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13th Amendment and Tamil polity: A pragmatic approach

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By Dr Nirmala Chandrahasan

There is much speculation in the Tamil political circles as to the usefulness or otherwise of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and whether the Provincial Council system set up under its aegis gives a measure of power sharing or devolution of powers to the Tamil speaking provinces, or whether it is an ineffective institution which blocks out any greater devolution under the exercise of internal self- determination. This debate has been sparked by the decision of Tamil speaking parties including the TNA, to send a letter to the Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi, requesting him to use his good offices to induce the Government of Sri Lanka to implement the 13th Amendment fully, in the context that the 13th Amendment arose out of the provisions of the Indo -Sri Lanka Peace Accord of July 1987, to which treaty India and Sir Lanka are signatories. The letter was duly signed by six Tamil party leaders and handed over to the Indian High Commissioner, triggering some protests by those opposing the 13th Amendment. This debate takes on even greater urgency in the context of the impending new constitutional proposals of the Experts Committee appointed by the Gotabaya Government to be tabled in Parliament shortly.

In order to determine which is the better view we have to take a look at the provisions of the 13th Amendment and the workings of the Provincial Councils set up under them, which have been in operation from 1988 onwards in most parts of the Country. Although the PCs as originally envisaged were intended to be set up for the amalgamated Northern and Eastern provinces, to give expression to the long standing demand of the Tamil speaking people since independence, for devolution and power sharing within a Federal framework, it was extended to the Sinhala majority provinces as well although there had been no demand for them in these provinces. The first Provincial Council elections were held in April 1988 for the North Central, North Western, Sabragamuwa and Uva Provinces, and subsequently for the other provinces. In September 1988 the Northern and Eastern provinces were made one administrative unit in accordance with the provisions of the Indo -Sri Lanka Treaty, and in November 1988 elections were held for the North East Provincial Council. In 1990 the PC was dissolved. Thereafter the North East Province was directly administered by the Central government. During the civil war it was not possible to hold PC elections In the northern and eastern parts of the Country. In 2006 pursuant to a Court decision the two provinces were separated. It was only in May 2008 that the Eastern province, Provincial Council election was held. Subsequently after the termination of the war in the north, the Northern Province, Provincial Council election was held on 21st September 2013. We can see that this institution has been operating over a long period of time but during this long period certain sections of the 13th Amendment dealing with the powers conferred on the Provincial Councils, set out in the 3 Appendixes to the 9th Schedule of List 1 Provincial Council List, are yet to be activated and are in abeyance. These Appendixes deal with the following subjects; Appendix 1, law and order which has to do mainly with Police powers and institution of a Provincial Division of the Police Force alongside the National Division of the Force. Appendix 11 Land and land settlement, and Appendix 111 Education.

Apart from the above, the Provincial Council exercises powers in respect of the subjects assigned to it, over which it has both legislative and executive powers. The subjects assigned to the Province and set out in the provincial List, List 1 include inter alia Provincial housing and construction, agriculture and agrarian services, rural development,health, land, Irrigation, roads bridges and ferries within the province, planning, and plan implementation of provincial economic plans, educational services, and supervision and administration of local government authorities. The list even includes ancient and historical monuments other than those declared to be of national importance. I mention this in the context of the Archaeological explorations being made in the northern and eastern provinces by the recently appointed task force on archeology without any representation from the Tamil and Muslim communities. There is also a concurrent list, List 111, over which both the Provincial Council and the Centre can exercise powers, these include planning and appraisal of plan implementation strategies at the provincial level, education and educational services, higher education, agriculture and agrarian services, health, irrigation, tourism, etc. In these areas there can be overlapping powers and hence disputes arise. The Provincial Council can pass statutes and exercise executive powers in respect of the subjects set out in the Provincial and Concurrent lists. These powers are largely based on the powers conferred on the States in the Indian constitution part VI. The States in India are running efficiently and providing the people with the services that they need. Tamil Nadu for example is recognised as having a very efficient administration presently under the Chief Minister M. K Stalin. The question is why the Provincial Council system in Sri Lanka is generally regarded a white elephant and as not effective in providing services to the people. For this we must examine the road blocks in the system and make the necessary adjustments, rather than just dismantling the entire system, and throwing the baby away with the bath water so to speak.

An appraisal of the workings shows that most of the stumbling blocks to the smooth functioning of the Provincial Councils are as a result of the provisions of the Provincial Councils Act no 42 of 1987, which was passed alongside the 13th Amendment. Under this Act the Governor is given powers over the finances of the PCs and is given control of the Provincial Public service as well as the Provincial Public Service commission. The 13th Amendment provides that the executive power of the Provincial Council is vested in the Governor and he acts through the Board of ministers or through members of the provincial public service. The Chief Minister and the Board of Ministers aid and advise the Governor in the exercise of his functions and the Governor Shall act in accordance with the advice except where he is required under the Constitution to exercise his discretion. In the Indian Constitution similarly in respect of the States ,the executive power is vested in the Governor but as in the Westminster scheme of governance the Governor acts on the advice of the Chief Ministers and is a nominal head. On the other hand, in Sri Lanka we find many instances of Governors exercising these powers like executive heads and not as nominal heads, particularly in the Tamil majority provinces and not so much in the Sinhalese majority provinces. The Governors stranglehold over the functioning of the PCs is most clearly demonstrated in his power over the finances of the province. To run the PCs money is required and this is where the Councils have been most hamstrung as the Provincial Councils Act gives the Governor controlling power over the finances of the Province. The custody of the Provincial Fund is with the Governor. The PC cannot pass any statute imposing or abolishing taxes without the consent of the Governor. More over the constitutional framework severely limits the revenue raising capacity of the PCS, as pointed out in the Report of the Parliamentary subcommittee on Centre- Periphery relations of November 2016. Hence the PCs have to depend largely on Central grants for their funds.

Another area which needs to be redesigned is the Administrative system. To run the Provincial Councils effectively the Council requires control not only over its funds but also an effective administrative system and defined areas of competence. At present the District Secretary and the Divisional Secretary as well as the Grama Niladaris come under the Central Government These officers perform administrative functions within the territory of the province but without any control from the provincial administration. Also, although the Local Authorities are under the supervisory control of the Provincial Councils as per the devolved List, most of the power at the local level remains with the Central Government.

For efficient administration of the province there has to be defined areas of competence. But in effect, the Centre has been encroaching on the areas assigned to the provincial administration. The reserved List of the Centre List 11, starts with the Rubric” National policy on all subjects”. This has enabled the Centre to take over subjects which it designates as National. To remedy this, what is National policy or National standards should be laid down through a participatory process with the involvement of the Provinces culminating in framework legislation passed by Parliament to which both Centre and Provinces should adhere. This has been proposed in the Report of the Experts Committee on the Constitution,2006. Another matter which has to be amended is the Concurrent list. Here too it has been recommended that the List be eliminated and the relevant subjects be divided between the Centre and the Province, so that they each have defined areas.

In an article of this nature, it is not possible to do a more in-depth study but I have outlined what are the important issues to be addressed if the Provincial Councils are to provide meaningful Devolution. Some of the areas which need amendment are as follows. The Governor’s role has so far tended to be an obstruction to the functioning of the PCs. The Governor should continue as a nominal head and leave the running of PC to the elected representatives. This is also a recommendation of the Parliamentary subcommittee in its 2016 report.

Hence the Governor’s powers have to be pruned and the Provincial Councils Act suitably amended. The revenue raising capacity of the PCs must be enhanced. It is suggested that they be given the power to obtain loans from foreign sources or at least have the power to administer projects financed by foreign aid. Another important issue is to put in place an administrative structure that can carry out the functions of the Provincial Council in services delivery to the people and for this the administration has to be redesigned so as to bring the District Secretary , the Divisional Secretary and the Grama Niladaris, under the Provincial administration while they still carry out agency services for the Centre. Furthermore, although local Authorities are under the Authority of the PC, as per the devolved List, this provision is being undermined by the Centre using the Urban Development Authority (UDA), Mahaweli Authority and other Central bodies operating within the Province. Hence it must be mandated that such bodies operate within the Province only with the consent and in conjunction with the Provincial and Local Government Authorities. As for the powers in respect of Law and Order and Police powers contained in Appendix 1 of List 1 the 9th schedule , they could be transferred to those PCs which request them as for example in the case of the Northern Ireland Assembly in the UK , where these powers were initially with the Centre, but there was a provision that allowed them to be released on request. In 2010 they were transferred to the Assembly under the Hillsborough Agreement. Until such time as Appendix 1, comes to be activated other provisions can be put in place, such as a policy of recruiting a percentage of the Police cadre stationed in the northern and eastern provinces from these provinces and mandate that they have an O level pass in the Tamil language so that they could operate efficiently in the Tamil speaking areas. I would suggest some similar provision in respect of some areas in the Central provinces so that the upcountry Malayaha Tamils, are also benefited. It is submitted that the Appendix 11 on land be fully implemented as it is essential for the land security of these provinces that the utilization of state land as well as alienation of such land under Presidential order be done in consultation with, or advise of the Provincial Council. The provision in Appendix 11 on the constitution of a National Land Commission with members being appointed from all 3 communities should be carried out forthwith.

I would suggest that the Tamil parties take up the proposed reforms with the Government of Sri Lanka in a negotiated process. As the Government of India was the other party to the Indo Sri Lanka Treaty, India can legitimately demand that the obligations undertaken in the treaty be carried out and the provisions of 13 A be implemented fully so that meaningful devolution is assured to the Tamil speaking people whom the Treaty specifically denotes as the historical inhabitants of the northern and eastern provinces of Sri Lanka. In line with the UNHCR resolution the Sri Lankan Government should also hold the Provincial Council elections so that these institutions can be functioning and not in abeyance as they have been for some years. The Provincial Councils in the South will also benefit from the reforms proposed as it will provide the citizens of the entire Country a stream lined system which is a service provider to the people. I note that the President in his Budget speech has advised the Tamil parties to look to their peoples’ needs and concentrate on economic development of their areas. This can best be done when there is true democracy and the people are taken into the process of consultation as to the strategies for economic development and this is best done at the local level through the Provincial Councils, and local Government Authorities, rather than through bureaucrats sitting in Colombo who have no knowledge of the local conditions or the needs of the people. In my view the Province remains the best unit of devolution at present to serve the needs of the Tamil speaking people. It gives them some measure of autonomy in their traditional areas of inhabitancy. Similarly, in the United Kingdom which is a Unitary State, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland which are ethnically distinct have their own Legislative Assemblies, in the case of Scotland it is called a Parliament, and exercise similar powers to those set out in the 13th Amendment.

I would like to point out that all the major changes suggested in this article respecting the Governors powers, Financing of the Provincial Councils and the Re-designing of the Administrative system in the Provinces have been recommended in the following Reports: Report of the Experts Committee advising the APRC on Constitutional matters and resolution of the National Question 2006, the Report of the APRC( All party Representative Committee) on a new Home grown Constitution 2010, Report of the Parliamentary sub- committee on Centre -Periphery relations 2016 , presented to the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly which was engaged in producing a new Constitution during the tenure of the previous government. In the circumstances the proposed new Constitution could incorporate these features and there is no need to reinvent the wheel. I would submit that the Provincial Council system can be an efficient and successful system if all the short comings referred to above are eliminated and the necessary amendments made. These changes will not require any major constitutional procedures, and can be accomplished by legislation in Parliament with a simple majority, and the administrative changes by Presidential gazette notification under the provisions of the 13th Amendment itself.

*The writer was a member of the Experts Committee 2006, and a signatory to the Majority Report of this Committee.



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The significance of “Control” in foreign relations

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US Assistant Secretary of State South and Central Asian Affairs, Paul Kapur, Deputy Defence Minister Aruna Jayaskera, and Navy Commande Vice Admiral Kanchana Banagoda and others aboard SLNS Gajabahu.

Foreign Relations are all about “Control” particularly in the context of Relations between Major Powers such as the USA, China and India and small sovereign States such as Sri Lanka. While in the case of such relations, benefits to both parties are inevitable, the need to do so is invariably driven by the national interests of the Major Powers because their interests far outweigh those of small States. This mismatch of interests is what calls for “Control” of relations by Major Powers

The advice to Sri Lanka by Foreign Relations experts thus far has been to balance challenges arising from such Relations, not realising that the compulsions driven by the interests of Major Powers are such that balancing by itself does not have the needed capabilities to overcome the consequences arising from Major Power Rivalries; a fact evidenced by the recent Middle East war.

For instance, the need for the USA to strengthen the capabilities of the Sri Lankan Navy is driven by the strategic location of Sri Lanka since it is the gateway to the Indo-Pacific. Notwithstanding such motivations, it cannot be denied that the infrastructure provided to Sri Lanka’s Navy was handy to meet internal challenges as it was during the final stages of the Armed Conflict to destroy arsenals of the LTTE out at sea and the capacity to meet both external and internal threats to and within Sri Lanka.

Similarly, one of China’s primary interests is its Belt and Road Initiative. Towards this end, China has established a solid foot print in Sri Lanka by building and owning solid infrastructure projects for 99 years and more, if it is in China’s interest. However, although benefits from such projects cannot be denied, the open question is whether their scale was established to suit China’s interests or sought by Sri Lanka to suit Sri Lanka’s interests. For instance, the offer to build a 200,000 barrels a day Refinery by Sinopec of China has more to do with serving China’s interests, in view of the decision by the Sri Lankan Government to expand the Refinery at Sapugaskanda to 100,000 barrels a day.

In the case of India, the issues are more complex arising from Sri Lanka’s proximity to India, the cultural and historical heritage shared by both and the presence of the Tamil community in both countries. Consequently, India is extremely conscious of the need to keep a sharp eye and “Control” developments taking place in Sri Lanka in respect of Sri Lanka’s relations with Major Powers. This concern is driven by the notion that the territorial security of India is dependent on Sri Lanka’s Relations with Major Powers; a concern that arises from India’s past territorial history where the territory of India was transformed from a motley group of Princely States into one unified sub-continent and then partitioned into two Nation States under the British Raj. Consequently, the present territory of India has been in existence only since its independence from Colonial Rule in 1947. Hence, the fear of history repeating itself is driven by internal compulsions and by external interventions.

US – SRI LANKA RELATIONS

Against the background of Geopolitical interests presented above, Sri Lanka adopted the Policy of Neutrality in 2019 and this Government continues to exercise and live by its Internationally recognised principles, as it did when Sri Lanka denied landing rights to US Aircraft during the Middle East conflict. Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister stated that Sri Lanka was “always neutral” when he met the US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs to convey Sri Lanka’s appreciation for the assistance rendered to procure fuel during the Middle East crisis and for the maritime vessels and aircraft gifted to Sri Lanka (Daily News, June 23, 2026).

In the meantime, The Island has reported that the “US declares SLN its Indo-Pacific Partner” (June 25, 2026). A statement issued by the US Embassy in Colombo quotes the Assistant Secretary of State as having stated: “Today, we announced the delivery of US satellite communication technology to the Sri Lankan Navy, our Indo-Pacific partner: This secure, real-time connection—representing a transformational upgrade for the Sri Lankan Navy-– will be available aboard their entire fleet of offshore patrol vessels…” (Ibid).

There is no doubt whatsoever that these assets would collectively boost the capabilities of the SL Navy to “strengthen maritime domain awareness, improve operational coordination, support emergency response, help interdict vessels engaged in illicit trafficking etc.” (Ibid). However, the unilateral declaration by US that the SL Navy is a “Indo-Pacific Partner” of the US has NO validity unless such a declaration has the approval of the SL Government. Furthermore, such an approval by the SL Government would compromise its Policy of Neutrality to which the country has pledged.

Therefore, the declaration should be accompanied with a caveat, that being, that the partnership should NOT extend to the entirety of the Indo-Pacific but be limited to Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEC). It is only then that the SL Government is Internationally entitled to exercise its rights as a Neutral State, namely, to protect its territory under the UN Law of the Sea. Furthermore, considering the extent of Sri Lanka’s EEC in relation to the extent of the Indian Ocean, the Partnership would be proportionate.

CHINA – SRI LANKA RELATIONS

China’s interest is to consolidate its interests in its Belt and Road Initiative. Towards this end it has attempted to exercise “Control” over Sri Lanka by offering infrastructure projects of a scale that benefits China rather than Sri Lanka as evidenced by the example of the offer by Sinopec Refinery cited above. This example demonstrate that Sri Lanka should be faulted for accepting projects offered without question and when questioned, based on local evaluations of scale to meet Sri Lankan needs as in the case of the existing Refinery at Sapugaskanda, the scale of projects become significantly less. The lesson to be learnt from this experience is that no project offered should be accepted without question in respect of its suitability to Sri Lanka in all respects, if Sri Lanka is not to become a victim of self-inflicted debt traps.

INDIA –SRI LANKA RELATIONS

How India “Controls” Sri Lanka is by making Sri Lanka politically and economically vulnerable and dependent on India, not only through physical connectivity, but also by being a handmaiden in internal political arrangements where power is devolved to Provinces that are a threat to Sri Lanka’s territorial integrity (13th Amendment) and also by focusing development that benefit the Tamil community in Sri Lanka. The end result is to keep relations between communities in Sri Lanka on the “boil”, much against the interests of Sri Lanka to function as a united Nation State.

The proposal to connect Sri Lanka with India with under-water pipelines to transfer petroleum products from the Middle East and Power Grids would make Sri Lanka vulnerable and dependent on India as Germany was with Natural Gas from Russia when Nord-Stream I and II were sabotaged. Similarly, the road access through a Land Bridge connecting India and Sri Lanka would legalize access between the two countries that today takes place illegally because of the disparity in wages and livelihoods.

Despite such possible outcomes, there is a concerted effort by individuals and a body of NGOs who are of the opinion that it is in the best interests of Sri Lanka for Sri Lanka to hitch its wagons to the rising star of India. Others are grateful to India as the first responder to Sri Lanka at times of need, mindless of the weekly destruction of Sri Lanka’s marine resources etc. caused by thousands of fishing boats from India resorting to illegal fishing practices whose value over the years are beyond assessment.

CONCLUSIION

The reason for the recent conflict in the Middle East is all about “Control” of Nation States by Major Powers in pursuit of their Geopolitical interests. The need to “Control” Sri Lanka by the US is because of Sri Lanka’s location to the Indo-Pacific and by China because Sri Lanka is a vital link to its Belt and Road Initiative. On the other hand, Relations with India are influenced and guided by India’s obsession with the sustainability of its territorial integrity because that is what makes India a Major Power. The survival of Sri Lanka in such a complex background depends on how astutely Sri Lanka protects its Policy of Neutrality.

By Neville Ladduwahetty

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“Sir”: A prefix or a suffix in Sri Lanka?

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A file picture of King Charles making Sir Stephen Hough a Knight Bachelor at Windsor Castle.

The word “Sir” is classically and linguistically associated with Great Britain and His Majesty’s English Language. As an esteemed prefix, it generally refers to a Knight, but very strictly speaking, that is perhaps a rather narrow and restricted synonym. While a Knight of the British Empire is the most common type of knight people encounter today, Great Britain actually has several different orders of knighthood, as well as an ancient rank that does not belong to any such order at all.

When someone is dubbed a knight in Britain and referred to as “Sir” X, Y or Z, they generally fall into one of three categories. The first is a Knight Bachelor, undoubtedly the oldest rank. This is the most common form of knighthood awarded for public service, arts, or science. In that context, one should think of Sir Elton John, Sir Paul McCartney, or Sir Ian McKellen. It is not a part of an explicit “Order”, like that of the British Empire. It is the oldest mechanical form of knighthood, dating back to the 13th century under King Henry III. The recipients are simply styled as Sir, followed by the first name, such as Sir Ian, without any post-nominal letters like KBE or OBE attached to the end of their name.

The second is a Knight Commander of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire (KBE). This is a specific group, established relatively recently in 1917 by King George V, to fill a gap for rewarding civilian and military effort during World War I. To qualify to be called “Sir” within this specific order, a man must be appointed as a Knight Commander (KBE) or a Knight Grand Cross (GBE).

The third is a group of Chivalric Orders, the so-called Elite and Ancient Orders. Several highly exclusive, ancient orders of knighthood sit much higher in precedence than the Order of the British Empire. These include the Most Noble Order of the Garter, the pinnacle of British honours founded in 1348, and scrupulously limited to the Monarch, the Prince of Wales, and only 24 other companion members. Then there is the Most Ancient and Most Noble Order of the Thistle, the highest chivalric honour in Scotland. The last of this group is the Most Honourable Order of the Bath; typically awarded to high-ranking military officers and senior civil servants.

The Summary Rule of this entire scenario is that every Knight of the British Empire (KBE) is a British Knight, but not every British Knight is a Knight of the British Empire. If you see a modern British knight who does not have military or diplomatic ties, odds are high that they are actually a Knight Bachelor.

With reference to the title of this presentation, now for the flip side of this, as we see things in our region of the globe. In Great Britain, it is the standard form of address to refer to a Knight as Sir John, Sir Ian etc. However, in Sri Lanka, as well as in the Indian sub-continent, very often people use the word “Sir” as a suffix or a postfix to honour someone and frequently use “X Sir”; the name followed by the word “Sir” as a suffix or postfix.

It is a fascinating linguistic oddity, and Sri Lanka is definitely not alone in this, and most definitely, we are second to none in that outlook. While using “Sir” as a suffix or postfix (e. g., De Silva Sir, Nihal Sir) completely cartwheels over the standard British etiquette, where “Sir” must strictly prefix a first name. This charming practice of using it as a suffix is actually widespread across South Asia and parts of Southeast Asia. It is a classic example of dialectal crossbreeding, where local grammatical structures and cultural norms go to the extent of rewriting even the rules of the standard English as a language.

In a very broad sense, this phenomenon is very definitely seen in the Indian Subcontinent (E.g. Sri Lanka, India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and Pakistan). This is arguably where the “Name + Sir” phenomenon is largest and perhaps even the strongest. Across Sri Lanka, India and Bangladesh, you will constantly hear people refer to superiors, teachers, or public figures as Karu Sir, Vijay Sir, Sachin Sir, Shahrukh Sir, or Ahmad Sir, etc.

Then there is the Indian “Ji” Factor: In Indian languages like Hindi or Punjabi, it is a strict cultural taboo to call an elder or a superior by their bare name. People naturally append the respectful suffix “Ji” (e. g., Gandhi-ji, Sharma-ji). It is then no surprise at all that when switching to English, the Indian mind seamlessly swaps the local suffix Ji for the English honorific Sir, thereby turning Vijay-ji into Vijay Sir.

In Hong Kong, a very specific variation of this exists within the police force and civil service. Influenced by decades of British administration, mixed with Cantonese naming customs, junior officers and the public address superiors by their surname followed by “Sir”, such as “Wong-Sir” or “Chan-Sir“. There is even a universal colloquial generic term, “Ah-Sir“, used commonly to address male police officers or teachers.

In the Philippines, while the syntax is slightly different, the sheer density of “Sir/Madam, Ma’am” usage matches that of Sri Lanka. Filipinos deeply value hierarchical courtesy. While they might say “Sir Jason“, it is incredibly common to use “Sir” almost like a pronoun or a mid-sentence suffix punctuation mark when addressing superiors, bosses, or clients, to ensure that respect is suitably maintained conscientiously.

The mismatch between British English and South/Southeast Asian English comes down to how different native cultures view status and intimacy. In South Asia, especially in Sri Lanka, there is the Linguistic Tradition of the suffix, where an extension in the nation’s own language is inserted into a word to enhance its status. In languages like Sinhala (-thuma / –mahathmaya), in Tamil (-ayyah / –avargal), and in Hindi (-ji), respect is always attached to the end of a name. It simply means that forcefully bringing a sleek word that implies social deference to the front, like Sir John, feels syntactically peculiar or even inappropriate to a native speaker of these local languages.

The “First Name Dilemma” is another type of rather quaint occurrence. In the West, calling your boss simply “John” is seen as a gesture that is egalitarian, free and open. In South Asia, calling an elder or superior by their first name feels somewhat jarringly rude. Conversely, using just “Mr Perera” can also feel too cold, official and even distant. “Perera Sir” or “Silva Sir” strikes the perfect culturally mitigatory concession, as it maintains a warm, personal connection by using the surname while also overtly and safely conveying a layer of professional public respect by adding the word “Sir” as a suffix or a postfix.

Yet for all that, it is worth noting that fundamentally, all languages are symbolic expressions of human thought and human intelligence. Whether expressed as spoken, written or sign language, all dialects are means of human communication. The type of words like “Sir” that we use in the English Language and the real context in which they are used indicate our thoughts in our human intellect. When they are used appropriately, they reflect our commitment to uninhibited respect and even admiration. While the British people and even their Monarch might feel quite a bit confused to hear someone called “Perera Sir”, right across Sri Lanka and its neighbouring nations. Yet for all that, it is simply the most natural and fusion technique to bridge and integrate traditional deference and admiration with modern expressive English.

by Dr B. J. C. Perera
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent freelance correspondent.

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The Murder Room

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 8

The Murder Room gets its title from a room of that name in a museum dedicated to Victorian memorabilia, including famous murders, which are featured in that room. But the first murder in the story occurs outside, when one of the trustees, who had been against renewing the lease of the building – which would have meant the museum having to close – is set on fire when he comes to the museum late one evening to pick up the car in which he went away for weekends. This was a regular habit, and the murderer had obviously lain in wait, with a can of petrol, and set him on fire.

James

I took several books with me when I went to England earlier this year, but as usual I read hardly any of them, finding enough and more of interest in the shelves of those I stayed with. My first stop was at New College, where, as on several previous occasions I stayed in what is known as the Bishop’s Room, on the topmost storey of the Warden’s Lodgings. Sadly, I shall not stay there again, for my friend who has been Warden there for a decade now, Miles Young, retires this year.

The bookshelves there have much of interest though on the last couple of occasions I have concentrated on the detective stories, which Miles says are not his, but came with the house. The second I read this time was by the generally workmanlike P. D. James, whose Adam Dalgliesh is in the long line of whimsical but efficient detectives that has Hercule Poirot at its head. Though I had not been impressed by the one novel I read, featuring James’ female detective, Dalgliesh, I liked it, and this novel confirmed my affection.

The Murder Room

gets its title from a room of that name in a museum dedicated to Victorian memorabilia, including famous murders, which are featured in that room. But the first murder in the story occurs outside, when one of the trustees, who had been against renewing the lease of the building – which would have meant the museum having to close – is set on fire when he comes to the museum late one evening to pick up the car in which he went away for weekends. This was a regular habit, and the murderer had obviously lain in wait, with a can of petrol, and set him on fire.

The other two trustees, his brother and his sister, obviously benefited from his death, for they promptly renewed the lease. The employees of the museum also clearly benefited, for they had all found some sort of refuge here. These included the caretaker/cleaner, who lived in a cottage on the premises, a manager who was unpaid but used the place for his research, the receptionist, who also looked after the flat at the museum which was used by the sister, and two volunteers plus a gardener’s boy.

The caretaker, Tally, came across the fire before discovery had been intended, for an evening class everyone knew she went to on Fridays had been cancelled. On her way in she was knocked off her bicycle by a speeding car, the driver of which stopped to make sure she was safe, before speeding off again. She manages then to summon everyone else, including Dalgliesh, who had visited the museum for the first time a few days earlier, brought by a friend who relished its strange attractions.

The museum has to be closed for a few days while investigations are carried out, but in the course of them the friend brings some transatlantic visitors, and when they are in the Murder Room a chest (in which a body had been supposed to have been hidden in Victorian times) is opened, and a body found there. That murder, the autopsy indicated, had taken place around the time of the first murder.

The body was that of a girl who had attended a finishing school part-owned by the Dupayne sister. When Tally, by chance, sees the man who had knocked her down, and identifies him as a Lord who was known for his philanthropy, Dalgliesh realises that there are wheels within wheels here. The Lord confesses that he belonged to a group that met for promiscuous sex in the flat, and that he had planned to meet the girl there but she had not turned up.

Lord Martlesham, when the girl failed to appear, thought he should get away after the fire broke out. It was then that he had bumped into Tally, and his stopping to make sure she was all right indicated that he could not have been the murderer. Dalgliesh then deduced that the murderer had seen the girl at the window of the murder room, from which she must have seen the preparations for the murder. That was why she too had been killed.

Dalgliesh then has a fair idea of who the murderer was, but in waiting for proof, he leaves room for yet another murder to happen. For Tally, who had been mulling over something said on the night of the murder, asking about the petrol that caused the fire, realized that she had not mentioned petrol herself. This happened on her way back to her cottage, and not having a phone herself she goes into the museum to call, and then gets back to her cottage and locks herself in.

But then she hears her cat howling and goes out to find him strung up. She cuts him down, but when she goes back to the cottage the murderer is waiting and knocks her down. That happens in the section called The Third Victim, but this is in fact a boy on a motorbike knocked down by the speeding car of the escaping murderer. So Dalgliesh is able to effect an arrest when he turns up as summoned, and fortunately is in time to resuscitate Tally and send her to hospital.

The reason for the murder and the identity of its perpetrator are then fairly straightforward, though the background to the second murder introduces an element of loose living that contrasts with the Victorian age, or at least the image it projected – undercut though that is by the murders highlighted in the Murder Room with their sexual overtones.

And there is another louche element in the adventures of the gardener’s boy, who lives with a Major who is homosexual, though he declares, truthfully it seems, that he was not attracted at all to the boy but had given him shelter because of his vulnerability. He is generally charming, but capable of rages, in one of which he knocked down the major, though he was forgiven. He had taken shelter with Tally, who was fond of him but decided she preferred to live alone, which was why she had sent him away the day before she was attacked.

The murdered brother was a psychiatrist, and it turns out that the mysterious weekends he spent away from his London home were spent at country inns, where he took long walks to clear his mind of the demons his practice kept bringing into it. His profession also contributed to his death, in addition to his standing in the way of the museum continuing to exist, for one of his patients, connected to the murderer, had set fire to herself.

Solid plotting, with all the loose ends tied up, of incidents and the bizarre cast of characters.

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