Features
WHITHER LANKA?
by Savitri Goonesekere
The last week beginning May 9, 2022 was the one before Wesak, now celebrated locally, regionally, and by the UN as symbolic of Gautama Buddha’s message of peace and loving kindness. And yet Sri Lanka, where Buddhists celebrate this event annually as a special occasion, was trapped again in frightening episodes of violence. Wesak day this week end is being “celebrated” as never before in 74 years, of independence with very limited or no access to food , fuel, gas and electricity, and a nation in bankruptcy obtaining handouts from across its shores, like a failed State.
Yet the Gotabaya Rajapaksa-led government is still in office, despite islandwide street protests calling for the resignation of the President and government. A new Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was sworn in at the end of the week. Three or four seniors of the government’s Pohottuwa Party, including GL Pieris and Dinesh Gunewardene have been sworn in again (perhaps for a third time in weeks) after resigning and reappearing in cabinet office in repeatedly reconstituted and disbanded Gotabaya Rajapaksa cabinets. It is clear that Gotabaya Rajapakse with Mr. Wickremesinghe’s support intends to remain in office.
Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe is being hailed in some quarters including some media as the “zero to hero” man of the moment with a penchant for “snappy jokes ” (Sunday Times 15.5.22) who will save this nation from economic collapse. This must not cloud our eyes to grave realities. If statesmanlike decisions are not made by all concerned at this defining time for our country, within the framework of what is doable under our Constitution, we may witness further violence unrest and instability that will place at risk our collective future. Surely superficial conversations and media hype on the “stability” that a Rajapaksa/Wickremesinghe government will bring to our country must not cloud our vision and confuse our understanding of the realities of our political and economic crisis.
Let us look back on the ground realities of a defining week of events in the life of our country. For they do have grave implications for our survival as a nation in the Parliamentary system of governance that we have known for seven decades.
For over a month islandwide street protests, in public gatherings saw unity among people of different races religions ages and class striving to claim back for the first time the constitutionally recognized right of a Sovereign people to accountable governance. They refuse to give legitimacy any longer to politician’s gross misuse of national resources, arrogant abuse of power, fiscal profligacy and mismanagement embedded in corruption. They demand that the current President and government accept responsibility for making the country a near failed State in two and a half years of office, making daily life impossible to bear. They want systemic and institutional changes in governance. They want a TRANSFER of the responsibilities of governance to a NEW INTERIM ALL PARTY government .A government that has failed has in their view lost its mandate, and must leave office. Hence the GOTA GO HOME cry across the island in ever growing street protests, reinforced in the demands of trade unions of varied professions and worker groups.
These street protests have lead to the President being forced to change his cabinet many times in the last few weeks- surely another illustration of failed governance and political leadership. On May the President’s brother PM Mahinda Rajapaksa was forced out of office despite indicating over and over again that he would not resign. It seemed as if the People’s movement for change in governance would be realized, and the People would have a NEW all Party interim government, in place of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa-led Executive branch of government. Proposals for a transfer of power from President Rajapaksa to an interim cabinet delinked from him and his party , according to a time line, seemed to have reached a stage of implementation.
Yet this did not happen. And why so?
A fiery speech by a Prime Minister resigning office, a door opened from his official residence to the street, enabled his equally fiery supporters to emerge, and perpetrate acts of violence against a peaceful peoples’ movement demanding his resignation.
This was followed by a chain of events in response to this violence, flashed on the TV screens and phones of stunned citizens. There were gross acts of harassment and physical violence that resulted in some loss of life and extensive damage to property. Buildings belonging to identified members of the government, mostly in the Provinces, were set ablaze and burned to the ground. There are conspiracy theories floating around every day as to the active hand in these targeted acts of violence. These become even more sinister when we note the silence, until recently, of leading politicians and former Ministers whose homes were reduced to ashes or trashed. Some have even taken oaths of office in what is described as another new Gotabaya Rajapaksa Cabinet as if nothing untoward has happened. This, when citizens are coping with a range of impossible problems that impact their everyday lives, leaving them confused and desperate.
The Prime Minister who left office was holed up in a Navy fortified base. Screaming protesters call upon him to emerge. Armed naval personnel stood silently above, watching and observing the scene, guns pointed at the protesters.
A few days later a silent President emerges from hibernation and addresses the nation. He tells us all that we are in the “worst economic and political crisis of our times,” with the calmness of a person so alienated from reality, that he does not see that he and his government of two and a half years caused the economic collapse and bankruptcy of the nation. He calmly assures citizens that he will make everything right for everyone again. Citizens watched in horror as acts of gross violence were perpetrated with no law enforcement authorities in sight. Yet the President assures us that he is there to protect us citizens from violence. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa made no reference to the demand for his resignation, and transfer of the responsibilities of governance to an interim government that he will NOT lead. No reference is made to the strident calls for him to recognise that he, the all empowered Executive President of the 20th Amendment brought in Parliament soon after taking office, and his government, have abysmally failed the nation, and must leave office.
The next day we witnessed with amazement the President swearing in Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister of his government to replace his brother who had just resigned. The President had asked Mr. Sajith Premadasa, Leader of the Opposition to form an Interim government. Mr. Premadasa and the SJB are being now faulted in many pro-protest quarters for refusing this offer.
We have completely forgotten that what the people were demanding in street protests was an interim government that was NOT headed by any Rajapaksa. When the SJB’s principled stand demanded assurances that there would be a transfer of power to an all Party interim Prime Minister and cabinet, with a time line for a presidential resignation, the President unilaterally decided to appoint Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe, who was willing to JOIN his Pohottuwa government and be HIS government’s Prime Minister. The concept of an “interim new government” to whom there would be a transfer of responsibility from the President and his old government has now been reinvented by President Rajapaksa and Mr. Wickremesinghe to perpetuate (possibly for the whole of their term) the Pohottuwa Party government led by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa AND Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe. This is a “constitutional coup” of the Rajapaksa’s reminiscent of the events of 2018, but with Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe now our six times Prime Minister, derailing the Peoples’ movement for change and perpetuating Rajapaksa governance in this country, despite the challenges sustained to this governance, for over a month in vibrant street protests.
The resigning former PM whose passport has been impounded by Court, pending investigations into alleged crimes, congratulated with alacrity the new PM, his President brother’s personal choice. Another family member and former minister (whose passport has also been impounded) showered blessings on the new PM. This is a final act of undermining the street protests calling for systemic and institutional changes in government by the Rajapaksas. Legitimizing Ranil’s apointment at PM
On what basis did the President and Mr. Wickremesinghe conclude that Mr. Wickremesinghe and his party who were decimated in the polls, can be considered to command the confidence of Parliament as required by the Constitution for the appointment of a Prime Minister. Or is this a novel Rajapaksa/Wickremesinghe understanding of the norms of a Parliamentary democracy?
The new PM, Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe lost his seat in Parliament. He represents no Sri Lankan citizen in the system of representative democracy in our Constitution, and system of governance. He arrived in Parliament on a national list which he himself said some time ago was meant to bring outside technocrats and expertise into Parliament and was not meant as a sinecure for candidates defeated at elections. Yet he has been appointed as Prime Minister by the unilateral act of a President whose government is under siege for failed administration, with a public demand that the President himself leaves office. Consequently a government headed by Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his favoured appointee to the office of PM, does NOT conform to the INTERIM government that the People desire at this time.
Mr. Wickremesinghe when asked by a journalist how he sees the street protest or “aragalaya” said with a smile “Oh that must go on. Continuing the aragalaya is very important.” He did not explain how he can be PM in a Rajapaksa government, and also support a Peoples’ movement or “aragalaya” that is calling for a government that is NOT led by President Gotabhaya Rajapakse. Was this a tongue in cheek and facetious remark from a politician who attracts media attention for his “snappy” sense of humour. He was captured on TV recently dismissing a protest opposite his home as the response of the “kello” in a girls’ school close by who, he said, fled the gathering to eat lunch at the Cinnamon Grand?
We can dismiss Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe’s comment on the aragalaya as a cynical aside not to be taken too seriously, given the embedded contradictions. But what is of concern is that it highlights what the country has witnessed, and his critics point to as Mr. Wickremesinghe’s casual approach to the fundamentals of governance in a Parliamentary democracy because he thinks market-led economic development must take priority. He is now reinforcing the criticism that while in office he took no action and ignored corruption at the highest level in the infamous bond scam scandal, which indeed cost him and his party their seats in Parliament.
He violated norms of intra-party democracy in his leadership of a political party, and critics allege that this destroyed a long-established political party, the UNP. He clearly failed to seize the opportunities given to him to strengthen democracy in the Rainbow coalition lead by him, after the Rajapaksa government was rejected in 2015, and again in 2018, after a path breaking Supreme Court decision that challenged Mahinda Rajapaksa’s return to office. His contribution in Parliamentary debates on this crisis which has gripped the nation, consistently demonstrates that a competent politician is obsessed with the single concern of “fixing the economy.”
One of the problems in his approach is that he prioritizes economic growth and delinks it from fundamental issues of accountable governance in a Parliamentary democracy. As citizens we have every right to be concerned that Mr. Wickremesinghe will not respect the People’s current demand for accountable and transparent governance – which they see as the urgent need of the hour – in his mission to save our nation from economic collapse. The lessons of history tell us that this approach will lead to further erosion of democratic governance in this country, and a resurgence of the Rajapaksa style of governance that has doomed this nation to economic collapse.
The newly “anointed” PM, appointed by a President whose very survival in the post is challenged, went through the usual political ritual of obtaining blessings in a Buddhist temple. He assured us with a smile that HE is the chosen one, that HE will deliver us from all our problems. HE knows it all and HE will be our Saviour. Journalists who ask specific questions on HOW he will handle proceedings in Parliament, and appointments of Cabinet Ministers, and timelines, are dismissed with a wave of the hand and a condescending smile. “All in good time, all in good time, leave it to me” is the clear message of a person described in the press as a great “zero to hero” in being. His most recent pronouncement indicates to the nation that HE has decided to privatize the national airline.
Mr. Wickremesinghe has announced that he will be conducting his business with all his faithful partymen who lost the Parliamentary elections. They will now be his advisers and helpers, in steering the ship of State in troubled waters. They all announce to us with cheerful smiles, on many media channels that they are back again on a free ride, in the business of governance, as Mr. Wickremesinghe’s stalwarts.
Meanwhile diplomats of foreign nations (who one would think know the realities of the political scene in Sri Lanka due to prolonged islandwide street protests), shower the newly appointed PM with congratulatory and other messages. They are delighted with the appointment and see it as ushering the much desired “stability” in the country. Many of these persons are from countries with parliamentary democracies. It is not clear how they came to the conclusion that the waving of a wand by a discredited President, in an appointment of a Prime Minister of a country with a month of strident, articulate and peaceful protests demanding an end to a government’s corruption and abuse of power, can create this “stable” political environment.
Mr. Wickremesinghe keeps assuring the public that he joined President Rajapaksa and the current government due to a great desire to help his country in its hour of need. Some media give him accolades for what they describe as his unselfishness and altruism. The public have a right to look behind the rhetoric and ask a hard question. Why did Mr. Wickremesinghe not stay in the Opposition and join others and give leadership in constituting the All-Party Interim government that has been proposed, to hold the President and government accountable for their failures, and prevent them from continuing in office.
Why has he contributed to sustaining the Rajapaksa government, thus legitimizing abuse of power, corruption, fiscal profligacy and mismanagement, that has brought this country to bankruptcy. Does a government whose actions have led to Sri Lanka being possibly designated a ‘low-income country,” because of its current impoverishment, deserve to get a new lease of life with RWs engagement? We need to ask that same question of all those leading civil society “democratic governance” activists, who praise the “Peoples Movement” and the “space it has provided for institutional and systemic change,” and yet are very comfortable with a Wickremesinghe led Rajapaksa government. Are there some concerns regarding the “barbarians” at the gates?
The Opposition in Parliament?
The SJB and the JVP who have attempted to connect with the demands for accountable governance in street protests, have maintained their position. This is based on the principle that they are not willing to join an all-party interim government that is led by a failed President and his government, whose actions clearly show they have defaulted on Constitutional obligations and lost the mandate to govern. The SLFP and other parties swear they will not accept cabinet office in the Gotabaya/Ranil Wickremesinghe government and will sit in the Opposition as independents. But they WILL accept its usefulness at this time and WILL support them when necessary. No mention of the clear contradiction in saying this, supporting the Peoples’ movement, and legitimizing the President’s decision to continue in office with HIS government AND Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe. The TNA after an initial statement by its spokesman, indicating support for the Gotabaya Rajapaksa/Wickremesinghe government in a limited way, has now clarified that the unilateral appointment of Mr. Wickremesinghe contradicts basic norms of democracy. It is taking the position that the President has lost his mandate and has no right to continue in office.
We as citizens, witnessing the events of this week and conduct of our politicians may well ask: Are we in a country we can describe as Paradise Lost, Crow’s Island, Mynah or Cuckoo Land? We should ask ourselves – Why do we permit our rulers to do this to us?
Regaining our Sovereignty as the People
We must re-enforce and strengthen current efforts to ensure that our governance is accountable to the People. We must support every effort within and outside Parliament to strengthen democracy so that it becomes functional and not dysfunctional. Perhaps it is useful even at this late stage to examine whether our Constitution can enable us to arrive at a solution to this impasse, where a failed government refuses to leave office, and the People want systemic and institutional change. Especially when a government has so pauperized the country that it can’t afford to settle all through a General Election.
1) Is it not possible to have some clarity in regard to what the People WANT as an ‘Interim Government” to tide over the crisis. The People want an interim government that is NOT led by the Rajapaksas, whom they hold accountable for the current crisis. They reject the corruption and abuse of power that has brought the country to this predicament. They say they have lost the mandate given to them to govern.
Mr. Wickremesinghe obtaining the government’s support and getting their votes in Parliament to lead a Rajapaksa government is not the Peoples’ concept of an all-party “interim government.” (The protesters on the Streets have just baptized him with a new name: Ranil Rajapaksa!) It is this confusion and total disregard of ground realities on the nation’s demand for an interim government for a short period to manage the crisis, which has led to the President appointing Ranil Wickremesinghe as PM, offering to work together in leading the nation out of the current crisis.
2) When Parliament meets next, is it not the duty of ALL Parliamentarians to recognize that the President and his government have lost the mandate to govern. Those who support the Peoples’ demand for a regime change must then vote together and ensure that a new Prime Minister and a cabinet of all other parties represented in Parliament forms an interim government. They must work for a consensus in this regard, and not permit the continuation of the SAME government, now led by the President and PM Ranil Wickremesinghe, with the support of the President’s party in Parliament.
3) The opposition in Parliament and those who support the island wide street protests can then also pass the No Confidence Motion against the President. This will give a clear message, legitimizing the call for his resignation. Hopefully, the President and Mr. Wickremesinghe will understand this message, which reflects ground realities on street protests, and the demands made for a change. Mr. Wickremesinghe can then become a member of an OPPOSITION interim cabinet, but not as Prime Minister of the CURRENT government, supported by a vote of confidence of THIS government.
4) The President can in conformity with the Constitution appoint an all-party interim Prime Minister, and a Cabinet that is NOT from his OWN party, unless the new Prime Minister of the Opposition or independent group in Parliament, invites them to be part of the new cabinet.
5) The interim Prime Minister and Cabinet, representative of all parties, can be constituted as the new executive branch of government. They can function as part of the executive for a defined maximum period of ONE – TWO months. During this time the 21 Amendment can be brought to Parliament for the abolition of the Executive Presidency with relevant changes in governance. Once this amendment is passed the President will cease to hold office, and provision can be made for the continuity of the Prime Minister and cabinet of the interim government, until the General Elections are held.
A timeline can be set for the holding of these elections. The office of President will then become one held by a ceremonial Head of State, as in many other democracies. The systemic and institutional changes in governance demanded by the People in the islandwide street protests will be facilitated by this Constitutional change. Such a Constitutional change should not be postponed for longer on mythical arguments of “instability”. The Constitution has clear provisions on the transfer of power when the President leaves office. It is up to Party leaders to understand and use them.
The scenes witnessed in Parliament on May 17 have made it very clear that the President with his Pohottuwa majority in Parliament, will continue to dictate the agenda for governance, fortified by the new addition to the front bench, Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe. As he sat silently, in his new seat, Minister GL Pieris popped up once again to nominate a male candidate to the office of Deputy Speaker against a woman candidate, apparently suggested by Mr. Wickremesinghe in his different avatar. Inevitably she lost the vote. Mr. Wickremesinghe then came up with a spurious procedural argument, which effectively scuttled the possibility of a debate in Parliament on the Censure Motion against the President. What else could he have done, from his prestigious seat as Prime Minister on the Front Bench, gifted to him by the President and his failed Pohottuwa government?
Shakespeare, that disturbing bard from across the oceans said, “Vaulting ambition doth o’er leap itself”. Only time will tell whether the most recent and highly publicized pole vault will result in a leap of power that will once again link individual ambitions to a nation’s destruction. Those of us who have interacted with some of the competent professionals in Parliament, ask ourselves why through decades in public life many of them have not been to our nation, as Tagore said, “Men whom the lust of office cannot buy.” The answer perhaps lies in that wise statement of a great judge of a great Commonwealth court, Lord Acton who said, “(access to) power corrupts and (access to) absolute power corrupts absolutely.”
Features
The Paradox of Coercion: US strategy and the global re-emergence of Iran
(A sequel to the two-part article, War with Iran and unravelling of the global order, published in The Island on April 8 and 9.)
The unfolding developments in the US-Israeli coordinated military attack against Iran reveal a striking paradox at contemporary geopolitics: efforts to weaken a state through coercion may, under certain conditions, contribute to its structural elevation within the international system. What appears as short-term tactical success can generate long-term strategic consequences that are neither anticipated nor easily reversible. In this context, the policies associated with Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu, marked by unilateralism and the willingness to use force, risk producing precisely such an unintended outcome. Rather than marginalising Iran, their actions may be accelerating its re-emergence, not merely as a regional actor in the Middle East, but as a consequential player in the global geopolitics and the wider architecture of international supply chains of energy economy.
Iran not merely a state
Iran is not merely a state, but a civilisation with a distinctive political trajectory. At the heart of the present transformation lies its asymmetric strategy, rooted in the strategic exploitation of geography. Few states possess the capacity to shape the global system through geography alone. Iran’s proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow maritime passage through which a substantial share of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas flows, endows it with a latent structural power that transcends conventional measures of national capability.
In periods of stability, this position translates into economic opportunity; in moments of crisis, it becomes a lever of systemic disruption. Recent tensions have demonstrated that even limited instability in this corridor can reverberate across global markets, triggering sharp increases in energy prices, disrupting supply chains, and amplifying inflationary pressures worldwide. Should Iran consolidate its capacity to influence or control this chokepoint, whether through military deterrence, asymmetric instruments, or diplomatic maneuvering, it would shift from being a participant in global energy markets to a pivotal arbiter of their functioning.
Energy-embedded global economy
The contemporary global economy is not merely energy-dependent; it is deeply energy-embedded. Hydrocarbons underpin not only transportation and electricity generation but also the production of petrochemicals, fertilisers, and a wide range of industrial inputs essential to modern manufacturing and food systems. Disruptions linked to Iran have already illustrated how shocks in the energy sector cascade through interconnected supply chains, affecting everything from agricultural output to high-technology industries. In this sense, Iran’s leverage is no longer confined to the traditional realm of resource geopolitics. It increasingly operates within a networked global system in which control over a single critical node can generate disproportionate influence across multiple sectors. This form of power, diffuse, indirect, and systemic, marks a departure from the more linear dynamics of twentieth-century oil politics.
The implications of such a shift are profound for the structure of the international order. For decades, the global system has been underpinned by a set of institutions, norms, and economic arrangements often described as the so-called liberal international order. Sanctions, financial controls, and diplomatic isolation have been key instruments through which dominant powers have sought to discipline states that challenge this order. However, Iran’s prolonged exposure to sanctions has compelled it to develop adaptive strategies: alternative trade networks, informal financial channels, and closer ties with non-Western partners. A crisis-induced re-entry into global markets would therefore not signify reintegration into the existing order, but rather the expansion of parallel systems that operate alongside, and sometimes in opposition to, it. In this context, Iran’s rise would contribute to the gradual fragmentation of the global economy, accelerating trends toward decoupling, regionalization, and the erosion of established institutional authority.
Decline of global order based on US hegemony
This process of fragmentation is closely linked to declining global order based on U.S. hegemony. A more globally consequential Iran would inevitably become a focal point in the strategic player in emerging multipolar world. For China, whose economic growth remains heavily dependent on secure energy supplies, deeper engagement with Iran would serve both economic and geopolitical objectives, reinforcing its presence in the broader Middle East and insulating it from vulnerabilities associated with maritime chokepoints. Russia, already positioned as a major energy exporter and a challenger to Western dominance, may find in Iran a complementary partner in reshaping global energy markets and contesting sanctions regimes. Meanwhile, countries across the Global South, including major importers such as India, would face a more complex strategic environment, characterized by heightened exposure to supply disruptions and increased pressure to navigate between competing power centers. In this emerging landscape, Iran would function less as an isolated actor and more as a pivotal node within a reconfigured network of global alignments.
Dynamics enhancing Iran’s strategic importance
Paradoxically, the very dynamics that enhance Iran’s strategic importance may also accelerate efforts to reduce dependence on the conditions that enable its influence. Recurrent energy shocks tend to catalyze policy responses aimed at diversification and resilience. States are likely to expand strategic reserves, invest in alternative supply routes, and accelerate transitions toward renewable energy and nuclear power. Over the longer term, such measures could diminish the centrality of fossil fuel chokepoints, thereby constraining Iran’s leverage. However, this transition will be uneven and contested. Advanced economies may possess the resources to adapt more rapidly, while developing countries remain structurally dependent on affordable hydrocarbons. In the interim, the global system may experience a prolonged period in which dependence on Iranian-linked energy flows coexists with attempts to transcend it—a duality that adds further complexity to the evolving geopolitical landscape.
Beyond material considerations, Iran’s potential re-emergence also signals a deeper transformation of the existing global order. Traditional metrics—military strength, economic size, technological capacity—remain somewhat important, but they are increasingly complemented by the ability to influence critical nodes within global networks. The capacity to disrupt, delay, or redirect flows of energy, goods, and capital can generate strategic effects that rival, or even surpass, those achieved through direct military confrontation. In this sense, Iran exemplifies a broader shift from territorial geopolitics to what might be termed network geopolitics. Control over chokepoints, supply chains, and infrastructural linkages become a central determinant of influence, enabling states with relatively limited ‘conventional’ capabilities to exert outsized impact on the international system.
Iran’s trajectory may be understood as a transition through several distinct phases: from a regional challenger seeking to assert influence within the Middle East, to a strategic disruptor capable of unsettling global markets, and ultimately to a systemic actor whose decisions carry worldwide consequences. This evolution is neither inevitable nor linear; it depends on a complex interplay of domestic resilience, external pressures, and the responses of other global actors. Nevertheless, the possibility itself underscores the unintended consequences of policies that prioritize short-term coercion over long-term strategic foresight.
Transition shaped by paradoxes
In historical perspective, moments of systemic transition are often shaped by such paradoxes. Actions taken to preserve an existing order can, under certain conditions, accelerate its transformation. The current crisis involving Iran may represent one such moment. By elevating the strategic significance of energy chokepoints, exposing the vulnerabilities of interconnected supply chains, and encouraging the development of alternative economic networks, it contributes to a broader reconfiguration of global power. In this emerging context, Iran’s re-emergence as a global actor would not simply reflect its own capabilities or ambitions; it would also embody the structural shifts reshaping the international system itself. What began as an effort to constrain Iran may ultimately facilitate its transformation into a decisive player in the global energy economy and supply chain architecture. The implications of this shift extend far beyond the Middle East, touching upon the stability of markets, the cohesion of international institutions, and the evolving nature of power in the twenty-first century.
The war with Iran is best understood not as a discrete regional conflict, but as a structural moment in the transformation of the international system. It reveals a growing disjuncture between the continued reliance on coercive statecraft and the realities of an interdependent global order in which power increasingly derives from control over critical economic and infrastructural nodes. Rather than achieving strategic containment, the conflict has underscored the capacity of a relatively constrained actor to generate systemic effects through geoeconomic leverage. In doing so, it highlights a broader shift from military-centric conceptions of power toward forms of influence embedded in networks of energy, trade, and supply chains.
This is not merely a redistribution of power, but a redefinition of how power operates. At the systemic level, the war accelerates the erosion of the post-Cold War order, reinforcing tendencies toward fragmentation, parallel economic arrangements, and multipolar competition. Iran’s potential re-emergence as a global actor should therefore be seen less as an isolated outcome than as a manifestation of these deeper structural changes. In this sense, the strategic significance of the war lies in its unintended consequences: it exposes the limits of coercive hegemony while simultaneously amplifying the importance of those actors positioned to exploit the vulnerabilities of an interconnected world.
by Gamini Keerawella ✍️
Features
The dawn of smart help for little ones
How Artificial Intelligence is breaking barriers in Autism Diagnosis and Care
For any parent, the early years are a most valuable countdown of “firsts” of his or her precious child: the first step, the first clear word, the first beautiful smile, and quite a few other firsts as well. Yet for all that, for some families, that joy is overshadowed by a growing, quiet, but disturbing intuition that something is even a little bit different. Perhaps a child is not responding to his or her name, or the little one seems to be more interested in the spinning wheels of a toy than a game of peek-a-boo, or even avoids normal social responses.
In many countries, especially in the developing world, the road from that first “gut feeling” that there is something wrong, to a formal diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is often a long and exhausting journey. While doctors can often identify autism in children as young as 12 to 18 months, the average age of diagnosis in our communities still hovers around four years. In these critical years, when a child’s brain is most like a machine ready to learn and adapt, time is of the essence and is the most valuable resource a family has.
Today, a new “algorithmic dawn” is offering a shortcut to really cut that delay. Artificial Intelligence (AI), the very same smart technology that helps us navigate traffic, suggest a new song, or help people with ChatGPT, is moving out of the lab and into the children’s nursery. By acting as a digital “magnifying glass”, specifically designed AI tools can now spot subtle patterns in a child’s gaze, some little quirks in the rhythm of their babbling, or the way they move, often much faster than the human eye can. Then the machine can issue a warning signal and indicate that further action and a proper evaluation are necessary. This is most certainly not about replacing the brain, the heart and the expertise of a paediatrician; it is about providing “Smart Help” that can be accessed from a smartphone in a family living room. For millions of “little ones on the spectrum”, most notably in the developing world, this technology is turning a journey once defined by waiting, uncertainty and even tears, into one of proactive care and even brighter horizons. The time gained is most certainly a very valuable window of opportunity.
What is the “Spectrum,” and Why Does Time Matter?
Autism is described as a “spectrum” because it affects many children somewhat differently and to varying degrees. Some children may have advanced technical skills but struggle to hold a conversation; others may be non-verbal or have intense sensory sensitivities. It can be very mild or very severe, and perhaps everywhere in between as well.
The common thread is that the brain develops differently in these affected children. This is why Early Intervention is the gold-standard goal. During the toddler years, a child’s brain is incredibly “plastic”, meaning that it is a highly adaptable and ready to learn type of organ. Starting therapy and management strategies during this valuable period of opportunity can fundamentally change a child’s future life path.
The problem, to a certain extent, is that traditional diagnosis of ASD is a slow, manual process. It requires intensively trained experts to watch a child play for hours and fill out complex checklists. In many countries, including Sri Lanka, where there is a massive shortage of these highly qualified specialists, the waiting list for a consultation alone can take months or even years. These doyens are rather thin on the ground and even when available, are heavily overworked.
Enter the AI Revolution: Seeing the Unseen
AI certainly does NOT replace doctors, but it acts like a high-powered magnifying glass. By using “Machine Learning”, computers can analyse massive amounts of data to find tiny patterns that the human eye might miss. Here is how it is changing the game:
1. Tracking Gaze and Smiles
One of the earliest signs of autism is how a child looks at the world. AI “Computer Vision” can analyse a simple video of a child playing. It can track exactly where the child is looking. Does the child look at a person’s eyes when they speak, or are they drawn to the spinning wheels of a toy in the corner? AI can quantify these “social attention” patterns in seconds and add them to a cache of things that ring warning bells.
2. The Sound of a Voice
Did you know that the “music” of a child’s speech can hold clues? AI can listen to the pitch and rhythm (called prosody) of a child’s voice. Children on the spectrum sometimes have a “flat” or monotonic way of speaking. AI algorithms can measure these vocal biomarkers with incredible precision, helping to flag concerns long before a child is old enough for a full conversation.
3. Movement and Play
Repetitive behaviour, like hand-flapping or rocking, are core traits of ASD. Sensors in smartphones or simple video analysis can now categorise these movements objectively. Instead of a parent trying to describe how often a behaviour happens, the application or ‘app’ provides a clear, data-driven report for the doctor.
Innovation at Home: India’s Digital Solutions
The most exciting part of this technology is that it does not require a million-dollar lab. In India, where smartphone use is booming, several “homegrown” apps are bringing specialist-level screening to rural and urban homes alike.
Apps like CogniAble, which give parents a step-by-step intervention plan based on the child’s specific needs, or START, a tablet-based tool used by local health workers in areas like Delhi slums to spot risks via simple games, or LEEZA.APP, which offers free AI screening to remove the “money barrier” that keeps many families from seeking help, or AutismBASICS, which provides thousands of activities and a milestone tracker to help parents manage daily therapy at home, are just a few of the programs in use at present. These tools are “democratising” healthcare. A mother in a remote village with a basic smartphone can now access the same level of screening logic that was once only available in a major city hospital.
Beyond the Diagnosis: A Robot Tutor?
The role of AI does not stop once a diagnosis is made. It is also becoming a tireless “co-therapist.”
For many children with autism, the human world can be unpredictable and overwhelming. AI-powered “Social Robots” or interactive apps provide a safe, predictable environment. These “Robo-Therapists” do not get tired, they do not get frustrated, and they can repeat a social lesson even 100 times until the child feels comfortable.
Furthermore, for children who are nonverbal, AI-powered communication apps serve as a “voice”. These apps use smart technology to predict what a child wants to say, allowing and facilitating them to express their needs and feelings to their parents, even for the very first time.
The Human Element: Proceed with Care
As bright as this dawn is, experts warn that we must move forward carefully and most intelligently.
= Privacy: Because these apps collect sensitive videos and data about children, keeping that information secure is a top priority.
= Cultural Differences: An AI trained on children in the US or Europe might not perfectly understand a child in Sri Lanka. We need “diverse local data” to ensure the algorithms understand our local languages, gestures, and social norms. Many of these programs need to be home-grown or baked at home in Sri Lanka.
= The Human Touch: Most importantly, we need to always remember that AI is a tool, not a replacement. A computer can spot a pattern, but it cannot give a hug, provide emotional support to a struggling parent, or celebrate a breakthrough with the same joy as a human therapist.
A Brighter Future
We are moving toward a world where “waiting and seeing” is no longer, and quite definitely, not the only option for parents. By combining the heart of a parent and the expertise of a doctor with the speed of an algorithm, we can ensure that no child is left behind because of where they live or how much money they have.
The “Algorithmic Dawn” is not just about code and data. It is about giving every child the best possible start in life. It is the main principle on which Hippocrates, the Father of Medicine, all those centuries ago, based all his postulations on how physicians should work.
The “Red Flag” Checklist: 18 to 24 Months
The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends screening all children at 18 and 24 months. If you notice several of these signs, it is time to use an AI screening app or consult your paediatrician.
Communication and Social Cues
= The Name Test: Does your child consistently fail to turn around or look at you when you call his or her name?
= The Pointing Test: By 18 months, most toddlers point at things they want (like a biscuit) or things they find interesting (like a dog). Is your child using your hand as a “tool” to get things instead of pointing?
= The Eye Contact Test: Does your child avoid looking at your face during social interactions or during play or when being fed?
= The Shared Smile: Does your child rarely smile back when you smile at him or her?
Behaviour and Play
= The Toy Test: Does your child play with toys in “unusual” ways? (e.g., instead of rolling a car, they spend 20 minutes just spinning one wheel or lining them up in a perfect, rigid line).
= The Routine Rule: Do they have an extreme “meltdown” over tiny changes, like taking a different route to the park or using a different coloured cup?
= Repetitive Motions: Do you notice frequent hand-flapping, rocking, or spinning in circles, especially when they are excited or upset?
The “Golden Rule” of Regression
Finally, an extremely important rule for concerned parents to follow.
If your little one had words (like “Mama” or “Dada” or “Amma” or “Thaththa” or Thaii/Amma or Appa) or social skills (like waving “Bye-Bye”) and a beautiful social smile etc, and then SUDDENLY STOPS USING THEM, that could be a most significant red flag. In such situations, the standard advice would be: Please consult a doctor immediately.
by Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics),
MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK),
FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Features
Governance, growth and our regional moment:Why Sri Lanka must choose wisely
The recent disclosure of a substantial internal fraud at National Development Bank has understandably unsettled the financial community. What began as a relatively contained incident has since been revised upwards, revealing a scheme that operated over an extended period within a specific operational area. To their credit, both the bank and the Central Bank of Sri Lanka responded with speed. Staff were suspended, arrests followed, an independent forensic review was commissioned, and clear assurances were given that customer funds remained secure. The institution’s capital and liquidity positions continue to meet regulatory requirements, and day to day operations have not been disrupted.
Yet it would be a mistake to view this as an isolated operational error at a single respected institution. When a fraud of this magnitude, equivalent to more than a year’s profit for the bank, emerges within one of our most established listed companies, the implications extend well beyond the banking sector. It prompts a necessary and uncomfortable question. Are we truly strengthening the foundations of our economy so that every part of our society can operate with the integrity and confidence that sustainable progress demands?
Banking sits at the heart of any modern economy. It channels savings into investment, supports enterprise, and underpins household security. When even a leading institution reveals weaknesses in internal controls, risk oversight or governance culture, the signal to international observers is difficult to ignore. It suggests that the financial system upon which growth depends may not yet possess the resilience we aspire to project. If institutions that have undergone significant reform since 2022 can still experience such failures, what assurance can investors reasonably expect in other sectors of our economy? At a time when Sri Lanka needs to demonstrate strength and reliability, perceptions of fragility carry a heavy cost.
This matters profoundly because a genuine window of opportunity is now opening. Geopolitical shifts in the Middle East and beyond are prompting global investors and entrepreneurs to seek stable, well governed destinations for capital and talent. Sri Lanka possesses distinct advantages. Our geographical position offers natural connectivity. We have invested in critical infrastructure, including two major ports, international airports and strategic energy reserves. In an era where businesses prioritise rule of law, institutional predictability and sound fundamentals, our potential alignment with these criteria is significant. However, high profile governance failures at this precise moment risk undermining that narrative before it can gain meaningful traction.
The stakes are equally significant for initiatives such as the Port City Colombo. With substantial projects now approved, foreign investment commitments secured and early construction underway, this endeavour is moving from concept to delivery. Yet persistent concerns about governance standards in our established companies can act as a drag on investor sentiment. The confidence required to attract high value international tenants and long- term capital depends not only on physical infrastructure but on the perceived strength of our institutions and the consistency of our regulatory environment.
For decades, Sri Lanka has experienced growth averaging around four to five per cent per year. While this is not insignificant, it falls short of our potential, particularly when measured against the progress of our regional neighbours. India, for example, has sustained growth at roughly twice our rate for more than twenty years, driven by consistent policy execution and strengthening institutional credibility. Our own trajectory has been held back not by a lack of ideas or ambition, but by recurring shortcomings in how our major institutions are governed and held to account. The result is a cycle of unrealised potential, where promising openings are not fully converted into lasting advancement.
The current situation, though challenging, can serve as a catalyst for meaningful change. Boards of listed companies must move beyond procedural compliance to foster a genuine culture of ethical leadership, proactive risk management and zero tolerance for control failures. Regulators have an opportunity to undertake a comprehensive review of fraud prevention frameworks, whistle-blower protections and monitoring standards across the financial sector, with lessons applied to other key industries. Greater transparency in reporting material incidents and more timely forensic follow through will help rebuild trust with both domestic and international stakeholders.
Crucially, the government must tread carefully as it responds. Short term fixes or reactive measures may address immediate concerns but will not deliver the enduring stability that investors seek. What is required is a coherent long-term strategy that balances the imperative for rapid economic development with the equally vital need to conserve our natural environment and strengthen regional cooperation. Our neighbours in South Asia and Southeast Asia offer not only markets for trade and investment but also partners in shared challenges such as climate resilience, sustainable infrastructure and digital connectivity. By deepening these relationships through practical collaboration, Sri Lanka can position itself as a reliable and forward-looking partner in a dynamic region.
Sri Lanka stands at a pivotal moment. Global realignments are creating rare opportunities for capital inflows, technology transfer and new economic partnerships. Yet these opportunities will flow most readily to nations that demonstrate they can protect investor interests, uphold the rule of law and operate with predictability and transparency. If we allow governance weaknesses in our flagship institutions to persist, we risk once again watching potential pass us by.
This is a defining moment, and our response must be equally purposeful. We can treat the recent events as an unfortunate but isolated incident and return to established patterns. Or we can seize this moment as a timely reminder to strengthen every pillar of our economy, with particular attention to environmental stewardship and regional collaboration. Only by getting our house in order, with patience, consistency and a clear-eyed commitment to long term goals, can we convert today’s challenges into tomorrow’s competitive advantage. The path to sustained prosperity demands nothing less.
by Professor Chanaka Jayawardhena
Professor of Marketing
University of Surrey
Chanaka.j@gmail.com
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