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Why the Proposed Amendments to Sri Lanka’s Universities Act Raise Fears of Authoritarianism, Democratic Backsliding, and a Dangerous Precedent for Academic Freedom

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A Nation at a Crossroads:

Sri Lanka’s university system has entered a moment of profound uncertainty as the National People’s Power (NPP) government advances a series of amendments to the Universities Act No. 16 of 1978. These changes, presented with unusual speed and minimal public discussion, have alarmed academics, administrators, and members of the Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA). While the government maintains that these amendments are intended to modernize higher education governance and introduce merit-based leadership structures, many within the academic community view them as a direct threat to university autonomy and a dangerous precedent for political interference.

The amendments, particularly those revising how Deans of Faculties and Heads of Departments (HoDs) are appointed and removed, have triggered deep anxiety among intellectual circles who fear that the proposed law signals an authoritarian shift rather than progressive reform. The sense of betrayal is especially pronounced because university teachers and intellectuals were among the strongest supporters of the NPP movement during the recent political transformations in Sri Lanka.

At the centre of the controversy are proposed revisions to Sections 49(1) and 51(1) of the Universities Act. These revisions expand the pool of academics eligible to contest for the position of Dean. Under the existing structure, Deans must be elected by the Faculty Board from among the current Heads of Departments or the former Dean. This ensures that only individuals with administrative experience and recognition within their faculty stand for the position. However, the new amendment widens eligibility to include Senior Professors, Professors, Associate Professors, and even Senior Lecturers Grade I.

Although on the surface this appears to broaden opportunities and allow for greater openness, academics argue that it in fact destabilizes long-standing governance structures and exposes the selection process to political influence. Expanding eligibility without strengthening administrative criteria, leadership experience requirements, or safeguarding against external interference creates an environment where politically backed individuals could easily bypass traditional academic merit.

Yet the expansion of eligibility is not the most contested element. What has shocked academics across Sri Lanka is the new provision empowering University Councils to remove Deans without any formal inquiry, disciplinary process, or due procedure. The Council, which includes several members directly appointed by the Minister of Education, is now given the ability to remove a democratically elected Dean purely on the basis of its internal vote. Such sweeping power is unprecedented in the history of Sri Lankan higher education. Under the current framework, any removal from office must follow established disciplinary protocols, including issuing charges, conducting inquiries, and allowing for defence and appeal. Eliminating these safeguards fundamentally undermines the principle of natural justice. Deans would become vulnerable to political pressure, personal vendettas, institutional politics, and ideological conformity expected by whoever influences the Council majority.

Many academics fear that this provision is not aimed at improving governance but at consolidating political authority over universities. Sri Lanka has a long history of political meddling in higher education, particularly in the appointment of Vice Chancellors. Recent events at some Public Universities where the University Grants Commission abruptly cancelled nominations for Vice Chancellor without transparent justification have been cited as a clear example of the politicization already occurring under the present administration. When the UGC, a supposedly independent regulatory body, acts in ways that reflect political pressures, academics reasonably fear that granting Councils unchecked power to remove Deans will worsen the trend. The arbitrary removal of a Dean could easily become a tool for control: those who express dissent, resist political directives, or support student movements might be dismissed simply because they do not align with the prevailing political agenda.

The speed with which the NPP government has introduced these amendments has amplified suspicion. Stakeholders were not consulted. Faculty Boards, University Senates, academic unions, and even experienced administrative leaders were excluded from discussions. No white paper was circulated. No formal invitation for comments was issued. Despite the NPP’s public commitment to transparency, inclusiveness, and “system change,” the process surrounding these amendments contradicts every democratic principle the party claimed to champion. Federation of University Teachers Association (FUTA), usually open to policy dialogue, has openly condemned the amendments and questioned why such sweeping changes are being rushed without proper consultation. The irony is not lost on academics: prominent members of FUTA have previously held high national office, including the Ministry of Education and even the post of Prime Minister. For a government linked to former academic activists to ignore the voices of academic institutions feels especially insulting. For many academics believes, this amendment is not simply a legal misstep but it is also direct assault on the dignity, autonomy, and democratic traditions of Sri Lankan universities.

Beyond the legal and political dimensions, academics are deeply concerned about the cultural and institutional consequences of these changes. University leadership thrives on internal democracy. Deans and Heads of Departments are expected to operate independently, ensuring that academic decisions from curriculum development to student welfare are based on scholarly principles rather than government agendas. If Deans can be removed without reason, the effect will be chilling. Administrators may hesitate to challenge questionable directives or resist political pressure for fear of losing their positions. Academic freedom, already fragile in Sri Lanka, could deteriorate rapidly. Research agendas may shift toward safe, apolitical topics. Public commentary by academics could become muted. Students, too, may suffer indirectly as universities become more risk-averse, less critical, and more obedient to political authority.

The threat to fundamental rights is tangible. Removing a Dean without inquiry violates principles of natural justice, which guarantee individuals the right to know the charges against them, the right to respond, the right to a fair and impartial investigation, and the right to appeal.

These principles are cornerstones of administrative law and are embedded in democratic governance. Circumventing these procedures essentially creates a parallel system where academic leaders are treated as political appointees rather than elected representatives of their faculties. Such a shift would place Sri Lankan universities in the company of authoritarian or militarized higher education systems elsewhere in the world, not among democratic nations where university autonomy is protected by statute.

Furthermore, the long-term implications for Sri Lanka’s academic reputation are severe. Internationally, strong higher education systems rely on clear separation between government influence and academic leadership. In Australia, the United Kingdom, Canada, and many European nations, Deans and Heads of Departments cannot be removed by politically influenced councils without due procedure. Decisions of this nature require transparent evidence, independent panels, and documented disciplinary processes. By contrast, the amendments proposed in Sri Lanka resemble governance structures found in autocratic regimes, where political loyalty often trumps academic merit. This perception could discourage international collaborations, visiting professorships, and global partnerships. It may also affect accreditation pathways, research funding opportunities, and the ability of Sri Lankan institutions to compete on the global academic stage.

The academic community has warned that Sri Lanka already faces severe challenges relating to brain drain, low research investment, and institutional instability. Political interference will only accelerate the exodus of skilled academics who seek environments where independent thought and professional dignity are protected. Many have expressed that they would rather accept lower salaries abroad than remain in a system where their professional integrity is at risk. Young academics, too, may hesitate to pursue careers in Sri Lankan universities if leadership positions become subject to political manipulation. This could eventually weaken the country’s capacity for scientific innovation, policy research, technological advancement, and knowledge production at a time when Sri Lanka desperately needs a robust intellectual workforce.

The cultural consequences of these amendments extend beyond academia. Universities play a critical role in shaping national consciousness. They nurture critical thinking, foster debate, and provide a space for young people to question power. Weakening university autonomy indirectly strengthens authoritarian governance throughout society. If academic voices are subdued, public policy will lose one of its most reliable sources of informed critique. Citizens, too, will feel the effects as public discourse becomes narrower and more controlled. The erosion of intellectual independence in universities often signals the early phases of broader democratic decline. Sri Lanka, still recovering from economic crisis and struggling to rebuild public trust in institutions, cannot afford such regression.

For their part, the government has defended the amendments by claiming that the changes will improve accountability, expand merit-based opportunities, and eliminate ambiguous language in the existing Act. While their concerns about ambiguity and governance shortcomings may be valid, critics insist that the solutions proposed are disproportionate and destructive. Expanding eligibility for Deans might be reasonable if accompanied by strengthened administrative criteria, leadership training programs, transparent performance assessments, and independent oversight mechanisms. But none of these appear in the amendment bill. Instead, the government has introduced a removal mechanism that undermines every principle of due process and opens the door for political abuse. This raises a deeper question: if the objective truly is meritocracy, why remove the procedural safeguards that prevent unjust dismissals?

Even academics who are supportive of the NPP’s broader political agenda are uneasy. They emphasize that reform should not be undertaken in isolation or without community consensus. Universities are not merely state institutions; they are intellectual communities governed by collegial principles. Any reform affecting their leadership structures must arise from meaningful dialogue with those who understand the complexities of academic life. Senior professors note that university leadership cannot be improved simply by widening eligibility. True leadership requires experience, respect among peers, and an appreciation of academic culture, qualities that cannot be legislated into existence, especially not through rushed amendments. Many fear that the government sees universities through a bureaucratic lens rather than understanding the unique intellectual, cultural, and administrative ecosystem in which academic governance operates.

A particularly troubling argument raised by academics concerns what the amendments could mean for the future. Laws once passed remain in force far beyond the lifespan of any government. Even if the NPP claims benign intentions today, future administrations especially those with authoritarian tendencies could easily exploit these amendments to exert control over universities. Sri Lanka’s history provides countless examples of laws enacted for one purpose being used for another. The Prevention of Terrorism Act, for instance, was introduced as temporary emergency legislation but evolved into a tool for political suppression. Granting Councils the power to remove Deans without due process could become a similar mechanism in the hands of future governments. For academics, the question is not only what the NPP intends but what any future government might do with these expanded powers.

The sense of urgency within universities is palpable. Many academics argue that the government must immediately pause the parliamentary process surrounding the amendments and engage in genuine consultation. This includes involving FUTA, the UGC, university Senates, legal experts, student unions, former Vice Chancellors, and professionals with administrative experience. A comprehensive review should be conducted to identify governance gaps in the current system, determine whether changes are warranted, and develop reforms that enhance both autonomy and accountability. The academic community is not opposed to reform but it insists that reform must strengthen democracy, not weaken it.

In this context, the amendments are seen not only as legally flawed but morally troubling. They undermine the trust that academics placed in the NPP government, a trust built on promises of transparency, consultation, and respect for institutional independence. For a party that campaigned on ending authoritarian governance, introducing amendments that empower political appointees to remove elected academic leaders is deeply inconsistent. Academics now fear that this may signal a broader trend: that the government’s commitment to system change does not extend to safeguarding democratic principles within state institutions.

Sri Lanka stands at a crossroads. The amendments to the Universities Act are more than administrative adjustments; they are a test of the government’s commitment to democratic governance. If passed without modification, they risk undermining academic freedom, silencing critical voices, and enabling political interference in spaces that must remain independent. Universities have long been centres of intellectual resistance, social critique, and democratic activism. Weakening their autonomy will weaken Sri Lanka’s democratic fabric. A government seeking to build a more just, equitable, and educated society cannot begin by constraining the freedom of its universities.

These amendments to the internal academic administration structure proposed by the NPP government violate long-standing democratic values that safeguard academic freedom and independent thinking. Within the Commonwealth tradition, academic integrity policies emphasize honesty, trust, fairness, and responsibility principles that guide the behaviour of students, faculty, and administrators alike. These policies condemn any form of dishonesty, including fraud, plagiarism, misrepresentation, or abuse of authority, and insist on transparent processes, clear rules, and consistent enforcement to ensure a trustworthy academic environment. By contrast, reforms that enable arbitrary appointments or removals of academic leaders without due process undermine these foundational values. They weaken the institutional culture of responsibility and transparency, and erode the safeguards that have historically protected academic communities from political interference. In this context, such amendments not only threaten academic governance but also contradict the very principles of integrity and accountability upheld across the Commonwealth’s higher education systems.

The academic community has repeatedly warned that Sri Lanka is already grappling with serious challenges in the smooth functioning of universities, the retention of qualified academics, and growing institutional financial instability. In the aftermath of Cyclone Ditwah an event that has further crippled the nation’s economic resilience, Sri Lanka can ill afford additional turmoil within its higher education sector. If universities are pushed into authoritarian administrative structures and governance chaos, the consequences could be devastating. Such disruptions risk accelerating intellectual flight, weakening academic institutions, and ultimately destabilizing the entire nation in the months and years to come. In this fragile national context, undermining universities is not merely an academic issue it is a national crisis in the making.

The path forward requires humility, reflection, and dialogue. The government must acknowledge the concerns raised by academics, pause the amendment process, and commit to a consultative approach that respects the knowledge and experience of those who have dedicated their lives to education and research. Only through meaningful engagement can Sri Lanka develop reforms that genuinely improve higher education governance while preserving its democratic values. The stakes are high. The future of Sri Lanka’s universities and by extension, the future of its democracy depends on the decisions made today.

By Prof. MPS Magamage
Sabaragamuwa University of Sri Lanka



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Making ‘Sinhala Studies’ globally relevant

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On 8 January 2026, I delivered a talk at an event at the University of Colombo marking the retirement of my longtime friend and former Professor of Sinhala, Ananda Tissa Kumara and his appointment as Emeritus Professor of Sinhala in that university. What I said has much to do with decolonising social sciences and humanities and the contributions countries like ours can make to the global discourses of knowledge in these broad disciplines. I have previously discussed these issues in this column, including in my essay, ‘Does Sri Lanka Contribute to the Global Intellectual Expansion of Social Sciences and Humanities?’ published on 29 October 2025 and ‘Can Asians Think? Towards Decolonising Social Sciences and Humanities’ published on 31 December 2025.

At the recent talk, I posed a question that relates directly to what I have raised earlier but drew from a specific type of knowledge scholars like Prof Ananda Tissa Kumara have produced over a lifetime about our cultural worlds. I do not refer to their published work on Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit languages, their histories or grammars; instead, their writing on various aspects of Sinhala culture. Erudite scholars familiar with Tamil sources have written extensively on Tamil culture in this same manner, which I will not refer to here.

To elaborate, let me refer to a several essays written by Professor Tissa Kumara over the years in the Sinhala language: 1) Aspects of Sri Lankan town planning emerging from Sinhala Sandesha poetry; 2) Health practices emerging from inscriptions of the latter part of the Anuradhapura period; 3) Buddhist religious background described in inscriptions of the Kandyan period; 4) Notions of aesthetic appreciation emerging from Sigiri poetry; 5) Rituals related to Sinhala clinical procedures; 6) Customs linked to marriage taboos in Sinhala society; 7) Food habits of ancient and medieval Lankans; and 8) The decline of modern Buddhist education. All these essays by Prof. Tissa Kumara and many others like them written by others remain untranslated into English or any other global language that holds intellectual power. The only exceptions would be the handful of scholars who also wrote in English or some of their works happened to be translated into English, an example of the latter being Prof. M.B. Ariyapala’s classic, Society in Medieval Ceylon.

The question I raised during my lecture was, what does one do with this knowledge and whether it is not possible to use this kind of knowledge profitably for theory building, conceptual and methodological fine-tuning and other such essential work mostly in the domain of abstract thinking that is crucially needed for social sciences and humanities. But this is not an interest these scholars ever entertained. Except for those who wrote fictionalised accounts such as unsubstantiated stories on mythological characters like Rawana, many of these scholars amassed detailed information along with their sources. This focus on sources is evident even in the titles of many of Prof. Tissa Kumara’s work referred to earlier. Rather than focusing on theorising or theory-based interpretations, these scholars’ aim was to collect and present socio-cultural material that is inaccessible to most others in society including people like myself. Either we know very little of such material or are completely unaware of their existence. But they are important sources of our collective history indicating what we are where we have come from and need to be seen as a specific genre of research.

In this sense, people like Prof. Tissa Kumara and his predecessors are human encyclopedias. But the knowledge they produced, when situated in the context of global knowledge production in general, remains mostly as ‘raw’ information albeit crucial. The pertinent question now is what do we do with this information? They can, of course, remain as it is. My argument however is this knowledge can be a serious source for theory-building and constructing philosophy based on a deeper understanding of the histories of our country and of the region and how people in these areas have dealt with the world over time.

Most scholars in our country and elsewhere in the region believe that the theoretical and conceptual apparatuses needed for our thinking – clearly manifest in social sciences and humanities – must necessarily be imported from the ‘west.’ It is this backward assumption, but specifically in reference to Indian experiences on social theory, that Prathama Banerjee and her colleagues observe in the following words: “theory appears as a ready-made body of philosophical thought, produced in the West …” As they further note, in this situation, “the more theory-inclined among us simply pick the latest theory off-the-shelf and ‘apply’ it to our context” disregarding its provincial European or North American origin, because of the false belief “that “‘theory’ is by definition universal.” What this means is that like in India, in countries like ours too, the “relationship to theory is dependent, derivative, and often deeply alienated.”

In a somewhat similar critique in his 2000 book, Provincialising Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference Dipesh Chakrabarty points to the limitations of Western social sciences in explaining the historical experiences of political modernity in South Asia. He attempted to renew Western and particularly European thought “from and for the margins,” and bring in diverse histories from regions that were marginalised in global knowledge production into the mainstream discourse of knowledge. In effect, this means making histories of countries like ours relevant in knowledge production.

The erroneous and blind faith in the universality of theory is evident in our country too whether it is the unquestioned embrace of modernist theories and philosophies or their postmodern versions. The heroes in this situation generally remain old white men from Marx to Foucault and many in between. This indicates the kind of unhealthy dependence local discourses of theory owe to the ‘west’ without any attempt towards generating serious thinking on our own.

In his 2002 essay, ‘Dismal State of Social Sciences in Pakistan,’ Akbar Zaidi points out how Pakistani social scientists blindly apply imported “theoretical arguments and constructs to Pakistani conditions without questioning, debating or commenting on the theory itself.” Similarly, as I noted in my 2017 essay, ‘Reclaiming Social Sciences and Humanities: Notes from South Asia,’ Sri Lankan social sciences and humanities have “not seriously engaged in recent times with the dominant theoretical constructs that currently hold sway in the more academically dominant parts of the world.” Our scholars also have not offered any serious alternate constructions of their own to the world without going crudely nativistic or exclusivist.

This situation brings me back to the kind of knowledge that scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have produced. Philosophy, theory or concepts generally emerge from specific historical and temporal conditions. Therefore, they are difficult to universalise or generalise without serious consequences. This does not mean that some ideas would not have universal applicability with or without minor fine tuning. In general, however, such bodies of abstract knowledge should ideally be constructed with reference to the histories and contemporary socio-political circumstances

from where they emerge that may have applicability to other places with similar histories. This is what Banerjee and her colleagues proposed in their 2016 essay, ‘The Work of Theory: Thinking Across Traditions’. This is also what decolonial theorists such as Walter Mignolo, Enrique Dussel and Aníbal Quijano have referred to as ‘decolonizing Western epistemology’ and ‘building decolonial epistemologies.’

My sense is, scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have amassed at least some part of such knowledge that can be used for theory-building that has so far not been used for this purpose. Let me refer to two specific examples that have local relevance which will place my argument in context. Historian and political scientist Benedict Anderson argued in his influential 1983 book, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism that notions of nationalism led to the creation of nations or, as he calls them, ‘imagined communities.’ For him, unlike many others, European nation states emerged in response to the rise of ‘nationalism’ in the overseas European settlements, especially in the Western Hemisphere. But it was still a form of thinking that had Europe at its center.

Comparatively, we can consider Stephen Kemper’s 1991 book, The Presence of the Past: Chronicles, Politics, and Culture in Sinhala Life where the American anthropologist explored the ways in which Sinhala ‘national’ identity evolved over time along with a continual historical consciousness because of the existence of texts such as Mahawamsa. In other words, the Sinhala past manifests with social practices that have continued from the ancient past among which are chronicle-keeping, maintaining sacred places, and venerating heroes.

In this context, his argument is that Sinhala nationalism predates the rise of nationalist movements in Europe by over a thousand years, thereby challenging the hegemonic arguments such as those of Anderson, Ernest Gellner, Elie Kedourie and others who link nationalism as a modern phenomenon impacted by Europe in some way or another. Kemper was able to come to his interpretation by closely reading Lankan texts such as Mahawamsa and other Pali chronicles and more critically, theorizing what is in these texts. Such interpretable material is what has been presented by Prof. Tissa Kumara and others, sans the sing.

Similarly, local texts in Sinhala such as kadaim poth’ and vitti poth, which are basically narratives of local boundaries and descriptions of specific events written in the Dambadeniya and Kandyan periods are replete with crucial information. This includes local village and district boundaries, the different ethno-cultural groups that lived in and came to settle in specific places in these kingdoms, migratory events, wars and so on. These texts as well as European diplomatic dispatches and political reports from these times, particularly during the Kandyan period, refer to the cosmopolitanism in the Kandyan kingdom particularly its court, the military, town planning and more importantly the religious tolerance which even surprised the European observers and latter-day colonial rulers. Again, much of this comes from local sources or much less focused upon European dispatches of the time.

Scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have collected this kind of information as well as material from much older times and sources. What would the conceptual categories, such as ethnicity, nationalism, cosmopolitanism be like if they are reinterpreted or cast anew through these histories, rather than merely following their European and North American intellectual and historical slants which is the case at present? Among the questions we can ask are, whether these local idiosyncrasies resulted from Buddhism or local cultural practices we may not know much about at present but may exist in inscriptions, in ola leaf manuscripts or in other materials collected and presented by scholars such as Prof. Tissa Kumara.

For me, familiarizing ourselves with this under- and unused archive and employing them for theory-building as well as for fine-tuning what already exists is the main intellectual role we can play in taking our cultural knowledge to the world in a way that might make sense beyond the linguistic and socio-political borders of our country. Whether our universities and scholars are ready to attempt this without falling into the trap of crude nativisms, be satisfied with what has already been collected, but is untheorized or if they would rather lackadaisically remain shackled to ‘western’ epistemologies in the sense articulated by decolonial theorists remains to be seen.

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Extinction in isolation: Sri Lanka’s lizards at the climate crossroads

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Climate change is no longer a distant or abstract threat to Sri Lanka’s biodiversity. It is already driving local extinctions — particularly among lizards trapped in geographically isolated habitats, where even small increases in temperature can mean the difference between survival and disappearance.

Cnemaspis rajakarunai (Adult Male), Salgala, Kegalle District (In a communal egg laying site)

According to research by Buddhi Dayananda, Thilina Surasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna, Sri Lanka’s narrowly distributed lizards are among the most vulnerable vertebrates in the country, with climate stress intensifying the impacts of habitat loss, fragmentation and naturally small population sizes.

Isolation Turns Warming into an Extinction Trap

Sri Lanka’s rugged topography and long geological isolation have produced extraordinary levels of reptile endemism. Many lizard species are confined to single mountains, forest patches or rock outcrops, existing nowhere else on Earth. While this isolation has driven evolution, it has also created conditions where climate change can rapidly trigger extinction.

“Lizards are especially sensitive to environmental temperature because their metabolism, activity patterns and reproduction depend directly on external conditions,” explains Suranjan Karunarathna, a leading herpetologist and co-author of the study. “When climatic thresholds are exceeded, geographically isolated species cannot shift their ranges. They are effectively trapped.”

The study highlights global projections indicating that nearly 40 percent of local lizard populations could disappear in coming decades, while up to one-fifth of all lizard species worldwide may face extinction by 2080 if current warming trends persist.

Heat Stress, Energy Loss and Reproductive Failure

Rising temperatures force lizards to spend more time in shelters to avoid lethal heat, reducing their foraging time and energy intake. Over time, this leads to chronic energy deficits that undermine growth and reproduction.

“When lizards forage less, they have less energy for breeding,” Karunarathna says. “This doesn’t always cause immediate mortality, but it slowly erodes populations.”

Repeated exposure to sub-lethal warming has been shown to increase embryonic mortality, reduce hatchling size, slow post-hatch growth and compromise body condition. In species with temperature-dependent sex determination, warming can skew sex ratios, threatening long-term population viability.

“These impacts often remain invisible until populations suddenly collapse,” Karunarathna warns.

Tropical Species with No Thermal Buffer

The research highlights that tropical lizards such as those in Sri Lanka are particularly vulnerable because they already live close to their physiological thermal limits. Unlike temperate species, they experience little seasonal temperature variation and therefore possess limited behavioural or evolutionary flexibility to cope with rapid warming.

“Even modest temperature increases can have severe consequences in tropical systems,” Karunarathna explains. “There is very little room for error.”

Climate change also alters habitat structure. Canopy thinning, tree mortality and changes in vegetation density increase ground-level temperatures and reduce the availability of shaded refuges, further exposing lizards to heat stress.

Narrow Ranges, Small Populations

Many Sri Lankan lizards exist as small, isolated populations restricted to narrow altitudinal bands or specific microhabitats. Once these habitats are degraded — through land-use change, quarrying, infrastructure development or climate-driven vegetation loss — entire global populations can vanish.

“Species confined to isolated hills and rock outcrops are especially at risk,” Karunarathna says. “Surrounding human-modified landscapes prevent movement to cooler or more suitable areas.”

Even protected areas offer no guarantee of survival if species occupy only small pockets within reserves. Localised disturbances or microclimatic changes can still result in extinction.

Climate Change Amplifies Human Pressures

The study emphasises that climate change will intensify existing human-driven threats, including habitat fragmentation, land-use change and environmental degradation. Together, these pressures create extinction cascades that disproportionately affect narrowly distributed species.

“Climate change acts as a force multiplier,” Karunarathna explains. “It worsens the impacts of every other threat lizards already face.”

Without targeted conservation action, many species may disappear before they are formally assessed or fully understood.

Science Must Shape Conservation Policy

Researchers stress the urgent need for conservation strategies that recognise micro-endemism and climate vulnerability. They call for stronger environmental impact assessments, climate-informed land-use planning and long-term monitoring of isolated populations.

“We cannot rely on broad conservation measures alone,” Karunarathna says. “Species that exist in a single location require site-specific protection.”

The researchers also highlight the importance of continued taxonomic and ecological research, warning that extinction may outpace scientific discovery.

A Vanishing Evolutionary Legacy

Sri Lanka’s lizards are not merely small reptiles hidden from view; they represent millions of years of unique evolutionary history. Their loss would be irreversible.

“Once these species disappear, they are gone forever,” Karunarathna says. “Climate change is moving faster than our conservation response, and isolation means there are no second chances.”

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

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Online work compatibility of education tablets

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Enabling Education-to-Income Pathways through Dual-Use Devices

The deployment of tablets and Chromebook-based devices for emergency education following Cyclone Ditwah presents an opportunity that extends beyond short-term academic continuity. International experience demonstrates that the same category of devices—when properly governed and configured—can support safe, ethical, and productive online work, particularly for youth and displaced populations. This annex outlines the types of online jobs compatible with such devices, their technical limitations, and their strategic national value within Sri Lanka’s recovery and human capital development agenda.

Compatible Categories of Online Work

At the foundational level, entry-level digital jobs are widely accessible through Android tablets and Chromebook devices. These roles typically require basic digital literacy, language comprehension, and sustained attention rather than advanced computing power. Common examples include data tagging and data validation tasks, AI training activities such as text, image, or voice labelling, online surveys and structured research tasks, digital form filling, and basic transcription work. These activities are routinely hosted on Google task-based platforms, global AI crowdsourcing systems, and micro-task portals operated by international NGOs and UN agencies. Such models have been extensively utilised in countries including India, the Philippines, Kenya, and Nepal, particularly in post-disaster and low-income contexts.

At an intermediate level, freelance and gig-based work becomes viable, especially when Chromebook tablets such as the Lenovo Chromebook Duet or Acer Chromebook Tab are used with detachable keyboards. These devices are well suited for content writing and editing, Sinhala–Tamil–English translation work, social media management, Canva-based design assignments, and virtual assistant roles. Chromebooks excel in this domain because they provide full browser functionality, seamless integration with Google Docs and Sheets (including offline drafting and later (synchronization), reliable file upload capabilities, and stable video conferencing through platforms such as Google Meet or Zoom. Freelancers across Southeast Asia and Africa already rely heavily on Chromebook-class devices for such work, demonstrating their suitability in bandwidth- and power-constrained environments.

A third category involves remote employment and structured part-time work, which is also feasible on Chromebook tablets when paired with a keyboard and headset. These roles include online tutoring support, customer service through chat or email, research assistance, and entry-level digital bookkeeping. While such work requires a more consistent internet connection—often achievable through mobile hotspots—it does not demand high-end hardware. The combination of portability, long battery life, and browser-based platforms makes these devices adequate for such employment models.

Functional Capabilities and Limitations

It is important to clearly distinguish what these devices can and cannot reasonably support. Tablets and Chromebooks are highly effective for web-based jobs, Google Workspace-driven tasks, cloud platforms, online interviews conducted via Zoom or Google Meet, and the use of digital wallets and electronic payment systems. However, they are not designed for heavy video editing, advanced software development environments, or professional engineering and design tools such as AutoCAD. This limitation does not materially reduce their relevance, as global labour market data indicate that approximately 70–75 per cent of online work worldwide is browser-based and fully compatible with tablet-class devices.

Device Suitability for Dual Use

Among commonly deployed devices, the Chromebook Duet and Acer Chromebook Tab offer the strongest balance between learning and online work, making them the most effective all-round options. Android tablets such as the Samsung Galaxy Tab A8 or A9 and the Nokia T20 also perform reliably when supplemented with keyboards, with the latter offering particularly strong battery endurance. Budget-oriented devices such as the Xiaomi Redmi Pad remain suitable for learning and basic work tasks, though with some limitations in sustained productivity. Across all device types, battery efficiency remains a decisive advantage.

Power and Energy Considerations

In disaster-affected and power-scarce environments, tablets outperform conventional laptops. A battery life of 10–12 hours effectively supports a full day of online work or study. Offline drafting of documents with later synchronisation further reduces dependence on continuous connectivity. The use of solar chargers and power banks can extend operational capacity significantly, making these devices particularly suitable for temporary shelters and community learning hubs.

Payment and Income Feasibility in the Sri Lankan Context

From a financial inclusion perspective, these devices are fully compatible with commonly used payment systems. Platforms such as PayPal (within existing national constraints), Payoneer, Wise, LankaQR, local banking applications, and NGO stipend mechanisms are all accessible through Android and ChromeOS environments. Notably, many Sri Lankan freelancers already conduct income-generating activities entirely via mobile devices, confirming the practical feasibility of tablet-based earning.

Strategic National Value

The dual use of tablets for both education and income generation carries significant strategic value for Sri Lanka. It helps prevent long-term dependency by enabling families to rebuild livelihoods, creates structured earning pathways for youth, and transforms disaster relief interventions into resilience-building investments. This approach supports a human resource management–driven recovery model rather than a welfare-dependent one. It aligns directly with the outcomes sought by the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Labour and HRM reform initiatives, and broader national productivity and competitiveness goals.

Policy Positioning under the Vivonta / PPA Framework

Within the Vivonta/Proprietary Planters Alliance national response framework, it is recommended that these devices be formally positioned as “Learning + Livelihood Tablets.” This designation reflects their dual public value and supports a structured governance approach. Devices should be configured with dual profiles—Student and Worker—supplemented by basic digital job readiness modules, clear ethical guidance on online work, and safeguards against exploitation, particularly for vulnerable populations.

Performance Indicators

From a monitoring perspective, the expected reach of such an intervention is high, encompassing students, youth, and displaced adults. The anticipated impact is very high, as it directly enables the transition from education to income generation. Confidence in the approach is high due to extensive global precedent, while the required effort remains moderate, centering primarily on training, coordination, and platform curation rather than capital-intensive investment.

We respectfully invite the Open University of Sri Lanka, Derana, Sirasa, Rupavahini, DP Education, and Janith Wickramasinghe, National Online Job Coach, to join hands under a single national banner—
“Lighting the Dreams of Sri Lanka’s Emerging Leaders.”

by Lalin I De Silva, FIPM (SL) ✍️

 

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