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Why not bury post-Covid corpses?

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The most environmentally friendly way to dispose of a dead body is to compost it in the correct manner, ensuring that the corpse does not contain harsh chemicals, heavy metals, etc., that can be toxic to the soil. During composting, temperatures rise sufficiently to kill all pathogens. The Seattle-based “Recompose” is one of the more well-known US organizations which offer the ecological composting of corpses, where the corpse is placed in a vessel with wood chips, alfalfa, and straw. Oxygen is pumped in to increase thermophilic, or heat-loving, microbial activity. The resulting compost is returned to the family who may plant a memorial tree with the manure.

While “Greens” and eco-activists may go for such solutions, the vast majority of humans follow traditional funeral practices. The Covid-19 pandemic has sharpened the question of how to safely dispose of corpses that may be contaminated with the virus, and a knee-jerk reaction has been to cremate the corpses and so “burn off” the virus, as with victims of Cholera or the plague.

The cholera pathogen, the hepatitis virus, the polio virus and many other pathogens persist in water. This is not true for the Corona virus that caused the current pandemic.

Once a person dies of Covid-19, the Coronavirus also dies rapidly, as the dead cells decay. The Corona-SARs group of viruses (that caused SARS in 2003, and Covid-19 from 2019 to now) are a type of protein that degrades fairly quickly. It belongs to the family known as “enveloped viruses”. In fact, if you get the virus on your hands, just rubbing it for 30 seconds with soapy water is proposed to be enough to break down the virus by the action of soap on the fatty “envelope”. As a Guardian news article stated, “your grandma’s bar of soap destroys the virus faster than hand sanitizer”.

In Sri Lanka the prevailing temperature is 30-33 degrees, and so the rates of decay (denaturing of proteins) increase by a factor of two over that at 20 Celsius, because of the exponential Arrhenius factor. Salts and hard water act to breakdown proteins by the so-called Hofmeister effect; that also led us to propose an ionicity mechanism based on fluoride and magnesium for the aetiology of chronic kidney disease [Dharma-wardana, 2018: Environmental Geochemistry and Health]. So, ideally, a theoretical prediction can be made that a salty, soapy environment will rapidly breakdown the Coronavirus. Furthermore, the moist soil contains organisms that feed on the virus (protein) and this accelerates the decay of the virus.

So the alleged danger to the public from burying corpses seems mostly a knee-jerk FEAR REACTION – fearing the unknown. However, it is important to look at Coronavirus decay data and such data were certainly NOT available in March 2020, although data were available for the Corona-SARs virus [e.g., Gundy et al, 2009 study]. An Australian study of the Coronavirus and the Murine Hepatitis Vaccine (MHV) became available in 2020 August [Ahamed et al., Env. Research 2020]. So there is a significant database to consult.

Then what about reports of the virus being found in wastewater? What has been found in wastewater is NOT the virus, but DNA/RNA fragments of the virus, resulting from the quick breakdown of the virus. These are amino-acid fragments and form markers that tell us that the Covid-infected individuals were at the source of the waste water. The water itself is not infectious.

The total number of dead from the Coronavirus in Sri Lanka from the first wave was about 16, and including the second wave it is still a little over 200. So this is an incredibly good achievement, being an order of magnitude better per capita than in most countries. Of the dead, at most some 40% are said to be Muslims. That is, the number of corpses is under 80. These could have been conveniently buried in hilly locations, in areas where Muslim communities exist. The non-use of embalming, etc., practiced in Muslim burials, enhance the decay rate of the body and any envelop-type viruses in it.

The Australian National Imams Council (ANIC) released a statement saying it was permissible for bodies to be buried in leak-proof plastic bags. Progressive Jewish groups have issued similar statements.

Given the chemistry of proteins, and the structure of the Corona-SARS virus, an environmentally more friendly and completely safe solution would be to bury the bodies in wooden coffins, fully packed with soap powder, with the bottom of the grave lined with hygroscopic salts, or lined even with crushed limestone. The oxygenated composting methods used by, say, the Seattle firm RECOMPOSE can also be easily adapted to the problem.

Sri Lanka has some 40,000 Corona cases (i.e., nothing compared to what Western countries are grappling with). A majority of these people may be isolated and quarantined in their own homes; their urine and excreta go into latrines, and the stuff is usually flushed down or washed down and go into sewers or septic tanks. The latrine waste from 40,000 should be enormously more dangerous than the 80 decaying buried corpses. But no one seems concerned about how the latrine waste is disposed of. Reassuringly, no intact Coronaviruses have been found in wastewater.

High numbers of viral particles are shed by infected individuals (e.g., 1 g of feces from an infected individual may contain as high as ten trillion rotaviruses [Mihail, 2011 study]) and infections can occur from low doses of viral particles ( 1-10 particles for some viruses [Ford T.E., Microbiological safety of drinking water: United States and global perspectives. Environ. Health Perspect. 1999;107:191-206]). So understanding the ability of viruses to survive in water is important.

One may still raise questions and continue the research by adding coronavirus to wet soil and monitoring them. Nevertheless, authorities need to make decisions now, even with incomplete data. The WHO did just that already in April 2020, using the known behavior of other SARS viruses.

What about Covid affected dead minks in Denmark that were buried and become a hazard?

In fact, the health hazard that arose from burying dead minks does NOT come from there being Coronaviruses or that the Coronavirus gets transmitted to the water table. The danger came from burying large amounts of meat (millions of minks) in shallow trenches. The rotting meat develops large amounts of hazardous bacteria and standard pathogens. Although this may be obvious to environmental and public health scientists, the public reading the Danish Mink story assumed that the danger arose from the Coronavirus. A false assumption.

The lesson from the Danish Mink story is that all corpses, be it animal or human, sick or healthy, should be buried in graves whose bottoms are significantly above the local water table.

The famed Virologist Dr. Malik Pieries (Hong Kong) was a scientific leader facing the SARs virus epidemic in 2003-2004. He has also stated that the fear of burying the dead is not supported by the available science.

Is this creating one law for the Muslims, and another for the others? No, everyone may cremate or bury their dead, the latter option being subject to ensuring that the bottom of the grave is significantly above the water table. Authorities can release the bodies after six hours to the families, and they can hold Pansakoola or other rites of one’s religion via ZOOM. The government can provide mobile ZOOM capability to families and religious institutions unequipped with the needed electronics.

Even in China, although the official policy is to insist on “cremation”, “burial centers” controlled by Party officials have been set up. These are in Muslim areas and burials are “officially managed” for the family.

If the “scientific committees” disagree, it is because they have written reports without doing simple experiments. An accredited bio-safe lab can easily determine the half life of the virus in moist soil at 33 Celsius, and the experiment will show that 99% of the virus is dead in about three hours.

 

CHANDRE DHARMAWARDANA

[The writer was a Professor of Chemistry at the Vidyodaya University (today’s SJP University) in the mid 1970s, and currently works for the National Research Council of Canada and the University of Montreal].



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Opinion

War with Iran and unravelling of the global order – II

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A US airstrike on Iran

Broader Strategic Consequences

One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.

Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.

The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.

A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system

The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.

The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.

The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.

Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.

Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.

However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.

Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon

History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.

European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.

by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)

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Opinion

University admission crisis: Academics must lead the way

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130,000 students are left out each year—academics hold the key

Each year, Sri Lanka’s G.C.E. Advanced Level examination produces a wave of hope—this year, nearly 175,000 students qualified for university entrance. Yet only 45,000 will be admitted to state universities. That leaves more than 130,000 young people stranded—qualified, ambitious, but excluded. This is not just a statistic; it is a national crisis. And while policymakers debate infrastructure and funding, the country’s academics must step forward as catalysts of change.

Beyond the Numbers: A National Responsibility

Education is the backbone of Sri Lanka’s development. Denying access to tens of thousands of qualified students risks wasting talent, fueling inequality, and undermining national progress. The gap is not simply about seats in lecture halls—it is about the future of a generation. Academics, as custodians of knowledge, cannot remain passive observers. They must reimagine the delivery of higher education to ensure opportunity is not a privilege for the few.

Expanding Pathways, Not Just Campuses

The traditional model of four-year degrees in brick-and-mortar universities cannot absorb the demand. Academics can design short-term diplomas and certificate programmes that provide immediate access to learning. These programmes, focused on employable skills, would allow thousands to continue their education while easing pressure on degree programmes. Equally important is the digital transformation of education. Online and blended learning modules can extend access to rural students, breaking the monopoly of physical campuses. With academic leadership, Sri Lanka can build a reliable system of credit transfers, enabling students to begin their studies at affiliated institutions and later transfer to state universities.

Partnerships That Protect Quality

Private universities and vocational institutes already absorb many students who miss out on state admissions. But concerns about quality and recognition persist. Academics can bridge this divide by providing quality assurance and standardised curricula, supervising joint degree programmes, and expanding the Open University system. These partnerships would ensure that students outside the state system receive affordable, credible, and internationally recognised education.

Research and Advocacy: Shaping Policy

Academics are not only teachers—they are researchers and thought leaders. By conducting labour market studies, they can align higher education expansion with employability. Evidence-based recommendations to the University Grants Commission (UGC) can guide strategic intake increases, regional university expansion, and government investment in digital infrastructure. In this way, academics can ensure reforms are not reactive, but visionary.

Industry Engagement: Learning Beyond the Classroom

Sri Lanka’s universities must become entrepreneurship hubs and innovation labs. Academics can design programmes that connect students directly with industries, offering internship-based learning and applied research opportunities. This approach reduces reliance on classroom capacity while equipping students with practical skills. It also reframes education as a partnership between universities and the economy, rather than a closed system.

Making the Most of What We Have

Even within existing constraints, academics can expand capacity. Training junior lecturers and adjunct faculty, sharing facilities across universities, and building international collaborations for joint programmes and scholarships are practical steps. These measures maximise resources while opening new avenues for students.

A Call to Action

Sri Lanka’s university admission crisis is not just about numbers—it is about fairness, opportunity, and national development. Academics must lead the way in transforming exclusion into empowerment. By expanding pathways, strengthening partnerships, advocating for policy reform, engaging with industry, and optimizing resources, they can ensure that qualified students are not left behind.

“Education for all, not just the fortunate few.”

Dr. Arosh Bandula (Ph.D. Nottingham), Senior Lecturer, Department of Agricultural Economics & Agribusiness, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ruhuna

by Dr. Arosh Bandula

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Opinion

Post-Easter Sri Lanka: Between memory, narrative, and National security

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As Sri Lanka approaches the seventh commemoration of the Easter Sunday attacks, the national mood is once again marked by grief, reflection, and an enduring sense of incompleteness. Nearly seven years later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow not only over the victims and their families, but over the institutions and narratives that have since emerged.

Commemoration, however, must go beyond ritual. It must be anchored in clarity, accountability, and restraint. What is increasingly evident in the post-Easter landscape is not merely a search for truth, but a contest over how that truth is framed, interpreted, and presented to the public.

In recent times, public discourse has been shaped by book launches, panel discussions, and media interventions that claim to offer new insights into the attacks. While such contributions are not inherently problematic, the manner in which certain narratives are advanced raises legitimate concerns. The selective disclosure of information particularly when it touches on intelligence operations demands careful scrutiny.

Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional framework is clear on the sensitivity of such matters. The Official Secrets Act (No. 32 of 1955) places strict obligations on the handling of information related to national security. Similarly, the Police Ordinance and internal administrative regulations governing intelligence units emphasize confidentiality, chain of command, and the responsible use of information. These are not mere formalities; they exist to safeguard both operational integrity and national interest.

When individual particularly those with prior access to intelligence structures enter the public domain with claims that are not subject to verification, it raises critical questions. Are these disclosures contributing to justice and accountability, or are they inadvertently compromising institutional credibility and future operational capacity?

The challenge lies in distinguishing between constructive transparency and selective exposure.

The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Attacks provided one of the most comprehensive official examinations of the attacks. Its findings highlighted a complex web of failures: lapses in intelligence sharing, breakdowns in inter-agency coordination, and serious deficiencies in political oversight. Importantly, it underscored that the attacks were not the result of a single point of failure, but a systemic collapse across multiple levels of governance.

Yet, despite the existence of such detailed institutional findings, public discourse often gravitates toward simplified narratives. There is a tendency to identify singular “masterminds” or to attribute responsibility in ways that align with prevailing political or ideological positions. While such narratives may be compelling, they risk obscuring the deeper structural issues that enabled the attacks to occur.

Equally significant is the broader socio-political context in which these narratives are unfolding. Sri Lanka today remains a society marked by fragile intercommunal relations. The aftermath of the Easter attacks saw heightened suspicion, polarisation, and, in some instances, collective blame directed at entire communities. Although there have been efforts toward reconciliation, these fault lines have not entirely disappeared.

In this environment, the language and tone of public discourse carry immense weight. The framing of terrorism whether as a localized phenomenon or as part of a broader ideological construct must be handled with precision and responsibility. Overgeneralization or the uncritical use of labels can have far-reaching consequences, including the marginalization of communities and the erosion of social cohesion.

At the same time, it is essential to acknowledge that the global discourse on terrorism is itself contested. Competing narratives, geopolitical interests, and selective historiography often shape how events are interpreted. For Sri Lanka, the challenge is to avoid becoming a passive recipient of external frameworks that may not fully reflect its own realities.

A professional and unbiased approach requires a commitment to evidence-based analysis. This includes:

· Engaging with primary sources, including official reports and judicial findings
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· Cross-referencing claims with verifiable data
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· Recognizing the limits of publicly available information, particularly in intelligence matters

It also requires intellectual discipline the willingness to question assumptions, to resist convenient conclusions, and to remain open to complexity.

The role of former officials and subject-matter experts in this discourse is particularly important. Their experience can provide valuable insights, but it also carries a responsibility. Public interventions must be guided by professional ethics, respect for institutional boundaries, and an awareness of the potential impact on national security.

There is a fine balance to be maintained. On one hand, democratic societies require transparency and accountability. On the other, the premature or uncontextualized release of sensitive information can undermine the very systems that are meant to protect the public.

As Sri Lanka reflects on the events of April 2019, it must resist the temptation to reduce a national tragedy into competing narratives or political instruments. The pursuit of truth must be methodical, inclusive, and grounded in law.

Easter is not only a moment of remembrance. It is a test of institutional maturity and societal resilience.

The real question is not whether new narratives will emerge they inevitably will. The question is whether Sri Lanka has the capacity to engage with them critically, responsibly, and in a manner that strengthens, rather than weakens, the foundations of its national security and social harmony.

In the end, justice is not served by noise or conjecture. It is served by patience, rigor, and an unwavering commitment to truth.

Mahil Dole is a former senior law enforcement officer and national security analyst, with over four decades of experience in policing and intelligence, including serving as Head of Counter-Intelligence at the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka and a graduate of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai, USA.

by Mahil Dole
Former Senior Law Enforcement Officer National Security Analyst; Former Head of Counter-Intelligence, State Intelligence Service)

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