Features

What Premadasa felt about Prabhakaran

Published

7 months ago

2025/07/20

Thilina Walpola

Premadasa

Continued from last week

Direct Talks with LTTE

On 15th April, Anton Balasingham from the LTTE headquarters in London responded by a fax addressed to the president, accepting the invitation and hoping that the necessary arrangements would be made to facilitate a dialogue.

Building Confidence

There were at least five specific measures that President Premadasa took before the negotiations commenced. These helped create the environment for a trusting relationship between the government and the Tamil militants. The first was his peremptory demand, made at the Chittavivekashramaya temple on the outskirts of Colombo on the 13th of April 1989, that the Government of India withdraw the IPKF completely from Sri Lanka in three months. This was seen as a very positive step by the LTTE, and also incidentally, by the JVP.

Premadasa made special arrangements for Balasingham and his Australian wife, Adele, who were then in exile in London to fly down to Colombo at government expense for exploratory discussions.

This was not all. The wife of the LTTE leader Prabhakaran and their two children, who had taken refuge abroad in a European country, were provided security and facilities to return to Sri Lanka and rejoin Prabhakaran in the Wanni.

Subsequently came his ‘directions’ to the Indian High Commissioner, Lakhen Mehotra, and his many letters to the Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, to expedite the process of withdrawal/deinduction of the IPKF from Sri Lanka. He kept up One-to-One with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi,

New Delhi, September 1989 the pressure by sending personal emissaries — I was sent on two occasions — to personally convey information to the Indian prime minister. These were similarly very much appreciated by the LTTE as being completely in line with their request and their interest.

The Hilton Hotel Talks — May to September 1989

The arrangements made to ensure security for the LTTE delegation during their stay in Colombo once the peace talks started were of the highest. All the LTTE cadres who participated in the talks were permitted to keep their personal weapons. The first group of LTTE delegates for the May talks, namely Balasingham, Yogaratnam Yogi, and Paramu Murthy, arrived in Colombo from the Wanni in Air Force helicopters with their own heavily armed bodyguards. It was an unnerving experience to me and the other Sri Lankan delegates to be faced, across the table at the first meeting, by armed LTTE cadres in battle fatigues.

Accommodating the LTTE delegation for the talks in Colombo’s five-star hotels itself caused a stir among the public. But it was the logical choice. The Hilton was virtually empty of guests owing to the troubled law and order situation and in addition it was off-season for tourists.

The talks with the LTTE were conducted in two rounds. The first round of nine meetings took place in May and the LTTE was represented by Balasingham, Yogi and Paramu. Then followed a break when the team went back to the jungles. The second round commenced on 16 June and ended on 2 July. In this round Lawrence Thilakar from Paris and Hassan, Karikaran and Ibrahim from the Eastern Province also participated. The only other member from the LTTE leadership to talk with the government in Colombo was Mahattaya, the deputy to Prabhakaran who came to Colombo for a further set of talks in November/December. The interval between the two rounds when the team returned to the jungles also gave Prabhakaran an opportunity of making his input.

On the Sri Lankan side, the negotiating team was led by Minister A C S Hameed. He was supported by Ranjan Wijeratne and several other ministers and a team of officials who were changed as dictated by the agenda for the discussions. Premadasa handpicked the officials for the negotiations as well. They included General Sepals Attygalle, Secretary/Defence; Bernard Tilakaratne, Secretary Foreign Affairs; his Secretary Wijayadasa, and myself, advisor from the president’s office. Ivan Samarawickrema came in when land issues were being discussed. Felix Dias Abeyesinghe, veteran of the former All Party Conference doubled-up as Co-ordinator and Secretary.

At the end of each day, a press release giving the public some idea of how the discussions went was issued, drafted by Dias Abeyesinghe and Balasingham. Premadasa kept in touch with the proceedings through daily briefings and met the LTTE team as and when necessary at his Sucharita office.

Agendas of the Two Sides

Getting the IPKF to withdraw from the country was the primary objective in round one of the talks. Balasingham spent much time dealing with the atrocities of the IPKF and the sufferings of the people of the north and east. This caused the impatient Ranjan Wijeratne, who had come to do some hard bargaining on a political settlement, say that what was going on was “not a dialogue but a monologue”. State sponsored colonization and forced conscription of youth by the EPRLF for the Civilian Volunteer Force (CVF) which the IPKF was training were also issues on which much discussion was centred. Follow up on these by the government was quick.

Premadasa was furious that the IPKF was training an army of Tamil youths. He felt that this could be the nucleus of a rival army under the EPRLF which could lead to immense problems in the future. This would also make it difficult for him to convince the LTTE to give up arms and agree to the eventual absorption of their cadres into the provincial police and units of the military. General A S Kalkat, the officer commanding the IPKF, was called in one day and given a dressing-down on the training of the CVF. Kalkat had an easy relationship with President Jayewardene and had meetings with him to review the security situation. Things were different under Premadasa and there was little contact between the two men.

What Premadasa Felt about Prabhakaran

Although A C S Hameed had the opportunity of meeting Prabhakaran in Jaffna after the IPKF had left the island in March 1990, Premadasa, much as he wanted to, was unable to meet Prabhakaran. During the May and June talks in Colombo, the LTTE had deemed it too dangerous for Prabhakaran to leave his jungle hideout. This inaccessability to Prabhakaran led the irascible Ranjan Wijeratne to opine that Prabhakaran in fact was dead—killed in a duel with his deputy, Mahattaya, and that A C S Hameed had only met Prabhakaran’s double in Jaffna. Be that as it may –Prabhakaran was to die and reappear several times thereafter – this elusive quality added to his charisma and image as a ruthless and implacable military leader whose battle strategies were imaginative and daring. This image was subsequently badly dented by the well-known killings of political foes – the murders of Amirthalingam and Yogeswaran of the TULF in Colombo – the mass staying of the EPRLF leadership in Madras and the 21 May suicide bombing of Rajiv Gandhi at Sriperumpudur, in Which the LTTE were the main suspects.

Premadasa had always wanted to meet Prabhakaran face to face. He had read and heard all about him—a minor official’s son from Valvettiturai, leaving school at 15, joining up with the militants and getting involved in the killing of Mayor Duraiappah in Jaffna in 1972, eliminating his rivals, especially the TELO in 1981, training for guerilla warfare in south India, and then as leader of the LTTE taking on as he called it, “the fourth largest army in the world” in 1987.

Premadasa felt he understood Prabhakaran’s motivations and his determination to achieve something for his people, albeit by terror and violent means. He believed that talking to him face to face would have convinced Prabhakaran of his sincerity in solving the ethnic problem with justice to all. He felt that the personal chemistry which builds trust would manifest itself at such a meeting. He often regretted that he had not had the chance to meet him personally especially after the breakdown in relations which occurred in June 1990.

Prabhakaran’s View of Premadasa

Premadasa’s determination and persistent efforts to get the IPKF to withdraw in 1989 and his achievement of the final deinduction of all troops in March 1990 convinced the LTTE of Premadasa’s

sincerity. They felt they could trust him. At a time when they were really feeling cornered by the IPKF and the TNA – the Tamil National Army– that was being put together by Varadaraja Perumal the chief minister of the NEPC, they decided to ask Premadasa for some arms and ammunition to retaliate against any moves against them. The request was made to Hameed by Balasingham during the second round of the Colombo Talks. As recorded by Adele Balasingham in her book The Will to Freedom’, Hameed had thought it a sensitive and controversial matter which could have been opposed by the military establishment. In her words:

Mr Hameed came along with Gen Attygalle, the Defence Secretary to our hotel. They told Bala that the president was willing to help. Since the matter was very sensitive and controversial, it had to be handled with extreme confidentiality. The army would be outraged. But it would be done covertly, the General said. Attygalle wanted a list of requirements. Bala and Yogi contacted Mr Prabhakaran through our communication channel and produced a list of weapons. Within a week, a substantial quantity of arms and ammunition was delivered to the Tigers through a bordering Sri Lankan army camp in Manal Aru (Welioya) sector in the Mullaitivu district.

Premadasa took a calculated risk in making this decision. But he felt its important in the final design he had in mind, that the LTTE be not completely eliminated and another Tamil force – the EPRLF – be supported by India to become a surrogate for India’s continuing interest in northern Sri Lanka. That to him would have been a worse scenario than the former. This was his convoluted thinking for the high-risk venture he had embarked on, of ensuring that India, or the IPKF, leave Sri Lanka at the earliest opportunity.

The whole affair was kept very much under cover and most of us around the president were very much in the dark until the story broke some months later. I learnt about it from a news story in the Island newspaper. The Indian high commissioner was at my door that morning and sought an explanation. How could it have happened when we had an agreement with India and had invited the IPKF over to restore normalcy in the island? He was not convinced that, if the story was true, it must have been something done at a local field commander level with the “top” completely unaware; that only a small quantity was involved, and that it was to be used against the TNA by the LTTE and not against the IPKF.

Later on, when the war restarted in June 1990, the media brought up the matter again and again, now making out that the arms and ammunition handed over, in or around July/August 1989, were in fact being used against our own security forces. It was an extremely difficult situation for Premadasa to wriggle out of As is the practice of most governments in embarrassing situations such as this, the first line of response was total denial, and later, as the criticism became more strident, a belated statement in Parliament.

LTTE Stance on the Separate State

On the question of ‘them separate state’ itself, the attitude of the LTTE during the talks had been that their striving for that objective would be dependent on the performance and sincerity shown by the government in moving forward with the political measures which had been discussed. These centred firstly around, the repeal of the sixth amendments to the Constitution which decreed that all MPs should take an oath to safeguard the unity, integrity and sovereignty of Sri Lanka and eschew the promotion of separatism.

The other was the early dissolution of the North-East Provincial Council (NEPC). The LTTE’s idea, apparently, was that in such event the LTTE could contest and become legitimate representatives of the people of the north-east. The LTTE maintained that the NEPC elections had been rigged and that the EPRLF had only been able to obtain a majority of seats in the NEPC because of the IPKF’s illegal support, (even stuffing of ballot boxes was alleged) the IPKF being the only effective power in the north and east during that election.

The opportunity for the dissolution of the NEPC presented itself when Vartharajah Perumal, the chief minister, inexplicably announced his intention to unilaterally announce a Declaration of Independence in February 1990. The chief minister did not actually do so but said that if a list of demands was not acceded to before a given date he would.

All political parties in Parliament, except the EPRLF, condemned Vartharajah Perumal’s move. Under the Provincial Council Law of 1987, one of the safeguards to guarantee some autonomy to the Provincial Council had been that the government could not dissolve a Provincial Council by Executive fiat. Vartharajah Perumal’s UDI provided the opportunity for the government to bring on amending legislation which enabled the government to dissolve, where “more than one half of the total membership of a Provincial Council expressly repudiated or manifestly disavowed obedience to the Constitution”. But the amending legislation came too late; after the war had started again on the 11th of June 1990. If Hameed, to whom Premadasa had entrusted the job had been able to push it through Parliament earlier perhaps the sought after “sincerity” would have been overtly displayed and the calamity might have been averted.

(To be continued)

(Excerpted from Rendering unto Caesar, autobiography of Bradman Weerakoon) ✍️

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Features

Crucial test for religious and ethnic harmony in Bangladesh

Published

7 hours ago

2026/02/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

A political protest that led to governmental change in Bangladesh mid last year. (photograph: imago)

Will the Bangladesh parliamentary election bring into being a government that will ensure ethnic and religious harmony in the country? This is the poser on the lips of peace-loving sections in Bangladesh and a principal concern of those outside who mean the country well.

The apprehensions are mainly on the part of religious and ethnic minorities. The parliamentary poll of February 12th is expected to bring into existence a government headed by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Islamist oriented Jamaat-e-Islami party and this is where the rub is. If these parties win, will it be a case of Bangladesh sliding in the direction of a theocracy or a state where majoritarian chauvinism thrives?

Chief of the Jamaat, Shafiqur Rahman, who was interviewed by sections of the international media recently said that there is no need for minority groups in Bangladesh to have the above fears. He assured, essentially, that the state that will come into being will be equable and inclusive. May it be so, is likely to be the wish of those who cherish a tension-free Bangladesh.

The party that could have posed a challenge to the above parties, the Awami League Party of former Prime Minister Hasina Wased, is out of the running on account of a suspension that was imposed on it by the authorities and the mentioned majoritarian-oriented parties are expected to have it easy at the polls.

A positive that has emerged against the backdrop of the poll is that most ordinary people in Bangladesh, be they Muslim or Hindu, are for communal and religious harmony and it is hoped that this sentiment will strongly prevail, going ahead. Interestingly, most of them were of the view, when interviewed, that it was the politicians who sowed the seeds of discord in the country and this viewpoint is widely shared by publics all over the region in respect of the politicians of their countries.

Some sections of the Jamaat party were of the view that matters with regard to the orientation of governance are best left to the incoming parliament to decide on but such opinions will be cold comfort for minority groups. If the parliamentary majority comes to consist of hard line Islamists, for instance, there is nothing to prevent the country from going in for theocratic governance. Consequently, minority group fears over their safety and protection cannot be prevented from spreading.

Therefore, we come back to the question of just and fair governance and whether Bangladesh’s future rulers could ensure these essential conditions of democratic rule. The latter, it is hoped, will be sufficiently perceptive to ascertain that a Bangladesh rife with religious and ethnic tensions, and therefore unstable, would not be in the interests of Bangladesh and those of the region’s countries.

Unfortunately, politicians region-wide fall for the lure of ethnic, religious and linguistic chauvinism. This happens even in the case of politicians who claim to be democratic in orientation. This fate even befell Bangladesh’s Awami League Party, which claims to be democratic and socialist in general outlook.

We have it on the authority of Taslima Nasrin in her ground-breaking novel, ‘Lajja’, that the Awami Party was not of any substantial help to Bangladesh’s Hindus, for example, when violence was unleashed on them by sections of the majority community. In fact some elements in the Awami Party were found to be siding with the Hindus’ murderous persecutors. Such are the temptations of hard line majoritarianism.

In Sri Lanka’s past numerous have been the occasions when even self-professed Leftists and their parties have conveniently fallen in line with Southern nationalist groups with self-interest in mind. The present NPP government in Sri Lanka has been waxing lyrical about fostering national reconciliation and harmony but it is yet to prove its worthiness on this score in practice. The NPP government remains untested material.

As a first step towards national reconciliation it is hoped that Sri Lanka’s present rulers would learn the Tamil language and address the people of the North and East of the country in Tamil and not Sinhala, which most Tamil-speaking people do not understand. We earnestly await official language reforms which afford to Tamil the dignity it deserves.

An acid test awaits Bangladesh as well on the nation-building front. Not only must all forms of chauvinism be shunned by the incoming rulers but a secular, truly democratic Bangladesh awaits being licked into shape. All identity barriers among people need to be abolished and it is this process that is referred to as nation-building.

On the foreign policy frontier, a task of foremost importance for Bangladesh is the need to build bridges of amity with India. If pragmatism is to rule the roost in foreign policy formulation, Bangladesh would place priority to the overcoming of this challenge. The repatriation to Bangladesh of ex-Prime Minister Hasina could emerge as a steep hurdle to bilateral accord but sagacious diplomacy must be used by Bangladesh to get over the problem.

A reply to N.A. de S. Amaratunga

A response has been penned by N.A. de S. Amaratunga (please see p5 of ‘The Island’ of February 6th) to a previous column by me on ‘ India shaping-up as a Swing State’, published in this newspaper on January 29th , but I remain firmly convinced that India remains a foremost democracy and a Swing State in the making.

If the countries of South Asia are to effectively manage ‘murderous terrorism’, particularly of the separatist kind, then they would do well to adopt to the best of their ability a system of government that provides for power decentralization from the centre to the provinces or periphery, as the case may be. This system has stood India in good stead and ought to prove effective in all other states that have fears of disintegration.

Moreover, power decentralization ensures that all communities within a country enjoy some self-governing rights within an overall unitary governance framework. Such power-sharing is a hallmark of democratic governance.

Features

Celebrating Valentine’s Day …

Published

7 hours ago

2026/02/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

Valentine’s Day is all about celebrating love, romance, and affection, and this is how some of our well-known personalities plan to celebrate Valentine’s Day – 14th February:

Merlina Fernando (Singer)

Yes, it’s a special day for lovers all over the world and it’s even more special to me because 14th February is the birthday of my husband Suresh, who’s the lead guitarist of my band Mission.

We have planned to celebrate Valentine’s Day and his Birthday together and it will be a wonderful night as always.

We will be having our fans and close friends, on that night, with their loved ones at Highso – City Max hotel Dubai, from 9.00 pm onwards.

Lorensz Francke (Elvis Tribute Artiste)

On Valentine’s Day I will be performing a live concert at a Wealthy Senior Home for Men and Women, and their families will be attending, as well.

I will be performing live with romantic, iconic love songs and my song list would include ‘Can’t Help falling in Love’, ‘Love Me Tender’, ‘Burning Love’, ‘Are You Lonesome Tonight’, ‘The Wonder of You’ and ‘’It’s Now or Never’ to name a few.

To make Valentine’s Day extra special I will give the Home folks red satin scarfs.

Emma Shanaya (Singer)

I plan on spending the day of love with my girls, especially my best friend. I don’t have a romantic Valentine this year but I am thrilled to spend it with the girl that loves me through and through. I’ll be in Colombo and look forward to go to a cute cafe and spend some quality time with my childhood best friend Zulha.

JAYASRI

Emma-and-Maneeka

This Valentine’s Day the band JAYASRI we will be really busy; in the morning we will be landing in Sri Lanka, after our Oman Tour; then in the afternoon we are invited as Chief Guests at our Maris Stella College Sports Meet, Negombo, and late night we will be with LineOne band live in Karandeniya Open Air Down South. Everywhere we will be sharing LOVE with the mass crowds.

Kay Jay (Singer)

I will stay at home and cook a lovely meal for lunch, watch some movies, together with Sanjaya, and, maybe we go out for dinner and have a lovely time. Come to think of it, every day is Valentine’s Day for me with Sanjaya Alles.

Maneka Liyanage (Beauty Tips)

On this special day, I celebrate love by spending meaningful time with the people I cherish. I prepare food with love and share meals together, because food made with love brings hearts closer. I enjoy my leisure time with them — talking, laughing, sharing stories, understanding each other, and creating beautiful memories. My wish for this Valentine’s Day is a world without fighting — a world where we love one another like our own beloved, where we do not hurt others, even through a single word or action. Let us choose kindness, patience, and understanding in everything we do.

Janaka Palapathwala (Singer)

Janaka

Valentine’s Day should not be the only day we speak about love.

From the moment we are born into this world, we seek love, first through the very drop of our mother’s milk, then through the boundless care of our Mother and Father, and the embrace of family.

Love is everywhere. All living beings, even plants, respond in affection when they are loved.

As we grow, we learn to love, and to be loved. One day, that love inspires us to build a new family of our own.

Love has no beginning and no end. It flows through every stage of life, timeless, endless, and eternal.

Natasha Rathnayake (Singer)

We don’t have any special plans for Valentine’s Day. When you’ve been in love with the same person for over 25 years, you realise that love isn’t a performance reserved for one calendar date. My husband and I have never been big on public displays, or grand gestures, on 14th February. Our love is expressed quietly and consistently, in ordinary, uncelebrated moments.

With time, you learn that love isn’t about proving anything to the world or buying into a commercialised idea of romance—flowers that wilt, sweets that spike blood sugar, and gifts that impress briefly but add little real value. In today’s society, marketing often pushes the idea that love is proven by how much money you spend, and that buying things is treated as a sign of commitment.

Real love doesn’t need reminders or price tags. It lives in showing up every day, choosing each other on unromantic days, and nurturing the relationship intentionally and without an audience.

This isn’t a judgment on those who enjoy celebrating Valentine’s Day. It’s simply a personal choice.

Melloney Dassanayake (Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024)

I truly believe it’s beautiful to have a day specially dedicated to love. But, for me, Valentine’s Day goes far beyond romantic love alone. It celebrates every form of love we hold close to our hearts: the love for family, friends, and that one special person who makes life brighter. While 14th February gives us a moment to pause and celebrate, I always remind myself that love should never be limited to just one day. Every single day should feel like Valentine’s Day – constant reminder to the people we love that they are never alone, that they are valued, and that they matter.

I’m incredibly blessed because, for me, every day feels like Valentine’s Day. My special person makes sure of that through the smallest gestures, the quiet moments, and the simple reminders that love lives in the details. He shows me that it’s the little things that count, and that love doesn’t need grand stages to feel extraordinary. This Valentine’s Day, perfection would be something intimate and meaningful: a cozy picnic in our home garden, surrounded by nature, laughter, and warmth, followed by an abstract drawing session where we let our creativity flow freely. To me, that’s what love is – simple, soulful, expressive, and deeply personal. When love is real, every ordinary moment becomes magical.

Noshin De Silva (Actress)

Valentine’s Day is one of my favourite holidays! I love the décor, the hearts everywhere, the pinks and reds, heart-shaped chocolates, and roses all around. But honestly, I believe every day can be Valentine’s Day.

It doesn’t have to be just about romantic love. It’s a chance to celebrate love in all its forms with friends, family, or even by taking a little time for yourself.

Whether you’re spending the day with someone special or enjoying your own company, it’s a reminder to appreciate meaningful connections, show kindness, and lead with love every day.

And yes, I’m fully on theme this year with heart nail art and heart mehendi design!

Wishing everyone a very happy Valentine’s Day, but, remember, love yourself first, and don’t forget to treat yourself.

Sending my love to all of you.

Features

Banana and Aloe Vera

Published

7 hours ago

2026/02/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

To create a powerful, natural, and hydrating beauty mask that soothes inflammation, fights acne, and boosts skin radiance, mix a mashed banana with fresh aloe vera gel.

This nutrient-rich blend acts as an antioxidant-packed anti-ageing treatment that also doubles as a nourishing, shiny hair mask.

* Face Masks for Glowing Skin:

Mix 01 ripe banana with 01 tablespoon of fresh aloe vera gel and apply this mixture to the face. Massage for a few minutes, leave for 15-20 minutes, and then rinse off for a glowing complexion.

* Acne and Soothing Mask:

Mix 01 tablespoon of fresh aloe vera gel with 1/2 a mashed banana and 01 teaspoon of honey. Apply this mixture to clean skin to calm inflammation, reduce redness, and hydrate dry, sensitive skin. Leave for 15-20 minutes, and rinse with warm water.

* Hair Treatment for Shine:

Mix 01 fresh ripe banana with 03 tablespoons of fresh aloe vera gel and 01 teaspoon of honey. Apply from scalp to ends, massage for 10-15 minutes and then let it dry for maximum absorption. Rinse thoroughly with cool water for soft, shiny, and frizz-free hair.