Features
Writing Postponed to Serve the Queen
CONFESSIONS OF A GLOBAL GYPSY
RESEARCH AT 16 FIVE-STAR HOTELS – PART ‘B’

By Dr. Chandana (Chandi) Jayawardena DPhil
President – Chandi J. Associates Inc. Consulting, Canada
Founder & Administrator – Global Hospitality Forum
chandij@sympatico.ca
Continuing from last week’s column: ‘Research at 16 Five-star Hotels – Part ‘A”.
I postponed writing my M.Sc. dissertation on ‘Food and Beverage operations in the context of five-star London hotels’ several times, due to my ever-expanding field research. I was required to start writing the chapters without any further delays. I was reminded by the University of Surrey, in the United Kingdom that I must submit the final dissertation before the end of September, 1984, if I was to graduate in December that year.
I was focusing too much on gaining valuable experiences in London’s five-star hotels, which I believed would enhance my dissertation, eventually when I could commit myself to writing it. Another reason for my procrastination was my fear of writing something very long in my second language. Apart from a few assignment essays at the University of Colombo and the University of Surrey between 1982 and 1984, I had never written anything of significant length in English.
In my career in hospitality, I have been fortunate to be offered various, rare opportunities. Due to such an opportunity, I decided to postpone my research by one more week. One day, when I went to do a shift as a banquet waiter at the Dorchester, I was asked to attend a special meeting chaired by the Food and Beverage Manager, the Banqueting Manager and the Training Manager. A group of over 50 employees, including Banqueting Service Managers, Ballroom Head Waiters, Banquet Waiters, and part-time Banquet Waiters were at this meeting which seemed important.

The Banqueting Manager announced that, “After a lengthy negotiation, our hotel sales team has secured a prestigious banquet booking. This would be our first-ever royal banquet. The Emir of Bahrain will host a banquet in honour of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II and His Royal Highness Prince Philip. It will be attended by 277 VIPs.” The Training Manager added, “We will carry out a week long, fully-paid banquet service refresher training program for all of you. There will be a practical test and a multiple-choice exam at the end. Based on the results of those, we will choose a brigade of 30 waiters to serve at the royal banquet. The best five Banquet Waiters will serve the head table, where the Queen, Prince Philip, the Emir, the British Prime Minister, the Lord Chancellor and the Speaker would be seated.”
The special training program was well-planned and comprehensive. I had an advantage due to the first-class, basic service training I had received a decade ago. This was from the food and beverage service experts from West Germany and Switzerland, when I was a student of the Ceylon Hotel School. I was also trained in banquet service at the inception of Hotel Ceylon InterContinental. Therefore, I did well at the practical test and the exam. I was chosen to serve the Queen, Prince Philip, the Emir, and Margaret Thatcher, in the heart of London at the best British hotel.

The Final Hotel – The Savoy
Having worked at seven of the 16 five-star hotels in London (The Dorchester, The Churchill, Grosvenor House, Hyde Park Hotel, Claridge’s, London Hilton and InterContinental London), I planned to research the other nine five-star London Hotels with short observation periods and at least one research interview per hotel. With diligent effort and follow up, I managed to do so in eight of the remaining five-star hotels in London – Connaught, The Ritz, Mayfair, Hyatt Carlton, Royal Garden, Inn on the Park (Four Seasons), Berkeley and Sheraton. I had one final bridge to cross in order to reach my ambitious target of doing field research in all 16 hotels. I was missing The Savoy.
For my research, I had read many books written about luxury British hotels with historical importance. Most of these books were written about The Savoy, which was opened in 1889 under the leadership of a world-famous, hospitality expert duo – the Swiss Hotelier, César Ritz and the French Chef, Auguste Escoffier. I was simply fascinated with the stories in these books. I was eager to work in this great hotel, to experience its renowned luxury standards.
One day, I was excited to find a letter in my mailbox with the logo of The Savoy. It was from one of the most respected hoteliers in London. The General Manager/Managing Director of The Savoy, Willy Bauer sent me a lengthy letter, responding to my request to allow me to spend a few hours making observations at The Savoy and to interview the General Manager or a senior member of his management team. Although he took time to wish me luck with my research, he declined my request. He ended his letter by stating, “The management team of The Savoy are extremely busy ensuring that we provide the best service to our customers. Therefore, unfortunately, they have no time to waste on educating graduate students!”
I felt that his letter, although polite, had a subtle sarcasm. That rejection motivated me to somehow get into The Savoy and find a way to observe the operation and interview a relevant manager. I immediately took a 10-stop underground train ride to Charing Cross station and a five-minute brisk walk to The Savoy. Once there I requested to meet with the Banqueting Head Waiter. After inspecting my Banquet Waiter identification cards from four other London five-star hotels, and hearing how I was chosen to serve the Queen at the Dorchester, I was hired as a Part-Time Banquet Waiter of the Savoy, starting the very next day. When I demonstrated my ability to carry six plates of hors-d’œuvres, in two hands, the Head Waiter said, “The Savoy is not a circus! Never carry more than two plates at a time!”
I was very happy working at the Savoy. Unlike the newer five-star hotels, such as London Hilton and InterContinental London, the back of the house of The Savoy was not designed well for efficient operations. During one banquet service in the main ballroom, the waiters had to go up and down three different floors to pick up the appetizers, main courses and desserts. Nevertheless, I was pleased to climb those century old stairways used by Ritz and Escoffier.
I saw Willy Bauer a couple of times, but never had the opportunity of approaching him. Within a week of working at the Savoy, I had conducted an hour-long interview with a very helpful, Adrian Coy, the Banqueting Manager, who shared many useful documents including the full organization chart of the great hotel. “Mission completed! If there is a will, one will find a way!” I thought for myself.

Completing 120 Field Research Interviews
A few days later, I did my final interview, which turned out to be one of the best. This was with Michael Nightingale, a Management Consultant. We had two connections. He had done an M.Phil. degree at the University of Surrey, and previously ran the Hotel & Catering International Management Association (HCIMA) as the Director (CEO). He was a fellow of HCIMA and I had just been upgraded as a member (MHCIMA). As a result, Michael treated me like a colleague or a peer.
“After your breakfast service at The Savoy, let’s meet at the Charing Cross Hotel for a meal, and you can ask me your research questions over lunch” Michael said. I had an excellent interview. A few months after that, Michael migrated to Canada. He eventually became a Professor and the Chair of the School of Hospitality and Tourism Management at the University of Guelph. In the late 1980s, my wife studied hotel management under his leadership. Fifteen years after that, I became the President of HCIMA in the United Kingdom. Small world!
By early August, 1984, when my research supervisor heard that I had not yet commenced writing my M.Sc. dissertation, he was annoyed and concerned. Professor Richard Kotas said, “It will be impossible for you to write a master’s dissertation within the remaining six weeks! Chandi, I advise you to write an official letter to the university, requesting an extension of a semester to complete the dissertation requirement.” I replied, “No sir, I don’t have the money to pay for an extra semester. I have read all the relevant books and articles. I worked or observed in all 16 five-star London hotels. I have also done over 120 interviews, with half as structured formal interviews with senior hoteliers. I am now fully ready to write six chapters within six weeks.” We then agreed that I would meet him once a week, on six Mondays with a completed chapter.
Binge Writing for Six Weeks
I stopped working in hotels, socializing, watching TV, reading and all of my other activities, to focus on writing my dissertation. I got into a strict regime of 18-hours of writing a day, six days a week for six weeks. Every day, during this period of six weeks, I went to sleep just after 6:00 pm. I started the day at 12 midnight with a hot shower and a small breakfast with a lot of coffee. I continued writing for 18 hours with a short break to say goodbye to my wife who went to work in Knightsbridge around 7:00 am, and to have a quick light 15-minute lunch at 12 noon while watching the BBC TV news headlines.
I stopped writing when my wife came home around 6:00 pm. We had a quick dinner together. Then I handed over around 25 pages of handwritten (I could not type at that time) sections of my dissertation to my wife. She kindly typed all of my notes neatly and placed them on my desk in the attic of our small rented apartment,while I slept for a few hours. When I woke up at 12 midnight, before writing any new material, I would read the pages typed by my wife. We got into an excellent rhythm of teamwork.

After a full-night of dissertation writing in our small apartment in London in 1984
Only on Mondays, I left the apartment to meet with Professor Richard Kotas at the university or his home in West London. Each of our weekly meetings commenced with a critique of my dissertation chapter submitted a week ago. He was amazed, surprised and a little annoyed by the length of my chapters. “You write a lot, Chandi! I have to budget extra time to read, review and edit your work!” he jokingly said. He corrected my English with a red pen and made some other edits or suggestions to improve the manuscript.
When I was shy about my poor English, he said, “Don’t worry, Chandi. English is my second language too. As you think in Sinhala, I think in my mother tongue – Polish.” Once we agreed on the corrections, I handed over the draft chapter with a lot of red pen marks, to a university secretary, who typed the final revisions. After that, I handed over the draft of the next chapter typed by my wife, to Professor Kotas.
The 353-paged Dissertation
I eventually completed my dissertation, within the six-week period, just before the deadline. The full length came to over 100,000 words. The 353-page dissertation referred to 133 previous publications and included 220 quotes in the literature review sections. My field research and my own experience in Food and Beverage operations, enriched the conclusion chapter. One of the Senior Lecturers of the university asked me, “How come your M.Sc. dissertation is longer than two average sized doctoral theses?” Professor Kotas was quick to respond on my behalf, and said the final word in my defence, “Chandi has done some excellent work including in-depth desk and field research. He should be congratulated.”
Within a month, it was confirmed that I had fulfilled all of the requirements and would graduate by the end of 1984. Unfortunately, only four in the first-ever batch of graduate students in the International Hotel Management program were successful in earning the M.Sc. degree. The other five were awarded post graduate diplomas instead, as the university was not fully satisfied with the quality of their work.
Six months after that, in 1985, I jointly presented with Professor Richard Kotas, my first-ever management seminar. This four-day seminar on ‘Food and Beverage Controls and Management’ was organized by our family business, Streamline Services, and was held at Mount Royal Beach Hotel in Sri Lanka. Partly based on my dissertation, we prepared a 143-page seminar book, which was distributed to all of the participants. I presented a session every day. Forty hotel industry leaders, including several general managers, attended this seminar. Most of them were much senior to me in terms of age and years of management experience.
When I was a little nervous if I would be accepted as their instructor for four-days, Professor Kotas decided to do a special introduction to the seminar participants just before my first presentation. He said, “During my 30-plus years spent in the hospitality industry as a manager, academic and a consultant, Chandi has been one of the most hard-working persons I have ever met. To me, he is the most knowledgeable person to present on Food and Beverage Management. Learn from him and enjoy his sessions! Chandi has a ton of useful stories from all five-star London hotels to share with you” That set the stage for me. The popularity of that seminar encouraged me to present a large number of hotel management seminars, around the world, over the next 37 years.
The cover of my first-ever management seminar book A British Textbook based on the Dissertation
Soon after the four-day seminar ended, Professor Kotas and I went through the seminar evaluation forms filled out by the participants, while having a drink on the famous Mount Lavinia beach. We were extremely pleased with the positive feedback. I was taken aback when he asked me, “Chandi, your dissertation has many aspects current and future managers of the hospitality industry would benefit from. Why don’t we convert it to a text book?”
By that time, he had authored over 10 best-selling textbooks and over 50 articles. My publication record then was zero. As I was very busy in my career in hotel management, I suggested that we place it on a back burner. Eventually, in 1994, Professor Kotas and I co-authored a book titled, ‘Profitable Food & Beverage
Management’. By that time, the experience I had gained as the Food and Beverage Manager/Director of two large five-star hotels managed by Le Meridien and Oberoi hotel chains, in two capital cities, enhanced the contents of the book. Our joint book was published in the United Kingdom by Hodder & Stoughton, and became a popular text book in universities and colleges in the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Sri Lanka, Jamaica, Guyana etc.
Until his passing in 2020, Professor Kotas was my long-term mentor. He was like a father to me, and both his wife and Professor Kotas treated me like a son. My last meeting with them was in their London home a few months before my dear friend passed away.
Features
Power crept into the Sangha and is now tearing it apart
For more than a century, Sri Lankan society has lived with a quiet contradiction at the heart of its religious life. On the one hand, the Buddhist monk is revered as the embodiment of moral discipline, selfrestraint, and renunciation. On the other, the modern monk has become a public figure, political actor, administrator, media personality, and in some cases power broker whose influence extends far beyond the temple. This contradiction has been tolerated, even celebrated, for decades. But recent events, most notably a widely publicised case involving a senior monk accused of grave moral misconduct, have forced the country to confront a painful truth: the institutional conditions that make such scandals possible are not new. They are the predictable outcome of a long historical process that H. L. Seneviratne described with remarkable clarity in The Work of Kings. The moral deterioration visible today is not an aberration. It is the culmination of a centurylong transformation in the identity, function, and authority of the Sangha.
To understand how we arrived at this moment, it is necessary to revisit the argument Seneviratne made nearly three decades ago. His thesis was simple but profound: the modern Sri Lankan monkhood has taken on the ‘work of kings.’ By this he meant that monks, instead of confining themselves to the renunciant life prescribed by the Vinaya, have assumed the secular responsibilities once associated with precolonial kingship, such as protecting the religion, organising society, guiding the nation, and enforcing moral order. This shift, he argued, was not a natural evolution of Buddhist tradition but a modern invention shaped by colonialism, nationalism, and the anxieties of a society struggling to redefine itself in the face of foreign domination. The monk became a symbol of national identity, a guardian of cultural authenticity, and a leader in the struggle for political autonomy. In the process, the boundaries that once separated the monastic from the worldly began to dissolve.
Transformation
The consequences of this transformation were not immediately visible. For decades, the activist monk was celebrated as a patriot, a reformer, and a moral guide. His involvement in education, social welfare, and nationalist mobilisation was seen as a necessary response to colonial pressures and missionary competition. But beneath the surface, the foundations of monastic discipline were slowly eroding. The Vinaya, which had served for centuries as a rigorous framework for regulating monastic life, was increasingly overshadowed by the demands of public engagement. The communal structures that once ensured accountability, senior supervision, collective confession, and the daily rhythms of monastic routine, were weakened by the pressures of modernity. Monks who travelled constantly, managed institutions, or lived independently in urban temples found themselves outside the traditional systems of oversight that had long protected the integrity of the Sangha.
Scandal
It is within this historical context that the recent scandal must be understood. The case shocked the nation not only because of the severity of the allegations but because it shattered the public’s assumption that the monkhood remains a bastion of moral purity. Yet the shock itself reveals a collective denial. For years, Sri Lankan society has been aware, sometimes quietly, sometimes openly—of the growing gap between the ideal of the monk and the realities of modern monastic life. Stories of misconduct, financial irregularities, political manipulation, and abuse of authority have circulated with increasing frequency. But each incident has been treated as an isolated failure, a personal weakness, or an unfortunate exception. What has been missing is recognition that these incidents are symptoms of a deeper structural problem.
Seneviratne’s analysis helps illuminate this problem. When monks take on the work of kings, they inevitably enter domains of power that expose them to temptations the Vinaya was designed to avoid. Handling money, managing institutions, cultivating political patrons, and exercising authority over laypeople create opportunities for ego, ambition, and moral compromise. The monk who becomes a public figure is no longer shielded by the anonymity and humility of the renunciant life. Instead, he becomes a celebrity, a leader, and in some cases an object of uncritical devotion. This elevation brings with it a dangerous form of immunity. Laypeople who revere a monk for his public achievements may hesitate to question his behaviour. Politicians who rely on monastic support may protect him from scrutiny. The media, which often treats monks as moral authorities, may be reluctant to investigate allegations that challenge the sanctity of the robe.
The recent scandal illustrates how these dynamics can converge. The monk at the centre of the case was not an obscure figure. He was a respected preacher, charismatic leader, and head of a prominent institution. His public image was built on years of service, teaching, and community engagement. Yet it was precisely this public stature that allowed him to operate without meaningful oversight. The institutional structures around him, administrators, lay supporters, and junior monks, were either unwilling or unable to challenge his authority. The very qualities that made him a respected figure in the eyes of the public also made him untouchable within his own institution. When allegations finally emerged, they revealed not only personal wrongdoing but a systemic failure of accountability.
Failure that is not unique
This failure is not unique to one temple or one monk. It reflects a broader pattern within the modern Sangha. As monastic institutions have grown in size, wealth, and influence, their internal governance has struggled to keep pace. Many temples operate as semiautonomous entities controlled by a single monk or a small group of monks. Financial transparency is limited, administrative oversight is weak, and the mechanisms for addressing misconduct are often informal or ineffective. The traditional structures of monastic discipline, such as the Sangharama procedures for adjudicating offences, are rarely used in modern contexts, partly because they require collective participation and partly because they are illsuited to the complexities of contemporary institutional life. In practice, this means that monks who wield significant authority can act with little fear of internal sanction.
The politicisation of the Sangha has further complicated matters. Since the midtwentieth century, monks have played an increasingly prominent role in electoral politics, nationalist movements, and public policy debates. This involvement has given them access to political networks that can be mobilised to protect their interests. It has also created a culture in which monks are valued not for their adherence to the Vinaya but for their ability to influence public opinion, mobilise voters, or lend moral legitimacy to political causes. In such an environment, the monk who is politically useful may be shielded from criticism, while the monk who adheres strictly to the renunciant ideal may find himself marginalised or ignored.
The result is a profound distortion of monastic identity. The monk who once sought liberation from worldly attachments is now encouraged to cultivate influence, authority, and public recognition. The monk who once lived under the strict supervision of senior elders now operates in a world where independence is celebrated and oversight is minimal. The monk who once relied on laypeople for basic sustenance now controls vast resources, manages institutions, and commands the loyalty of thousands of followers. This inversion of traditional roles has created a fertile ground for moral deterioration.
Yet it would be a mistake to interpret this deterioration as evidence that the Sangha as a whole is corrupt. Many monks continue to live lives of remarkable discipline, humility, and spiritual dedication. In remote forest monasteries, small village temples, and meditation centres across the country, monks quietly uphold the ancient ideals of the renunciant life. They are not the ones who appear on television, lead political rallies, or manage large institutions. Their work is invisible, their influence subtle, and their commitment unwavering. The crisis facing the Sangha today is not a crisis of individual morality but a crisis of institutional identity. It is the product of a centurylong transformation that has blurred the boundaries between the monastic and the secular, the spiritual and the political, the renunciant and the worldly.
If Sri Lanka is to address this crisis, it must begin by acknowledging the structural nature of the problem. The temptation to treat each scandal as an isolated incident must be resisted. Instead, the country must confront the uncomfortable reality that the modern configuration of monastic life is fundamentally at odds with the principles of the Vinaya. The Sangha cannot simultaneously function as a political force, a social service provider, a media institution, and a spiritual community without compromising its integrity. The more monks are drawn into the world, the more vulnerable they become to the moral dangers that the Buddha warned against.
Reform, therefore, must focus not only on punishing individual offenders but on rethinking the institutional structures that enable misconduct. This includes strengthening internal governance, enhancing financial transparency, restoring the authority of senior elders, and reestablishing the communal practices that once ensured accountability. It also requires a broader cultural shift in how laypeople relate to monks. Blind devotion must give way to informed respect. Reverence must be balanced with responsibility. The robe must be honoured, but it must not be used as a shield against scrutiny.
Seneviratne’s work offers a valuable starting point for this rethinking. His analysis reminds us that the crisis facing the Sangha is not the result of moral decline alone but of historical forces that reshaped the identity of the monkhood. By tracing the evolution of the activist monk, he shows how the Sangha became entangled in the political and social structures of the modern nationstate. This entanglement has brought both benefits and dangers. It has allowed monks to play important roles in education, social welfare, and national development. But it has also exposed them to the corrupting influences of power, wealth, and public acclaim.
The challenge now is to disentangle the Sangha from these influences without undermining its ability to serve society. This will not be easy. The activist monk has become deeply embedded in the cultural and political fabric of the country. Many laypeople expect monks to be leaders, reformers, and guardians of national identity. Politicians rely on monastic support to legitimise their agendas. Media institutions depend on monks for content, commentary, and moral authority. Reversing this trend will require a collective effort from monks, laypeople, and political leaders alike.
Ultimately, the future of the Sangha depends on its ability to reclaim the renunciant ideal that lies at the heart of Buddhist monasticism. This does not mean withdrawing from society entirely, but it does mean reestablishing the boundaries that protect the monk from the dangers of worldly involvement. It means recognising that the true strength of the Sangha lies not in its political influence or institutional power but in its moral authority, its spiritual discipline, and its commitment to the path of liberation. The recent scandal, painful as it is, may serve as a catalyst for this reevaluation. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the modern monastic system and forced the country to confront the consequences of a centurylong transformation.
To understand how the Vihara Devalegam Act relates to the perceived moral deformation of the clergy, it is necessary to examine how property management, state law, and monastic discipline intersect in the modern era. Historically stemming from the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance No. 19 of 1931, this act serves as the primary legal framework governing the ‘temporalities’—meaning the secular wealth, extensive landholdings, and material donations belonging to Buddhist temples and shrines. While ancient kings granted these vast tracts of land to support the monkhood’s spiritual pursuits, the modern codification of this law has inadvertently fostered a system where property rights frequently supersede spiritual accountability.
The core of the crisis lies in the commercialisation of the monastic order that this legal framework enables. By treating temple lands as economic assets and vesting absolute administrative power in individual chief monks or lay trustees, the act has contributed to the rise of what critics term a monastic middle class. Access to vast, unregulated financial resources, rent from lands, and corporate donations has fundamentally shifted the focus of certain segments of the clergy away from the traditional path of worldly renunciation and spiritual guidance. Instead, it has driven a preoccupation with business investments, the accumulation of private capital, and luxury lifestyles, which deeply alienates a public looking to the Sangha for moral leadership.
The institutional flaws embedded in the Vihara Devalegam Act find a stark, real-world manifestation in the recent criminal case involving Venerable Pallegama Hemarathana Thero. As the chief priest of Anuradhapura and the custodian of the Atamasthana—the eight highly venerated Buddhist shrines, including the sacred Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi—Hemarathana Thero occupied one of the most powerful and wealthy positions within the Sri Lankan Sangha. His arrest on charges of sexual abuse of a minor girl perfectly illustrates how the structural defects of the Act facilitate not only moral decay but also the systemic obstruction of justice.
The core of this intersection lies in the vast, unaccountable wealth generated by the temporalities of the Anuradhapura shrines. Under the Vihara Devalegam Act, the chief custodian exercises immense, virtually unchecked control over temple revenues, state-backed land management, and millions of rupees in daily donations from millions of global pilgrims. It is precisely this immense financial liquidity that enabled the alleged deployment of vast sums of money to the victim’s family.
Furthermore, the situation underscores the profound policy failures cited regarding the helplessness of the monastic hierarchy and state enforcement. When child protection authorities initially attempted to act, the National Child Protection Authority noted severe delays and institutional resistance, stating they practically had to force the police to execute the arrest. The monk’s immediate retreat to a private hospital in Colombo upon the advancement of the criminal probe, followed by his release on bail, mirrors the exact loop described where wealthy monastics deploy high-priced legal defence teams funded directly or indirectly by their institutional positions. Because the Vihara Devalegam Act does not provide a mechanism for the immediate, unconditional forfeiture of temporal administrative rights upon a criminal indictment, the accused retains his structural power throughout the legal process. The Pallegama Thero scandal stands as definitive proof that without a fundamental overhaul of how temple wealth is legally governed and disciplined, the material benefits guaranteed by ancient temporalities will continue to shield the worst elements of moral deformation from the rule of law.
If Sri Lanka can learn from this moment and if it can recognise the structural roots of the crisis and commit to meaningful reform, then the Sangha may yet emerge stronger, more disciplined, and more faithful to its ancient ideals. But if the country continues to treat each scandal as an isolated failure and if it continues to ignore the deeper institutional problems that Seneviratne identified, then the moral deterioration we see today will only deepen. The work of kings, when performed by monks, carries a heavy price. It is time to decide whether that price is worth paying.
by Professor Amarasiri de Silva
Features
Kondachchi wind farm and battery storage project to boost energy security, says Power Ministry Secretary
The Power and Energy Ministry’s drive towards energy security and renewable energy expansion received a major boost yesterday with the signing of a tripartite cooperation agreement for the development of the 150 MW Kondachchi Wind Power Project and an integrated Battery Energy Storage System (BESS) in Mannar.
The agreement was signed at the Ministry of Power auditorium under the patronage of Power Minister Anura Karunatilaka and Deputy Power Minister Arkam Ilyas.
Speaking at the event, Ministry Secretary G. M. R. D. Aponsu described the project as a transformative investment that would strengthen the country’s electricity network while supporting Sri Lanka’s transition towards cleaner energy sources.
“The Kondachchi Wind Power Project represents a significant milestone in Sri Lanka’s renewable energy journey. By combining large-scale wind generation with advanced battery energy storage technology, we are creating a more resilient and reliable power system capable of meeting future energy demands while reducing dependence on imported fossil fuels,” Aponsu said.
The project will be developed at Silavathurai in the Kondachchi area of Mannar on lands owned by the Sri Lanka Cashew Corporation. It is expected to utilise some 31 modern wind turbines with a total installed capacity of at least 150 MW.
Aponsu said the inclusion of an integrated battery storage facility would help address the variability associated with wind power generation and ensure stable electricity supply to the national grid.
“The battery energy storage component is a key feature of this project. It will enable the efficient integration of renewable energy into the grid and enhance overall system stability, which is essential as Sri Lanka increases the share of renewables in its energy mix,” he said.
According to the Ministry, the wind farm is expected to generate nearly 525 gigawatt-hours of electricity annually, significantly reducing the country’s expenditure on imported fuel and strengthening national energy security.
The project is also expected to contribute to Sri Lanka’s climate commitments by reducing carbon dioxide emissions by an estimated 372,750 tonnes annually.
“This investment delivers both economic and environmental benefits. It will reduce greenhouse gas emissions, support sustainable development objectives and help Sri Lanka move closer to achieving its renewable energy and climate targets,” Aponsu noted.
The project will be implemented under a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) arrangement using the Build, Own and Operate (BOO) model. The Asian Development Bank is providing technical and financial advisory support through its Transaction Advisory Services programme.
The signing ceremony was attended by Pradeep Perera, Chairman of the National System Operator (Pvt) Ltd., and Takeyo Koike, Head of Market Development and Public-Private Partnership Division of the ADB, among other distinguished guests.
The Ministry said comprehensive Environmental Impact Assessments and avifaunal studies have been undertaken to ensure minimal impacts on bird populations, nearby communities and agricultural lands. A dedicated 220-kilovolt transmission system will also be constructed to connect the project to the national grid.
“The Kondachchi Wind Farm is a strategic national project that will help secure Sri Lanka’s energy future while accelerating the country’s transition towards sustainable and affordable electricity generation,” Aponsu said.
Energy sector experts view the project as one of the most important renewable energy initiatives currently being pursued in Sri Lanka, combining utility-scale wind generation with modern energy storage technology to enhance grid reliability and long-term energy sustainability.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Saudi Arabia sets new benchmark in Hajj management as 1.7 million pilgrims complete sacred journey
Interview with Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka
Saudi Arabia has once again demonstrated its unparalleled capacity to manage one of the world’s largest annual religious gatherings, with this year’s Hajj pilgrimage concluding successfully despite extreme temperatures and the immense logistical challenge of accommodating more than 1.7 million pilgrims from around the world.
In an exclusive interview with The Island, Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka, described the 2026 Hajj season as a resounding success, crediting the achievement to the visionary leadership of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister, and the coordinated efforts of multiple government agencies working around the clock to serve pilgrims.
The Ambassador noted that nearly 3,500 Sri Lankan pilgrims participated in this year’s Hajj under the quota allocated to Sri Lanka, benefiting from enhanced healthcare services, sophisticated crowd-management systems, expanded shaded areas and cutting-edge digital solutions introduced by the Kingdom.
With Saudi Arabia continuing to invest heavily in infrastructure, technology and pilgrim services under Vision 2030, Ambassador Al-Kahtani said the Kingdom remains committed to ensuring that pilgrims from around the world perform their religious duties in safety, comfort and tranquility.
The Saudi envoy also highlighted the growing partnership between Saudi Arabia and Sri Lanka, emphasising expanding cooperation not only in Hajj affairs but also in trade, investment, education, culture and institutional exchanges.
Following are excerpts of the interview:
Q: How do you assess this year’s Hajj season?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: This year’s Hajj season was a resounding success, thanks to the Almighty Allah and the integrated efforts of the government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, led by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister. This success was reflected in the efficiency of crowd management, the quality of services provided to the Hajj pilgrims and the effective coordination among the various relevant authorities, which enabled pilgrims to perform their rituals in an atmosphere of security, tranquility and ease.
Q: How many Sri Lankan pilgrims performed Hajj this year?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The number of Hajj pilgrims from the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka reached approximately 3,500, within the quota allocated to Sri Lanka for this season.
Q: Are there any discussions regarding increasing Sri Lanka’s quota in the future?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani:Hajj quotas are determined according to approved regulatory mechanisms that take into account a range of considerations. The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continue to study various aspects related to developing Hajj services and accommodating the allocated numbers for all countries, in coordination with the concerned parties.
Q: What were the most prominent special arrangements implemented this year?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The operational plans for this season focused on enhancing the safety and comfort of the Hajj pilgrims, especially given the climatic conditions and high temperatures. Measures included expanding shaded areas, increasing water distribution points and enhancing health and ambulance services, in addition to developing the transportation system and traffic management within the holy sites.
Q: What are the most prominent digital systems and smart services that were provided?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani:The Kingdom continues to implement its digital transformation objectives for the Hajj and Umrah system. The scope of electronic services offered through the Nusuk platform and application has been expanded, along with the development of digital systems for issuing permits, managing crowds, guidance and health services. This contributes to increasing the efficiency of services and improving the pilgrim’s experience at all stages of their journey.
Q: How were the challenges of overcrowding and heat addressed?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities adopted an integrated crowd-management system based on modern technologies and real-time data analysis. This was coupled with intensified health-awareness campaigns, expanded organised movement routes and increased deployment of field, medical and emergency teams. These measures support the safety of the Hajj pilgrims and reduce the risks associated with crowd density and climatic conditions.
Q: Were there special services for the elderly and sick?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Yes. The Kingdom paid special attention to the elderly and people with special health needs by providing specialized medical services, assistive transportation and facilities equipped to meet their needs, in addition to field teams working to provide humanitarian support and necessary healthcare throughout the Hajj period.
Q: How successful was the Kingdom in combating irregular Hajj permits?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continued to rigorously implement the regulations and instructions governing Hajj, utilising modern technologies and advanced monitoring procedures to reduce violations related to irregular Hajj. These efforts contributed to enhancing the safety of pilgrims, improving crowd-management efficiency and maintaining the smooth flow of movement within the holy sites.
Q: How would you describe Saudi-Sri Lankan cooperation in organising Hajj?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Cooperation between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka is characterised by continuous and constructive coordination in all matters related to Hajj. The relevant authorities in both countries work jointly to ensure the provision of the best services for Sri Lankan pilgrims and enable them to perform their rituals with ease and peace of mind.
Q: How many Hajj pilgrims were there globally, and what were the main challenges?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: According to official statistics, the number of Hajj pilgrims this year reached 1,707,301 from various countries around the world. The main challenges included managing large crowds, ensuring public safety and providing health, transportation and accommodation services within a specific geographical and temporal scope. These challenges were addressed through advanced and integrated operational plans, which contributed to the smooth and successful completion of the Hajj season.
Q: Are there any future expansion projects?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The Kingdom continues to implement strategic development projects within the framework of Vision 2030, including developing the infrastructure in Makkah and the Holy Sites, and enhancing transportation networks and smart services. This contributes to raising the quality of services provided to pilgrims and Umrah performers and improving their long-term experience.
Q: How are Saudi-Sri Lankan relations strengthened outside the context of Hajj?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Relations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka are witnessing continuous development in many areas, including political, economic, trade, cultural and educational cooperation, in addition to developing exchanges between institutions and the private sector. This reflects the two countries’ keenness to strengthen the bilateral partnership and achieve common interests.
Q: What message would you like to convey to Sri Lankan Muslims?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: We extend our sincere congratulations to the Hajj pilgrims who have completed their Hajj rituals, and we ask Almighty Allah to accept their pilgrimage. We also assure Muslims in Sri Lanka that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia places serving the Two Holy Mosques and the guests of Almighty Allah at the forefront of its priorities and continues to develop the Hajj and Umrah system to achieve the highest standards of quality and safety.
By Ifham Nizam
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