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Why Sri Lanka needs anthropologists more than ever

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by Professor M. W. Amarasiri de Silva

Sri Lanka is living through one of the most complex periods in its postindependence history. It has endured political upheaval, economic collapse, social fragmentation, environmental stress, and the lingering emotional debris of a three decade civil war. These crises have not occurred in isolation; they overlap, reinforce, and reshape one another. Yet, in the midst of this turbulence, the national conversation remains dominated by economists, technocrats, political strategists, and legal experts. Their contributions are essential, but they are not sufficient.

The country’s most urgent problems are not merely technical; they are profoundly human. They involve identity, memory, belief, ritual, kinship, fear, aspiration, and the subtle ways people interpret the world around them. To understand these forces, Sri Lanka needs a discipline that listens before it prescribes, observes before it intervenes, and interprets before it judges. That discipline is anthropology.

To enhance local research capacity, a targeted doctoral scholarship initiative was established for academic staff members within the Department of Sociology at the University of Peradeniya and the University of Jaffna. This strategic programme was designed to equip selected faculty members with advanced methodological and theoretical frameworks. Scholars underwent rigorous training to pursue their PhDs within the specialisation of conflict and development, hosted by the School of Global Studies at the University of Gothenburg in Sweden. Beyond this, however, I am unaware of any scholarship programmes in Sri Lankan universities that support targeted research into specific social problems.

Partnership with Swedish institutions

The pedagogical partnership between these Sri Lankan and Swedish institutions has yielded substantial academic output. By immersing themselves in this collaborative research environment, the participating scholars have successfully produced comprehensive doctoral dissertations. The scholars in doing their PhDs have come out with dissertations on interesting themes on conflict and development, including Rural Development through Social Capital? An inquest on the linkages between social capital and development in war-torn villages in Sri Lanka, peace education, post-conflict social reconciliation, and community structures, displacement and resettlement processes in post-conflict/war-affected areas in Sri Lanka, Psycho-social Rehabilitation of War-Affected Children: A Study of Sri Lanka, conflict studies, gender, peace, and social transformation in Northern Sri Lanka, and Roles of Women During Armed Conflict. Most of them have published their theses in book form and written journal articles based on their field research. According to institutional reviews, these research contributions explore critical, niche themes surrounding post-conflict dynamics and structural development, significantly enriching regional sociological literature.

Around the world, anthropology has undergone a quiet but significant transformation. It is no longer confined to academic departments or ethnographic monographs. As highlighted in the recent volume Why the World Needs Anthropologists, the discipline has moved decisively into public life. Anthropologists today work in public health, environmental management, humanitarian response, conflict resolution, corporate strategy, and digital design. They help governments understand communities, help companies understand users, and help societies understand themselves. They are trained to navigate complexity, ambiguity, and contradiction—qualities that define the modern world. The book argues that anthropology must be “front and centre at the solving table,” and this argument resonates with force in Sri Lanka, where the absence of anthropological insight has repeatedly weakened policy, deepened misunderstanding, and prolonged conflict.

Changing social landscape

Sri Lanka’s social landscape is changing at a pace that often outstrips the ability of institutions to respond. Urbanisation is accelerating, with rural youth leaving traditional livelihoods for precarious urban employment or overseas migration. Digital technologies, from smartphones to artificial intelligence, are reshaping communication, political mobilisation, and social relationships. Religious revivalism is rising across communities, sometimes deepening faith, sometimes intensifying division. Gender norms are shifting, with women entering new professions and challenging longstanding expectations. The family itself is changing, with new patterns of marriage, migration, and household structure. These transformations are not uniform; they vary across regions, ethnic groups, classes, and generations. Understanding them requires more than surveys or statistical models. It requires ethnography, longterm engagement, and the ability to interpret meaning within context. It requires anthropology.

One of the most urgent areas where Sri Lanka needs anthropologists is reconciliation. More than a decade after the end of the civil war, the country continues to struggle with unresolved grievances, contested histories, and fragile interethnic trust. Reconciliation is not a matter of drafting reports or passing resolutions. It is a cultural process, rooted in how communities remember violence, how they narrate their suffering, how they mourn their dead, and how they imagine coexistence. Anthropologists have long studied memory, trauma, ritual, and identity.

They understand that healing cannot be imposed from above; it must emerge from within communities, through practices that resonate with local traditions and emotional landscapes. In Sri Lanka, reconciliation efforts have often been topdown, bureaucratic, and disconnected from lived realities. Anthropologists can help bridge this gap by documenting community narratives, facilitating dialogue, and designing culturally sensitive programmes that respect the complexity of grief and the diversity of healing.

Critical insight into political behaviour

Anthropology also offers critical insight into political behaviour. Sri Lanka’s political culture is shaped by patronage networks, kinship ties, caste dynamics, religious authority, and symbolic performances. These forces often matter more than policy platforms or ideological commitments. Yet they are rarely studied systematically in policymaking circles. Anthropologists can illuminate how political loyalty is formed, how trust is negotiated, how rumours spread, and how communities interpret state actions. In an era of misinformation, polarisation, and populism, such insights are invaluable. They can help design communication strategies that resonate with diverse communities, strengthen democratic participation, and reduce political manipulation. They can also help explain why certain reforms fail—not because they are poorly designed, but because they are culturally misaligned.

Economic behaviour, too, is deeply cultural. Sri Lanka’s economy is not merely a system of markets and numbers; it is embedded in social relationships. Decisions about farming, migration, entrepreneurship, and consumption are shaped by kinship obligations, religious beliefs, gender roles, and community expectations. A farmer’s willingness to adopt a new technology may depend not only on cost and efficiency but also on whether respected elders approve, whether neighbours have tried it, or whether it aligns with ritual practices.

Youth decisions about migration are influenced by family prestige, marriage prospects, and community narratives about success. Economists often overlook these cultural factors, leading to policies that fail in practice. Anthropologists can help design economic interventions that align with social realities, increasing their effectiveness and sustainability.

Environmental challenges

Environmental challenges present another domain where anthropology is indispensable. Sri Lanka faces rising sea levels, droughts, landslides, deforestation, and biodiversity loss. These crises are not only ecological; they are social. They affect how communities use land, manage water, practice agriculture, and relate to nature. Anthropologists study traditional ecological knowledge, community adaptation strategies, and cultural perceptions of the environment. They understand why certain conservation policies succeed while others fail. A forest conservation programme may falter if it ignores the ritual significance of certain trees or the livelihood needs of nearby villagers. A climate adaptation strategy may fail if it does not consider gender roles in water collection or farming. By integrating anthropology into environmental planning, Sri Lanka can create solutions that are both scientifically sound and socially grounded.

Public health is another area where anthropologists can make a transformative impact. Health behaviours are shaped by cultural beliefs, social stigma, religious practices, and community trust. My work on Chronic Kidney Disease is an example. During epidemics, people’s willingness to follow medical advice depends on whether they trust authorities, whether they understand the science, and whether the advice aligns with their cultural norms. Anthropologists have played crucial roles in global health crises—from Ebola to COVID19—by helping design communication strategies, understanding community fears, and improving patientprovider relationships. In Sri Lanka, where noncommunicable diseases, mental health issues, and substance abuse are rising, anthropologists can help develop culturally sensitive health interventions that address root causes rather than symptoms.

Education reform is another domain where anthropology can contribute significantly. Sri Lanka’s education system is burdened by rote learning, exam pressure, and outdated curricula. Yet education is not merely a technical process; it is a cultural one. It shapes identity, social mobility, and national belonging. Anthropologists can study how students learn, how teachers teach, how families support education, and how cultural expectations shape academic performance. They can help design curricula that reflect Sri Lanka’s diverse cultural heritage, promote critical thinking, and prepare students for a rapidly changing world.

Anthropology: Way of seeing

Beyond these specific domains, anthropology offers something even more fundamental: a way of seeing. Anthropologists are trained to question assumptions, listen deeply, and interpret meaning. They understand that societies are complex, that people are contradictory, and that culture shapes everything from politics to economics to technology. In a world where quick fixes and simplistic narratives dominate public discourse, anthropology offers nuance, depth, and humility. It reminds us that solutions must be grounded in human experience, not imposed from above.
Anthropologists emphasizes that anthropology is not only about understanding the world but also about changing it. Anthropologists today work in design firms, tech companies, humanitarian agencies, and government ministries. They help create userfriendly digital services, design communitybased disaster responses, improve organizational culture, and evaluate social programmes. Their skills—listening, observing, interpreting, contextualizing—are increasingly valued in complex and unpredictable environments. Sri Lanka, with its diverse communities and rapid transformations, is precisely such an environment.

One of the most compelling arguments is that anthropologists must share their knowledge beyond academia. They must engage with the public, collaborate with policymakers, and contribute to national debates. In Sri Lanka, anthropology remains largely confined to universities, with limited public visibility. This must change. Anthropologists should write for newspapers, participate in public forums, advise ministries, and work with NGOs. They should help shape national conversations about identity, development, reconciliation, and governance. Their insights can enrich public understanding and improve policy outcomes.

US experience

In the US, some universities teaching anthropology get their students to work with community organizations and help improve their development as part of their studies. The Community Studies Program teaches effective techniques and strategies for community organizing and social movement work, providing extensive real-world learning experiences to prepare students for careers spent making a difference on social justice issues. These programmes help students develop a strong understanding of the systems and power dynamics that contribute to society’s problems and what it takes to disrupt them. All students embark on six months of field study, a uniquely rewarding form of learning that allows them to make a difference for others while gaining valuable real-world experience.

Integrating applied anthropology and community studies into higher education bridges the gap between theoretical social analysis and direct public engagement. By stepping outside traditional academic environments, students engage with grassroots organizations, local initiatives, and advocacy groups, applying ethnographic methods to address tangible social issues such as health disparities, educational access, and socio-economic inequality. This experiential model transforms passive learning into active collaboration, empowering communities through collaborative research while training students to become responsive, ethically grounded researchers and advocates.

Furthermore, extended immersion—such as a six-month field study—serves as a crucial mechanism for personal, scholarly, and professional growth. Long-term field placement requires students to navigate complex institutional networks, understand local power dynamics, and build sustained, trust-based relationships within host communities. Beyond mastering qualitative methodologies like participant observation and qualitative interviewing, students cultivate critical skills in project management, cross-cultural communication, and strategic advocacy. This hands-on foundation equips graduates to challenge structural inequities effectively across careers in public policy, non-profit leadership, community organizing, and applied research.

Harnessing anthropology’s full potential

To harness anthropology’s full potential, Sri Lanka must take several steps. Universities should strengthen anthropology programs, offering both theoretical and applied training. Government ministries should create positions for anthropologists, especially in areas such as reconciliation, rural development, public health, education, and environment. NGOs and development agencies should integrate anthropologists into project design and evaluation. The media should feature anthropological perspectives on national issues, helping the public appreciate the discipline’s relevance. And anthropologists themselves must step forward, engaging actively with society and demonstrating the value of their work.

Sri Lanka’s future depends on understanding its people—deeply, respectfully, and holistically. The country’s diversity is both a strength and a challenge. Its communities have rich histories, complex identities, and unique cultural practices. These must be understood not as obstacles but as resources. Anthropology provides the tools to do this. It helps us see the world through others’ eyes, appreciate the complexity of human experience, and design solutions that resonate with people’s lives.
In times of crisis, societies often turn to technical experts—economists, engineers, doctors, and lawyers. Their expertise is essential, but it is not sufficient. Crises are human experiences. They involve fear, hope, memory, identity, and meaning. Anthropologists understand these dimensions. They can help Sri Lanka navigate uncertainty, heal wounds, strengthen communities, and build a more inclusive and sustainable future.

Anthropologists as partners

The argument is simple but profound: Sri Lanka needs anthropologists not as observers but as partners. Not as critics but as collaborators. Not as distant academics but as engaged citizens. Anthropology is not a luxury; it is a necessity. It is the missing discipline in the country’s search for solutions. It is the lens through which Sri Lanka can better understand itself and chart a more humane path forward.
In a world where complexity is the norm and uncertainty the constant, anthropology offers clarity, depth, and wisdom. It reminds us that development is not only about infrastructure but about people. That reconciliation is not only about policies but about emotions. That governance is not only about institutions but about trust. That progress is not only about technology but about culture. Sri Lanka, with its rich heritage and challenging present, needs this perspective more than ever.
Anthropology teaches us that every society is a tapestry of stories, symbols, rituals, and relationships. Sri Lanka’s tapestry is vibrant, intricate, and sometimes frayed. To mend it, we must understand it. To strengthen it, we must appreciate it. To move forward, we must listen to the voices that have long been ignored. Anthropologists can help us do this. They can help us see what is hidden, hear what is unspoken, and understand what is misunderstood.
As Sri Lanka seeks to rebuild its economy, heal its divisions, and navigate global change, anthropology offers a compass. It points toward empathy, understanding, and cultural sensitivity. It reminds us that solutions must be humancentered, grounded in lived experience, and respectful of diversity. It challenges us to think deeply, act ethically, and engage meaningfully.

The world needs anthropologists, and Sri Lanka needs them even more. The country’s future depends not only on technical expertise but on human insight. Anthropology provides that insight. It is time to bring anthropologists to the center of national conversations, to the heart of policymaking, and to the forefront of problemsolving. Sri Lanka’s challenges are complex, but its potential is immense. With anthropology as a guide, the country can move toward a future that is not only prosperous but also humane, inclusive, and culturally grounded.



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Features

‘Lord Edgware Dies’

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It has been some time since I read an Agatha Christie, the plot of which I cannot remember. So, I was delighted to find on the shelves of a friend Lord Edgware Dies, which I had a vague memory of, but no certainty about who had done it.

When I read it, I found that my memory of who was probably the killer was correct, but I could not be certain and the red herrings Christie threw in were so diverting that until almost the very end I wondered if I had been wrong.

The plot is very simple. Jane Wilkinson, who is married to Lord Edgware, tells him that she is desperate for a divorce since she is in love with a very proper Anglo-Catholic peer, Lord Melton, but Edgware refuses to divorce her. She asks Poirot to talk to him, which he does, and is surprised to find that Edgware has told Jane he is prepared to give her a divorce. This was, after he had categorically refused, through a letter, which Jane said she had not received.

That night Edgware is murdered, after Jane had been to see him, or so the butler said, and also Edgware’s secretary. But Jane had been that evening at a grand dinner many miles away, where a dozen fellow guests could swear to her presence.

There was a solution however to the mystery of two Jane Wilkinsons, namely a skilful impersonator called Carlotta Adams who, in the opening chapter had impersonated Jane Wilkinson, who had also been at the performance. But when Poirot goes to see her, he finds that she had been found dead on the morning after Edgware had been killed, of an overdose. And in her bag was a gold case, with a strange inscription, that contained the drug, along with a pair of pince-nez.

Her maid said she had written a letter to her sister in America and posted it the previous night. Poirot asks Inspector Japp to get the letter, and a transcript is received from America, and in it the name of Edgware’s nephew Ronald Marsh is mentioned; he had taken Carlotta to dinner after her performance, with which the book opens, and had then set her a challenge. Japp arrests Marsh, but Poirot is not happy and asks for the original of the letter, which the sister sends him. That shows that a page is missing, and the tear is obvious, though that raises the question as to why it had not simply been cut.

Matters are further complicated by the fact that Marsh had gone in a taxi to the Edgware house, along with Edgware’s daughter Geraldine, in the interval of an opera which had previously seemed to provide them with cast iron alibis. Geraldine had gone in to fetch her pearls so that Marsh could raise money he needed, and thus had an opportunity to kill Edgware, as did Marsh, for the driver said he had got out of the taxi while waiting and gone into the house.

Agatha Christie

Marsh explained why he had gone to the house on the night of the murder as having followed Bryan Martin, an American actor, who had been in love with Jane, whom he saw go into the house with a key. But there was no one visible when he entered, and Geraldine almost immediately came down and they left together. And Martin too has become an object of suspicion to Poirot, for he had been to see him before the murders were discovered with a story of being followed by a man with a gold tooth – a story Poirot immediately realized was false when he was asked how old the man was, and was told he was young, for young people did not have gold teeth.

A heap of French money Edgware had got for a trip to Paris was missing, but since Marsh had no need for it after his cousin’s offer of help, Poirot deduces that it must have been taken by the butler, who has disappeared. Christie has stressed that he is astonishingly handsome, unusual in a butler, and Poirot notes a resemblance to Martin, so he thinks the mysterious man going into the house must have been him.

Incidentally, later Poirot assumes that Edgware’s change of mind was because he was involved in some scandal, and I believe Christie intends us to see the cause of this in his handsome butler, though this is not specified.

Meanwhile, Poirot has asked Japp to find out the provenance of the case found in Carlotta’s handbag, and it turns out to have been made in Paris, specially commissioned, and collected by a woman with pince-nez.

But then another murder occurs—that of another guest at the grand dinner, which provided Jane with her alibi. The victim is an actor who had been bemused when Jane, at a lunch, thought the Judgment of Paris referred to the city. He told Hastings he wanted to see Poirot, but was killed before he could get to the appointment. Poirot had rushed there when told about his request, but it was too late.

Meanwhile, Poirot has tried out the pince-nez on Edgware’s secretary, but she could not see through these. It was only a chance remark heard outside the theatre that led him to try them out on Wilkinson’s maid Ellis, a spare pair that had been appropriated for the night of the murders.

Poirot then lays things out, having summoned Martin and told him that he probably suppressed Edgware’s letter, as he had been dropped by then and he did not want Jane to marry another. But after teasing Martin, Poirot says that Jane was in fact the murderer, and she got Carlotta to impersonate her at the dinner while she went to the house and killed her husband. After meeting Carlotta later and checking with her through a call that she had not been rumbled, Jane had gone ahead with the murder – she put veronal into her drink and the case with veronal into the handbag. She forgot to take out the pince-nez she had used earlier to imitate an American. Carlotta had registered as the American in a hotel and Jane had gone to see her, and there they exchanged identities. After seen the letter, she made use of it by tearing off the page that referred to her, and the S of She, so that the person who had challenged Carlotta to impersonate her seemed to be a man.

There is a coda in which Jane, condemned to death, writes to Hastings, still full of pride at her ingenuity hoping she will be remembered.

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Desilt reservoirs, learn from our ancient irrigation systems

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Polgolla

by Prof. O. A. Ileperuma

Silting of reservoirs is a major problem today affecting our hydropower production and irrigation systems. The main Mahaweli reservoirs are silted to a considerable extent reducing the water holding capacity of them. Due to poor soil management practices, floodwaters deposit large amounts of silt in these reservoirs. When the Polgolla reservoir was fully drained about two years back, one could see mountains of silt in the lower reaches of the reservoir. A rough estimate is that 50% of the total capacity of these reservoirs has been lost to siltation. This is a serious issue which affects not only power and agriculture but also flood control.

Our ancient irrigation systems ensured that desilting of reservoirs took place under royal decree where all users of the reservoirs were ordered to carry out desilting of reservoirs during the dry season. The clay thus collected was used in making bricks for the construction of great stupas which dot the landscape of our ancient kingdoms. This ensured that the reservoirs had their full capacity filled with water for the next cultivating season. Our ancient kings were clever enough not to construct reservoirs by blocking main rivers such as the Mahaweli. A classic example is the Minipe left canal where they tapped only the surface water of Mahaweli. Even the bigger tanks such as Nuwara Wewa and Parakrama Samudraya were fed with minor rivulets. There were also other ingenious features in the cascade irrigation systems built by the ancient kings, such as mud sluice canals and forest reservations between the reservoirs in the cascade system. These reservations helped trap silt and remove excess nutrients, which could otherwise contribute to increasing salinity as water flowed from one reservoir to another.

Victoria

Moragahakanda

A classic engineering marvel is the former Yoda Ela, which carries water from Kalawewa to Nuwara Wewa and Tissa Wewa. It is 87 km long although the straight distance between these points is only about 40 km. The gradient of this canal is about 10 cm per km or 6 inches per mile. Yodha Ela functions as a moving reservoir and feeds about 4,600 hectares of paddy lands. It is a winding canal with about 120 smaller reservoirs on its way. It was constructed during the reign of King Dhatusena around 459 AD and later expanded by King Parakramabahu by connecting more reservoirs to the network. Unfortunately, during the Mahaweli project our modern-day engineers constructed a concrete canal replacing the winding path of this Yoda Ela also called Jaya Ganga. This effectively removed the ability of the old Yoda Ela to remove silt and nutrients. The bank of this Ela has wet zone trees such as jak and areca nut growing well. They take up the nutrients from the flowing stream making the water suitable for irrigation later.

Ancient Mesopotamian civilisations depended on dams constructed along the two main rivers, Euphrates and Tigris. After continuous irrigation of their fields over several thousand years, salinity of the irrigated lands increased making them unsuitable for agriculture. People died due to famine and this clearly illustrates the danger of blocking main rivers for agriculture. There is scientific evidence that the salinity of paddy soils in the Mahaweli C area is increasing.

We saw the devastation caused by Cyclone Ditwah. The sluice gates of the Kotmale Reservoir were opened, and Kandy and Peradeniya were flooded. If the reservoir had had greater storage capacity, couldn’t the opening of the gates have been delayed? This may not be an argument that modern-day engineers would readily accept, and I am not an irrigation expert. These ideas may well be naïve. But most of us tend to think of reservoirs mainly in terms of hydropower generation and irrigation, while their role in flood control receives much less attention. The question therefore deserves serious consideration. Could restoring lost reservoir capacity through desilting help improve our ability to manage extreme rainfall and reduce flood risks?

Desilting our reservoirs should be considered a national priority.

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Losing out to Ethiopia

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From Trailblazer to Tailender

Export diversification – Missing the wood for the trees – Part III

by Gomi Senadhira

In Sri Lanka, the word “Ethiopia” is often used as disparaging slang to describe individuals or areas experiencing extreme poverty, starvation, or severe economic hardship. This linguistic habit originated in the 1980s with the Western media coverage of the devastating Ethiopian famine of 1983-85. That media coverage shocked the world but also left an outdated and offensive global stereotype that the country is permanently starving. Much has changed since then. By now, with an annual growth rate of around 9%, it is the fastest-growing economy in sub-Saharan Africa. Ethiopia has also emerged as a highly competitive exporter and is challenging not only its competitors in the region but also countries like Sri Lanka. This article is on how Sri Lanka has lost ground to Ethiopia (and a few other countries) in the GCC markets for agricultural and floricultural products.

Sri Lanka – A Pioneer in the Agriculture and Floricultural Market in the GCC

As discussed in Part II of this article, by the mid-1980s Sri Lanka had established a strong foothold in the GCC’s fruit, vegetable, and floricultural market. Geographical proximity and well-established shipping and air links gave Sri Lanka a strong comparative advantage over Southeast Asian and African nations. Thailand, Vietnam, and Kenya were not even in the market. At that time, Ethiopia was experiencing (as BBC news reports described) “a biblical famine”.

The market was not very large, but it was lucrative and growing. Trade Minister Lalith Athulathmudali as well as the Chairman of the Export Development Board, Victor Santiapillai, who visited Kuwait (and the GCC countries), recognised the market potential for these products and encouraged us to continue with our work. The minister was particularly keen to further develop links between the market for these products, exporters, and his Export Production Villages (EPVs). So, it was becoming a successful case not only for export diversification but also for transferring gains from exports directly to rural households.

From Trailblazer to Tailender

As a result, even by the beginning of this century Sri Lanka had a larger market share than most of its competitors from Asia or Africa. But since then, our competitiveness has weakened significantly. The tables below provide a comparative snapshot of Sri Lanka’s performance vis-à-vis Thailand, Vietnam, Kenya and Ethiopia in the GCC market for vegetables, fruits and floricultural products. As illustrated therein, in 2001 Sri Lanka was ahead of Thailand, Kenya and Ethiopia in this small but rapidly growing market. Since then, we have fallen behind Thailand, Kenya and many other countries in that lucrative market. If this trend continues, Sri Lanka will fall behind Ethiopia within the next few years. (See Table 1)

In the GCC market for vegetables (covered in HS chapter 07), Sri Lanka was ahead of most other competitors in 2001. As illustrated in Table 1 , Sri Lanka had failed to develop this market, while Thailand, Kenya, and even Ethiopia had very efficiently increased their market shares. The GCC is a market to which Sri Lanka can supply some vegetables, like cabbages, by sea. It appears Sri Lanka had also failed to exploit this mode of supply.

We can see a similar trend in the market for fruits. Vietnam, Kenya, and Thailand have emerged as major players, while exports from Sri Lanka have staggered on slowly. In this segment, Vietnam has emerged as a leading player during the last twenty years and the GCC imports from Viet Nam have shot up from US$44 thousand in 2001 to US$346 million by 2024. In part one of these articles, I discussed the remarkable increase of jackfruit exports from Vietnam “…just $3 million in 2015 to an impressive $236.8 million in 2023” while most of our jackfruit production rots under the trees. This explains how countries develop their markets, geographically and product-wise. (See Table 2)

Sri Lanka’s performance has been weakest in the market for floricultural products (HS Chapter 06), which groups live trees, cut flowers, and ornamental foliage. When we first entered the market in the 1980s, the market was dominated by the Netherlands, and Kenya and Ethiopia were not even in the market. At that time, we identified the Gulf states as a market where Sri Lanka could have a dominant presence due to geographical proximity. Even in 2001, Sri Lanka was ahead of Kenya, Ethiopia, and Thailand. But by now, Kenya has emerged as the dominant supplier. Ethiopia is also expanding its market share and is the third-largest exporter. (See Table 3)

Missing the Wood for the Trees

In the mid-1980s, Sri Lanka first established its foothold in the GCC market. Since then, Thailand, Vietnam, Kenya, and even Ethiopia have moved well ahead of us and have become leading players. Why did we lag behind in our export diversification efforts in general and, more particularly, in the GCC market?

The reasons are very clear. After the initial attempts in the 1980s and early 1990s, Sri Lanka has not been proactively involved in identifying, developing, and promoting new products and markets, or protecting and further developing new markets already established. The focus has simply been on traditional exports: tea, coconut, cinnamon, and garments, while other products were almost ignored. In essence, we have been and continue to focus intensely on a narrow group of products and markets, and we have lost sight of the bigger picture.

(The writer can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

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