyage of the Iranian warship sunk by the US

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The Iris Dena seen in the Bay of Bengal during the International Fleet Review 2026 [BBC]

On 17 February, the Indian Navy posted a cheerful message on X.

“Welcome!” it wrote, greeting the Iranian warship Iris Dena as it steamed into the port of Visakhapatnam to join an international naval gathering.

Photographs showed sailors in crisp whites and a grey frigate gliding in the sea harbour on a clear day. The hashtags spoke of “Bridges of Friendship” and “United Through Oceans”.

Two weeks later the ship, carrying 130 sailors, lay at the bottom of the Indian Ocean. It had been torpedoed by a US submarine off Sri Lanka’s southern coast on 4 March.

Commissioned in 2021, the Dena was a relatively new vessel – a Moudge-class frigate of Iran’s Southern Fleet, which patrols the Strait of Hormuz and the Gulf of Oman.

According to US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth, the vessel “thought it was safe in international waters” but instead “died a quiet death”. Rescue teams from Sri Lanka have recovered at least 87 bodies. Only 32 sailors survived.

The sinking marks a dramatic widening of the war between America, Israel and Iran. And, though it occurred in international waters of the Indian Ocean and outside India’s jurisdiction, it is an awkward moment for Delhi.

“The war has come to our doorsteps. That is not a good thing,” says retired Vice Admiral Arun Kumar Singh.

For some strategists, the episode carries broader implications for India’s regional standing.

Indian strategic affairs expert Brahma Chellaney wrote on X that the US torpedoing of the Iranian warship in India’s “maritime neighbourhood” was “more than a battlefield episode” – calling it a “strategic embarrassment” for Delhi.

“By sinking a vessel returning from an Indian-hosted multilateral exercise, Washington effectively turned India’s maritime neighbourhood into a war zone, raising uncomfortable questions about India’s authority in its own backyard,” Chellaney wrote.

Just days before its destruction, the Dena had been a diplomatic guest of the Indian Navy.

The ship had travelled to Visakhapatnam, a sun-washed port city on India’s east coast, to participate in the International Fleet Review 2026 and Exercise Milan, a large multilateral naval exercise meant to showcase India’s growing maritime leadership.

Seventy-four countries and 18 warships took part in the events, which Delhi described as a demonstration of its ambition to become the Indian Ocean’s “preferedsecurity partner”.

Visiting ships at such multilateral exercises usually do not carry a full combat load of live munitions, unless scheduled for a live-fire drill, according to Chellaney. Even during the sea phase, when drills and live firing take place, ships carry only tightly controlled ammunition limited to the specific exercises.

Singh, an invitee to the event, recalls seeing the warship and its Iranian sailors in Visakhapatnam just days before its fate changed.

“I saw the boys marching in front of me,” he says of the Iranian naval contingent during the parade along the seafront, just 10m away. “All young people. I feel very sad.”

He says on 21 February, the assembled ships – including the Iranian vessel – sailed out for the sea phase of Exercise Milan, scheduled to run until 25 February.

“What happened next is less clear: the ship may have returned to port or peeled away after exercises. Either way, the waters where it was later sunk – off Galle in Sri Lanka – lie only two to three days’ sailing from India’s east coast,” Singh says. What the ship was doing in the 10-12 days in between is not clear.

A map showing the Arabian Sea region including Iran, Oman, Saudi Arabia, India, and Sri Lanka. A red label near Sri Lanka marks the location where the Iris Dena sank near Galle. The Strait of Hormuz is labelled between Iran and Oman. In the upper-right corner, an inset photo shows a grey naval ship docked at a port with cranes in the background, labelled the Iris Dena in Brazil in 2023. A small world map in the upper-left highlights the region with a red rectangle.

Singh, who has commanded submarines, believes the sequence leading up to the attack was probably straightforward.

The US, he notes, tracks vessels across the world’s oceans. “They would have known exactly when the ship left and where it was heading,” he says. A fourth of America’s submarine fleet of 65-70 is at sea at any given time, according to analysts.

According to the Indian Navy, the Iranian warship had been operating about 20 nautical miles west of Galle – roughly 23 miles (37km) – in waters that fall under Sri Lanka’s designated search-and-rescue zone.

The attack, Singh says, appears to have involved a single Mark-48 torpedo, a heavyweight weapon carrying about 650 pounds of high explosive, capable of snapping a ship in two. Video footage suggests the submarine may have fired from 3-4km away, around 05:30 local time.

The aftermath was grim and swift.

The warship reportedly sank within two to three minutes, leaving little time for rescue. “It’s a miracle they managed to send an SOS,” Singh says, which was picked up by the Sri Lanka Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre in Colombo.

According to the Indian Navy, a distress call from the Iranian warship was picked up by Colombo in the early hours of 4 March, triggering a regional search-and-rescue effort.

The navy said in a statement that Sri Lanka’s navy began rescue operations first, while India moved to assist later.

The Indian Navy deployed a long-range maritime patrol aircraft to support the search and kept another aircraft with air-droppable life rafts on standby.

A naval vessel already operating nearby reached the area by late afternoon. Another ship, which sailed from the southern Indian port city of Kochi to join the effort, continues to comb the waters for survivors and debris.

Reuters An Iranian Embassy official (R) reacts while standing in front of Galle National Hospital, where injured sailors are receiving treatment, following a submarine attack on the Iranian military ship, IRIS Dena, off the coast of Sri Lanka, in Galle, Sri Lanka, March 5, 2026. REUTERS/Thilina Kaluthotage
An Iranian embassy official (right) in front of Galle National Hospital, where injured sailors are receiving treatment [BBC]

Under the Second Geneva Convention, countries at war are required to take “all possible measures” to rescue wounded or shipwrecked sailors after a naval attack. In practice, however, this duty applies only if a rescue can be attempted without putting the attacking vessel in serious danger.

Singh says submarines are rarely able to help.

“Submarines don’t surface,” he says. “If you surface and give up your position, someone else can sink you.”

Singh suspects the speed of the sinking – and possibly sparse shipping in the area at the time – meant few nearby vessels could respond. “A ship breaking up that fast leaves almost no chance,” he says.

In a shooting war, Singh says, the legal position is blunt.

Fighting between the United States and Iran had been under way since 28 February, with claims that 17 Iranian naval vessels had already been destroyed.

“When a shooting war is on, any ship of a belligerent country becomes fair game,” he says.

Many questions remain. Why was the Iranian warship still in waters near Sri Lanka nearly two weeks after leaving India’s naval exercise? Was it heading home, or on another mission? And how long had the US submarine been tracking it before firing?

For Delhi, the episode is diplomatically awkward.

India has drawn closer to Washington on defence while maintaining long-standing political and economic ties with Tehran – a balancing act the war has made harder.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has called broadly for “dialogue and diplomacy” to resolve conflicts, but has neither addressed the sinking of the Iranian vessel directly nor criticised the American strike.

Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi described the attack as “an atrocity at sea” and stressed that the frigate had been “a guest of India’s Navy”. Meanwhile Sri Lanka has taken control of another Iranian naval vessel off its coast after an engine failure forced it to seek port, a day after the US attack.

The episode has nonetheless sparked debate within India’s strategic community.

Kanwal Sibal, a veteran diplomat, argued that India’s responsibility may not be legal, but it is moral.

REUTERS A man checks the local newspaper, follwoing a submarine attack on the Iranian military ship, IRIS Dena, off the coast of Sri Lanka, in Galle, Sri Lanka, March 5, 2026. REUTERS/Thilina Kaluthotage
The sinking of the ship made front page news in Sri Lanka [BBC]

“The Iranian ship would not have been where it was had India not invited it to the Milan exercise,” he wrote on X.  “A word of condolence at the loss of lives of those who were our invitees would be in order.”

Others like Chellaney have framed the issue in more strategic terms.

He described the strike as a blow to India’s maritime diplomacy. The torpedoing of the frigate in “India’s maritime backyard”, he argued, punctured Delhi’s carefully cultivated image as a “preferred security partner” in the Indian Ocean.

“In one torpedo strike, American hard power has punctured India’s carefully cultivated soft power,” says Chellaney.

As the debate gathered pace in strategic circles, India’s official response remained cautious.

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar said on X that he had held a telephone conversation with Araghchi, and also posted a photograph of a meeting with Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister Saeed Khatibzadeh at a foreign policy summit in Delhi.

For military historian Srinath Raghavan, the legal position is clear: once the Iranian vessel left India’s shores, Delhi had no formal responsibility.

The strategic message, however, is harder to ignore.

“First, the spreading geography of this war. Second, India’s limited ability to manage its fallout,” says Raghavan.

“Indeed, the US Navy has fired a shot across the bow aimed at all regional players, including India.”

[BBC]

 

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End of ‘Western Civilisation’?

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Carney at Davos

“All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others” ––George Orwell, Animal Farm

When I wrote in this column an essay on 4th February 2026 titled, the ‘Beginning of Another ‘White Supremacist’ World Order?’, my focus was on the hypocrisy of Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney’s Davos address on 20 January 2026 to the World Economic Forum. It was embraced like the gospel by liberal types and the naïve international relations ‘experts’ in our country and elsewhere. My suspicion of Carney’s words stemmed from the consistent role played by countries like Canada and others which he called ‘middle powers’ or ‘intermediate powers’ in the world order he critiqued in Davos. He wanted such countries, particularly Canada, “to live the truth?” which meant “naming reality” as it exists; “acting consistently” towards all in the world; “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” and “building what we claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be restored.” These are some memorable pieces of Carney’s mantra.

Yet unsurprisingly, it only took the Trump-Netanyahu illegal war against Iran to prove the hollowness in Carney’s words. If he placed any premium on his own words, he should have at least voiced his concern against the continuing atrocities in the Middle East unilaterally initiated by the US and Israel. But his concern is only about Iran’s seemingly indiscriminate attacks across the region targeting US and Israeli installations and even civilian locations in countries allied with the Us-Israel coalition.

Issuing a statement on 3 March 2026 from Sydney he noted, “Canada has long seen Iran as the principal source of instability and terror in the Middle East” and “despite more than two decades of negotiations and diplomatic efforts, Iran has not dismantled its nuclear programme, nor halted its enrichment activities.” A sensible observer would note how the same statement would also apply to Israel. In fact, Israel has been the bigger force of instability in the Middle East surpassing Iran. After all, it has exiled an entire population of people — the Palestinians — from their country to absolute statelessness has not halted its genocide of the same people unfortunate enough to find themselves in Gaza after their homeland was taken over to create Israel in 1948 and their properties to build illegal Jewish settlements in more recent times. And then there is the matter of nuclear weapons. Israel has never been hounded to stop its nuclear programme unlike Iran. There is, in the world order Carney criticixed and the one in his fantasy, a fundamental difference between a ‘Jewish bomb’ and a ‘Muslim bomb’ in the ‘clash of civilisations’ as imagined by Samuel P. Huntington and put into practice by the likes of Messers Trump, Netanyahu, and Carney. That is, the Jewish bomb is legitimate, and the Muslim one is not, which to me evokes the commandments in the dystopian novella Animal Farm.

But Carney, in his new rhetoric closely echoing those of the leaders of Germany, UK and France, did not completely forget his Davos words too. He noted, in the same statement, “we take this position with regret, because the current conflict is another example of the failure of the international order.” But in reality, it is not the failure of the current international order, but its reinforcement by the likes of Mr Carney, reiterating why it will not change.

Coming back to the US-Israel attack on Iran, anyone even remotely versatile in the craft of warfare should have known, sooner or later, the rapidly expanding theatre of devastation in the Middle East was likely to happen for two obvious reasons. One, Iran had warned of this outcome if attacked as it considered those countries hosting US and Israeli bases or facilities as enemies. This is military common sense. Two, this was also likely because it is the only option available for a country under attack when faced with superior technology, firepower and the silence of much of the world. I cannot but feel deep shame about the lukewarm and generic statements urging restraint issued by our political leaders notwithstanding the support of Iran to our country in many times of difficulty at the hands of this very same world order.

When I say this, I am not naïvely embracing Iran as a shining example of democracy. I am cognizant of the Iranian regime’s maltreatment of some of its own citizens, stifling of dissent within the country and its proxy support for armed groups in the region. But in real terms, this is no different from similar actions of Israel and the US. The difference is, the actions of these countries, particularly of the US, have been far more devastating for the world than anything Iran has done or could do. US’s misadventures in Vietnam, Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan come to mind — to take only a handful of examples.

But it is no longer about Carney and the hollowness of his liberal verbal diarrhoea in Davos. What is of concern now is twofold. One is the unravelling fiction of what he called the ‘new world order’ in which he located countries like Canada at the helm. And the second is the reality of continuing to live in the same old world order where countries like Canada and other middle and intermediate powers will continue to do the bidding of powerful aggressors like the US and Israel as they have done since the 20th century.

Yet, one must certainly thank Trump and Mr Natenyahu for one thing. That is, they have effectively exposed the myth of what used to be euphemistically called the ‘western civilisation.’ Despite its euphemism, the notion and its reality were omnipresent and omnipotent, because of the devastating long term and lingering consequences of its tools of operation, which were initially colonialism and later postcolonial and neocolonial forms of control to which all of us continue to be subjected.

One thing that was clearly lacking in the long and devastating history of the ‘western civilisation’ in so far as it affected the lives of people like us is its lack of ‘civilisation’ and civility at all times. Therefore, Trump and Mr Netanyahu must be credited for exposing this reality in no uncertain terms.

But what does illegal and unprovoked military action and the absence so far of accountability mean in real terms? It simply means that rules no longer matter. If Israel and the US can bomb and murder heads of state of a sovereign country, its citizens including children, cause massive destruction claiming a non-existent imminent threat violating both domestic and international law, it opens a wide playing field for the powerful and the greedy. Hypothetically, in this free-for-all, China can invade India through Arunachal Pradesh and occupy that Indian state which it calls Zangnan simply because it has been claiming the territory of itself for a very long time and also simply because it can. India can invade and occupy Sri Lanka, if it so wishes because this can so easily be done and also because it is part of the extended neighbourhood of the Ramayana and India’s ‘Akhand Bharat’ political logic. Sri Lanka can perhaps invade and occupy the Maldives if it wants a free and perennial supply of Maldive Fish. Incidentally, the Sri Lankan Tamil guerrilla group, People’s Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam nearly succeeded in doing so 1988.

Sarcasm aside, even more dangerous is the very real possibility of this situation opening the doors for small, violent and mobile militant groups to target citizens of these aggressor countries and their allies as we saw in the late 1960s and 1970s. This will occur because in this kind of situation, many people would likely believe this form of asymmetric warfare is the only avenue of resistance open to them. It is precisely under similar conditions that the many Palestinian armed factions and Lebanese militia groups emerged in the first place. If this happens, the victims will not be the fathers and the vociferous supporters of the present aggression but all of us including those who had nothing to do with the atrocities or even opposed it in their weak and inaudible voices.

If I may go back to Carney’s Davos words, what would “to live the truth?”, “naming reality”, “acting consistently” and “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” mean in the emerging situation in the Middle East? Would this kind of hypocrisy, hyperbole, choreographed silence and selective accusations only end if a US invasion of Greenland, an integral part of the ‘White Supremacist’ World Order’ takes place? By then, however, all of us would have been well-trained in the art of feeling numb. By that time, we too would have forgotten yet another important line in Animal Farm: “No animal shall kill any other animal without cause.”

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Silence is not protection: Rethinking sexual education in Sri Lanka

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Sexual education is a vital component of holistic education, contributing to physical health, emotional well-being, gender equality, and social responsibility. Despite its importance, sexual education remains a sensitive and often controversial subject in many societies, particularly in culturally conservative contexts. In Sri Lanka, discussions around sexuality are frequently avoided in formal and informal settings, leaving young people to rely on peers, social media, or misinformation. This silence creates serious social, health, and psychological consequences. By examining the Sri Lankan context alongside international examples, the importance of comprehensive and age-appropriate sexual education becomes clear.

Understanding Sexual Education

Sexual education goes beyond biological explanations of reproduction. Comprehensive sexual education includes knowledge about human anatomy, puberty, consent, relationships, emotional health, gender identity, sexual orientation, reproductive rights, contraception, prevention of sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and personal safety. Importantly, it also promotes values such as respect, responsibility, dignity, and mutual understanding. When delivered appropriately, sexual education empowers individuals to make informed decisions rather than encouraging early or risky sexual behavior.

The Sri Lankan Context: Silence and Its Consequences

In Sri Lanka, sexual education is included in school curricula mainly through subjects such as Health Science and Life Competencies, however the content is often limited and taught with hesitation. Many teachers feel uncomfortable discussing sexual topics openly due to cultural norms, religious sensitivities, and fear of parental backlash. As a result, lessons are rushed, skipped, or delivered in a purely biological manner without addressing emotional, social, or ethical dimensions.

This lack of open education has led to several social challenges. Teenage pregnancies, although less visible, remain a significant issue, particularly in rural and estate sectors. Young girls who become pregnant often face school dropouts, social stigma, and limited future opportunities. Many of these pregnancies occur due to lack of knowledge about contraception, consent, and bodily autonomy.

Another serious concern in Sri Lanka is child sexual abuse. Numerous reports indicate that many children do not recognize abusive behaviour or lack the confidence and language to report it. Proper sexual education, especially lessons on body boundaries and consent, can help children identify inappropriate behavior and seek help early. In the Sri Lankan context, where respect for elders often discourages questioning authority, this knowledge is especially crucial.

Furthermore, misinformation about menstruation, nocturnal emissions, and bodily changes during puberty causes anxiety and shame among adolescents. Many Sri Lankan girls experience menarche without prior knowledge, leading to fear and confusion. Similarly, boys often receive no guidance about emotional or physical changes, reinforcing unhealthy notions of masculinity and silence around mental health.

Cultural Resistance and Misconceptions

Opposition to sexual education in Sri Lanka often stems from the belief that it promotes immoral behaviour or encourages premarital sex. However, international research consistently shows the opposite: young people who receive comprehensive sexual education tend to delay sexual initiation and engage in safer behaviours. The resistance is therefore rooted more in cultural fear than empirical evidence.

Religious and cultural values are important, but they need not conflict with sexual education. In fact, sexual education can be framed within moral discussions about responsibility, respect, family values, and care for others principles shared across Sri Lanka’s major religious traditions. Ignoring sexuality does not protect cultural values; rather, it leaves young people vulnerable.

International Evidence: Lessons from Other Countries

Several countries demonstrate how effective sexual education contributes to positive social outcomes.

In the Netherlands, sexual education begins at an early age and is age-appropriate, focusing on respect, relationships, and communication rather than explicit sexual activity. As a result, the Netherlands has one of the lowest rates of teenage pregnancy and STIs in the world. Young people are encouraged to discuss feelings, boundaries, and consent openly, both in schools and at home.

Similarly, Sweden introduced compulsory sexual education as early as the 1950s. Swedish programs emphasise gender equality, reproductive rights, and sexual health. This long-term commitment has contributed to high levels of sexual health awareness, low maternal mortality among young mothers, and strong societal acceptance of gender diversity. Sexual education in Sweden is also closely linked to public health services, ensuring access to counseling and contraception.

In many developing contexts, international organisations have supported sexual education as a tool for social development. UNESCO promotes Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) globally, emphasising that it equips young people with knowledge, skills, attitudes, and values that enable them to protect their health and dignity. Studies supported by UNESCO show that CSE reduces risky behaviours, improves academic outcomes, and supports gender equality.

In countries such as Rwanda and South Africa, sexual education has been integrated with HIV/AIDS prevention programs. These initiatives demonstrate that sexual education is not a luxury of developed nations but a necessity for public health and social stability.

Comparing Sri Lanka with International Models

When compared with international examples, Sri Lanka’s challenges are not due to lack of capacity but lack of open dialogue and political will. Sri Lanka has a strong education system, high literacy rates, and an extensive public health network. These strengths provide an excellent foundation for implementing comprehensive sexual education that is culturally sensitive yet scientifically accurate.

Unlike the Netherlands or Sweden, Sri Lanka may not adopt early-age sexuality discussions in the same manner, but age-appropriate education during late primary and secondary school is both feasible and necessary. Topics such as puberty, menstruation, consent, online safety, and respectful relationships can be introduced gradually without violating cultural norms.

Sexual Education in the Digital Era

The urgency of sexual education has increased in the digital age. Sri Lankan adolescents are exposed to sexual content through social media, films, and online platforms, often without guidance. Pornography frequently becomes a primary source of sexual knowledge, leading to unrealistic expectations, objectification, and distorted ideas about consent and relationships.

Sexual education can counter these influences by developing critical thinking, media literacy, and ethical understanding. Teaching young people how to navigate digital relationships, cyber harassment, and online exploitation is now an essential component of sexual education.

Gender Equality and Social Change

Sexual education also plays a crucial role in promoting gender equality. In Sri Lanka, traditional gender roles often limit open discussion about female sexuality while excusing male dominance. Comprehensive sexual education challenges these norms by emphasizing mutual respect, shared responsibility, and equality in relationships.

Educating boys about consent and emotional expression helps reduce gender-based violence, while educating girls about bodily autonomy strengthens empowerment. In the long term, this contributes to healthier families and more equitable social structures.

The Way Forward for Sri Lanka

For sexual education to be effective in Sri Lanka, several steps are necessary. Teachers must receive proper training to handle the subject confidently and sensitively. Parents should be engaged through awareness programs to reduce fear and misconceptions. Curriculum developers must ensure that content is age-appropriate, culturally grounded, and scientifically accurate.

Importantly, sexual education should not be treated as a one-time lesson but as a continuous process integrated into broader life skills education. Collaboration between schools, healthcare providers, religious leaders, and community organisations can help normalise discussions around sexual health while respecting cultural values.

Finally , sexual education is not merely about sex; it is about health, dignity, safety, and responsible citizenship. The Sri Lankan experience demonstrates how silence and taboo can lead to misinformation, vulnerability, and social harm. International examples from the Netherlands, Sweden, and global initiatives supported by UNESCO clearly show that comprehensive sexual education leads to positive individual and societal outcomes.

For Sri Lanka, embracing sexual education does not mean abandoning cultural values. Rather, it means equipping young people with knowledge and ethical understanding to navigate modern social realities responsibly. In an era of rapid social and technological change, sexual education is not optional it is essential for building a healthy, informed, and compassionate society.

by Milinda Mayadunna ✍️

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