Features
Why APEC Cannot Save Asia?
There is no rosy picture on the horizon for Asia, nor for much of the planet. West Asia will continue to burn, its embers fanned by the possibility of fresh escalations with Iran, even as the Gaza war drags towards a brutal close by the first quarter of next year. Ukraine remains the grand theatre for warmongers, with NATO edging towards deeper intervention against Russia, threatening to drag the world into a legal and moral limbo from which there may be no escape. Latin America fractures under its own contradictions: Argentina sinks into crisis under Javier Milei’s economic experiments, while Colombia’s Gustavo Petro, Brazil’s Lula da Silva, and others tilt eastwards in defiance of Washington’s grip.
Venezuela faces a year of turmoil that could destabilize the hemisphere further. Across Asia and Africa, the story is eerily similar: conflicts manufactured and sustained by global powers bleed from Myanmar to Sudan, while the natural world delivers its own retribution. Southern Africa was brought to its knees by the worst drought in a century last year—27 million lives shattered, 21 million children left malnourished. This year offers no reprieve. Western aid cuts and cynical geopolitical horse-trading have condemned millions to famine. Against this backdrop of systemic crisis, where collapse outweighs stability, APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation) leaders will meet in South Korea at the end of this month.
The meeting comes not as a ceremonial summit of economic integration but as a battlefield of contradictions. APEC, founded in 1989 as a loose forum to liberalise trade and strengthen economic ties, has always been a stage for larger geopolitical manoeuvring. Yet in 2025, with the world economy teetering between inflationary shocks and protectionist instincts, APEC stands naked: a bloc that commands nearly 62 per cent of global GDP and 47 per cent of trade, yet cannot shield its own members from the very crises it was created to soften.
The headlines at this meeting will, of course, be stolen by the possible encounter between Xi Jinping and Donald Trump. Two men, neither strangers to brinkmanship, now cast as reluctant architects of the region’s fragile stability. One presides over a country where property markets collapse like dominos and demographics wither; the other seeks to mask fiscal black holes by resorting to his most cherished mantra—tariffs, tariffs, tariffs. Both understand that to lose face in Seoul is to surrender leverage at home.
Meanwhile, the Asian Development Bank (ADB) has already sounded the alarm. Its September outlook paints a bleaker picture than April’s, with regional growth trimmed to 4.8 per cent in 2025 and 4.5 per cent in 2026. Developing Asia, excluding China, is barely better at five per cent and 4.8 per cent across the two years. Inflation is forecast to ease to 1.7 per cent next year, only to edge back up to 2.1 per cent in 2026. These are not catastrophic figures in isolation, but when juxtaposed against the needs of billions across Asia, they are a flashing red light.
Mongolia is expected to slow from 6.6 per cent growth this year to 5.7 per cent, while Korea stagnates at a meagre 1.6 per cent. Even India, the supposed bright star, is forecast to dip to 6.5 per cent by 2026. The Pacific islands—those sacrificial canaries of the climate crisis—face an even more erratic future: Fiji shrinking to 3.0 per cent growth in 2026, Kiribati barely scraping 3.3 per cent. These numbers are not abstractions; they are food prices, factory jobs, remittances, the viability of small states.
APEC, however, will sell optimism. Its Economic Policy Report for 2024 emphasizes financial inclusion, digitization, and credit guarantees for micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs). The language is compelling—extending banking to the rural poor, ensuring women and indigenous groups have access to credit, unleashing AI-powered digital wallets to empower the elderly and the disabled. Yet beneath the rhetoric lies an old problem: the gap between aspiration and implementation. In Vietnam, QR-code adoption has indeed leapt forward, creating millions of digital accounts. But in Papua New Guinea, half the population remains outside formal banking. In the Philippines, credit guarantee schemes exist, but MSMEs still face suffocating interest rates. Financial literacy campaigns run in nearly every APEC economy, but scams and mis-selling scandals proliferate at faster speed. To speak of inclusion without addressing predation is not reform but deception.
The Seoul meeting is being billed by diplomats as a “reset moment” for US–China relations. Washington insiders whisper that Trump, under fire for the cost of his second-term trade war, will seek to project both toughness and pragmatism. His tariffs, sometimes exceeding 20 per cent on Chinese goods, have crushed US farmers: soybean exports to China fell by more than half this year, sorghum sales by 97 per cent. The American Soybean Association openly voices frustration, warning that growers may abandon fields if a deal is not reached. China, meanwhile, has no incentive to concede on intellectual property or data sovereignty over TikTok’s prized algorithm. Xi will arrive in Seoul projecting calm, but his message will be pointed: lift the tariffs, or relations stagnate.
The truth is that APEC has long been paralyzed by these very rivalries. Few recall that in 1999, its leaders had to cancel their summit in Auckland for fear of anti-globalization protests. Or that in 2018, the Papua New Guinea meeting collapsed without a joint communiqué—the first time in its history—because the US and China clashed over trade language. Even today, when officials champion “open regionalism”, they quietly admit that binding agreements are impossible. Instead, APEC has been reduced to incremental capacity-building workshops, financial literacy tool kits, and pilot projects. These matter, but they are crumbs compared to the storm its members face.
The stakes, then, are not about communiqués or photo-ops but about survival. For the United States, the ability to maintain its alliances in Asia depends on positioning China as the perennial rival, the looming threat that justifies security pacts from Tokyo to Manila. For China, survival means ensuring its slowdown does not become systemic collapse. For smaller states—Indonesia, the Philippines, Peru, Papua New Guinea—the danger is irrelevance, their economies buffeted by tariffs they did not impose, climate shocks they did not cause, and financial contagion they did not spark.
And yet, amid this bleak tableau, the truth is undeniable: APEC is failing. Its voluntary, non-binding ethos has become a shield for inaction. It speaks of inclusivity while its own members cut aid to drought-stricken African states. It praises resilience while allowing global supply chains to be weaponized. It trumpets free trade while tolerating the rise of protectionist tit-for-tats that make a mockery of its founding principles. The Seoul meeting, then, risks becoming another exercise in managed decline: leaders speaking in warm tones while their economies drift towards cold realities.
But perhaps the real danger is deeper. By clinging to the fantasy that technocratic fixes—digital wallets, credit guarantees, workshops on women’s entrepreneurship—can substitute for structural shifts, APEC risks becoming complicit in the erosion of the very stability it seeks. Without a coordinated stance on tariffs, debt restructuring, and climate financing, financial inclusion will be cosmetic at best. Without political will to resist great power rivalry, the forum will remain a hostage to US–China dynamics. Therefore, who can deny that history may yet judge the Seoul summit as a squandered moment of consequence?
by Nilantha Ilangamuwa ✍️
Features
Recruiting academics to state universities – beset by archaic selection processes?
Time has, by and large, stood still in the business of academic staff recruitment to state universities. Qualifications have proliferated and evolved to be more interdisciplinary, but our selection processes and evaluation criteria are unchanged since at least the late 1990s. But before I delve into the problems, I will describe the existing processes and schemes of recruitment. The discussion is limited to UGC-governed state universities (and does not include recruitment to medical and engineering sectors) though the problems may be relevant to other higher education institutions (HEIs).
How recruitment happens currently in SL state universities
Academic ranks in Sri Lankan state universities can be divided into three tiers (subdivisions are not discussed).
* Lecturer (Probationary)
– recruited with a four-year undergraduate degree. A tiny step higher is the Lecturer (Unconfirmed), recruited with a postgraduate degree but no teaching experience.
* A Senior Lecturer can be recruited with certain postgraduate qualifications and some number of years of teaching and research.
* Above this is the professor (of four types), which can be left out of this discussion since only one of those (Chair Professor) is by application.
State universities cannot hire permanent academic staff as and when they wish. Prior to advertising a vacancy, approval to recruit is obtained through a mind-numbing and time-consuming process (months!) ending at the Department of Management Services. The call for applications must list all ranks up to Senior Lecturer. All eligible candidates for Probationary to Senior Lecturer are interviewed, e.g., if a Department wants someone with a doctoral degree, they must still advertise for and interview candidates for all ranks, not only candidates with a doctoral degree. In the evaluation criteria, the first degree is more important than the doctoral degree (more on this strange phenomenon later). All of this is only possible when universities are not under a ‘hiring freeze’, which governments declare regularly and generally lasts several years.
Problem type 1
– Archaic processes and evaluation criteria
Twenty-five years ago, as a probationary lecturer with a first degree, I was a typical hire. We would be recruited, work some years and obtain postgraduate degrees (ideally using the privilege of paid study leave to attend a reputed university in the first world). State universities are primarily undergraduate teaching spaces, and when doctoral degrees were scarce, hiring probationary lecturers may have been a practical solution. The path to a higher degree was through the academic job. Now, due to availability of candidates with postgraduate qualifications and the problems of retaining academics who find foreign postgraduate opportunities, preference for candidates applying with a postgraduate qualification is growing. The evaluation scheme, however, prioritises the first degree over the candidate’s postgraduate education. Were I to apply to a Faculty of Education, despite a PhD on language teaching and research in education, I may not even be interviewed since my undergraduate degree is not in education. The ‘first degree first’ phenomenon shows that universities essentially ignore the intellectual development of a person beyond their early twenties. It also ignores the breadth of disciplines and their overlap with other fields.
This can be helped (not solved) by a simple fix, which can also reduce brain drain: give precedence to the doctoral degree in the required field, regardless of the candidate’s first degree, effected by a UGC circular. The suggestion is not fool-proof. It is a first step, and offered with the understanding that any selection process, however well the evaluation criteria are articulated, will be beset by multiple issues, including that of bias. Like other Sri Lankan institutions, universities, too, have tribal tendencies, surfacing in the form of a preference for one’s own alumni. Nevertheless, there are other problems that are, arguably, more pressing as I discuss next. In relation to the evaluation criteria, a problem is the narrow interpretation of any regulation, e.g., deciding the degree’s suitability based on the title rather than considering courses in the transcript. Despite rhetoric promoting internationalising and inter-disciplinarity, decision-making administrative and academic bodies have very literal expectations of candidates’ qualifications, e.g., a candidate with knowledge of digital literacy should show this through the title of the degree!
Problem type 2 – The mess of badly regulated higher education
A direct consequence of the contemporary expansion of higher education is a large number of applicants with myriad qualifications. The diversity of degree programmes cited makes the responsibility of selecting a suitable candidate for the job a challenging but very important one. After all, the job is for life – it is very difficult to fire a permanent employer in the state sector.
Widely varying undergraduate degree programmes.
At present, Sri Lankan undergraduates bring qualifications (at times more than one) from multiple types of higher education institutions: a degree from a UGC-affiliated state university, a state university external to the UGC, a state institution that is not a university, a foreign university, or a private HEI aka ‘private university’. It could be a degree received by attending on-site, in Sri Lanka or abroad. It could be from a private HEI’s affiliated foreign university or an external degree from a state university or an online only degree from a private HEI that is ‘UGC-approved’ or ‘Ministry of Education approved’, i.e., never studied in a university setting. Needless to say, the diversity (and their differences in quality) are dizzying. Unfortunately, under the evaluation scheme all degrees ‘recognised’ by the UGC are assigned the same marks. The same goes for the candidates’ merits or distinctions, first classes, etc., regardless of how difficult or easy the degree programme may be and even when capabilities, exposure, input, etc are obviously different.
Similar issues are faced when we consider postgraduate qualifications, though to a lesser degree. In my discipline(s), at least, a postgraduate degree obtained on-site from a first-world university is preferable to one from a local university (which usually have weekend or evening classes similar to part-time study) or online from a foreign university. Elitist this may be, but even the best local postgraduate degrees cannot provide the experience and intellectual growth gained by being in a university that gives you access to six million books and teaching and supervision by internationally-recognised scholars. Unfortunately, in the evaluation schemes for recruitment, the worst postgraduate qualification you know of will receive the same marks as one from NUS, Harvard or Leiden.
The problem is clear but what about a solution?
Recruitment to state universities needs to change to meet contemporary needs. We need evaluation criteria that allows us to get rid of the dross as well as a more sophisticated institutional understanding of using them. Recruitment is key if we want our institutions (and our country) to progress. I reiterate here the recommendations proposed in ‘Considerations for Higher Education Reform’ circulated previously by Kuppi Collective:
* Change bond regulations to be more just, in order to retain better qualified academics.
* Update the schemes of recruitment to reflect present-day realities of inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary training in order to recruit suitably qualified candidates.
* Ensure recruitment processes are made transparent by university administrations.
Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.)
Features
Talento … oozing with talent
This week, too, the spotlight is on an outfit that has gained popularity, mainly through social media.
Last week we had MISTER Band in our scene, and on 10th February, Yellow Beatz – both social media favourites.
Talento is a seven-piece band that plays all types of music, from the ‘60s to the modern tracks of today.
The band has reached many heights, since its inception in 2012, and has gained recognition as a leading wedding and dance band in the scene here.
The members that makeup the outfit have a solid musical background, which comes through years of hard work and dedication
Their portfolio of music contains a mix of both western and eastern songs and are carefully selected, they say, to match the requirements of the intended audience, occasion, or event.
Although the baila is a specialty, which is inherent to this group, that originates from Moratuwa, their repertoire is made up of a vast collection of love, classic, oldies and modern-day hits.
The musicians, who make up Talento, are:
Prabuddha Geetharuchi:
(Vocalist/ Frontman). He is an avid music enthusiast and was mentored by a lot of famous musicians, and trainers, since he was a child. Growing up with them influenced him to take on western songs, as well as other music styles. A Peterite, he is the main man behind the band Talento and is a versatile singer/entertainer who never fails to get the crowd going.
Geilee Fonseka (Vocals):
A dynamic and charismatic vocalist whose vibrant stage presence, and powerful voice, bring a fresh spark to every performance. Young, energetic, and musically refined, she is an artiste who effortlessly blends passion with precision – captivating audiences from the very first note. Blessed with an immense vocal range, Geilee is a truly versatile singer, confidently delivering Western and Eastern music across multiple languages and genres.
Chandana Perera (Drummer):
His expertise and exceptional skills have earned him recognition as one of the finest acoustic drummers in Sri Lanka. With over 40 tours under his belt, Chandana has demonstrated his dedication and passion for music, embodying the essential role of a drummer as the heartbeat of any band.
Harsha Soysa:
(Bassist/Vocalist). He a chorister of the western choir of St. Sebastian’s College, Moratuwa, who began his musical education under famous voice trainers, as well as bass guitar trainers in Sri Lanka. He has also performed at events overseas. He acts as the second singer of the band
Udara Jayakody:
(Keyboardist). He is also a qualified pianist, adding technical flavour to Talento’s music. His singing and harmonising skills are an extra asset to the band. From his childhood he has been a part of a number of orchestras as a pianist. He has also previously performed with several famous western bands.
Aruna Madushanka:
(Saxophonist). His proficiciency in playing various instruments, including the saxophone, soprano saxophone, and western flute, showcases his versatility as a musician, and his musical repertoire is further enhanced by his remarkable singing ability.
Prashan Pramuditha:
(Lead guitar). He has the ability to play different styles, both oriental and western music, and he also creates unique tones and patterns with the guitar..
Features
Special milestone for JJ Twins
The JJ Twins, the Sri Lankan musical duo, performing in the Maldives, and known for blending R&B, Hip Hop, and Sri Lankan rhythms, thereby creating a unique sound, have come out with a brand-new single ‘Me Mawathe.’
In fact, it’s a very special milestone for the twin brothers, Julian and Jason Prins, as ‘Me Mawathe’ is their first ever Sinhala song!
‘Me Mawathe’ showcases a fresh new sound, while staying true to the signature harmony and emotion that their fans love.
This heartfelt track captures the beauty of love, journey, and connection, brought to life through powerful vocals and captivating melodies.
It marks an exciting new chapter for the JJ Twins as they expand their musical journey and connect with audiences in a whole new way.
Their recent album, ‘CONCLUDED,’ explores themes of love, heartbreak, and healing, and include hits like ‘Can’t Get You Off My Mind’ and ‘You Left Me Here to Die’ which showcase their emotional intensity.
Readers could stay connected and follow JJ Twins on social media for exclusive updates, behind-the-scenes moments, and upcoming releases:
Instagram: http://instagram.com/jjtwinsofficial
TikTok: http://tiktok.com/@jjtwinsmusic
Facebook: http://facebook.com/jjtwinssingers
YouTube: http://youtube.com/jjtwins
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