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What Meloni’s triumph could mean for Europe

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By ATANU BISWAS

Exactly one hundred years ago, in October 1922, Benito Mussolini and his National Fascist Party seized power through the March on Rome (Marcia su Roma) and became Italy’s youngest Prime Minister. A dark period of totalitarian evolution emerged which eventually would spread wings in some other parts of Europe as well. And the rest is part of some of the darkest history of mankind.

A century on, Italy elected its first far-right leader since Mussolini in the form of Giorgia Meloni, the leader of Fratelli d’Italia, or Brothers of Italy party, who incidentally would be the first woman Prime Minister of the country. And, understandably, a spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre of far-right ideologies blended with neo-fascism. There is no denying that the far right is riding on popularity in Europe.

Actually, everywhere. The reasons, of course, differ across countries. For example, just before Giorgia Meloni’s ascent to power in the southern part of Europe – north of the Mediterranean sea, the far-right Sweden Democrats got more than one-fifth – the second-largest – vote share and are expected to play an important role in the next government in the Scandinavian country.

Understandably, Italy and Sweden are geographically far apart, and their social dynamics and politics are widely different. Thus, the roots of the emergence of far rights in these two countries should be traced and analyzed differently. But they certainly share some common features across Europe and elsewhere – in terms of the anti-immigration and anti-Muslim rhetoric, and on security issues, which certainly succeed in garnering huge public support.

The recent wave of far-right movements in Europe is largely due to their success in capitalising on the social turmoil generated by waves of refugees, mostly around 2015. The issues of ethnic diversity and the religious nature of Christian Europe are thus seemingly interrelated to this resurgence of farright ideology. Last April, the French people voted in an utterly important presidential election.

Not only the future of the immigration-hit mixed society of France but also the immediate future of Europe (and the world?) was dependent on the 2022 French verdict. Of course, France has seen the phenomenal rise of far-right leader Marine Le Pen in recent years, particularly after the widespread influx of migrants in 2015 or so. However, the French electorate, despite giving Le Pen many more votes than earlier, stuck to the centrist incumbent President Emmanuel Macron, and essentially halted the far-right storm for the time being.

Le Pen has been projected to be a symbol of western Europe’s model for nationalism to quite some extent. With her victory, the ideological but pragmatic Giorgia Meloni has replaced Le Pen as the new model for nationalism in Europe.The far right had blended with the mainstream right parties in Italy for decades – ever since the emergence of Silvio Berlusconi in the political arena of the country in the 1990s. In fact, Berlusconi’s right-wing coalitions included post-fascist parties such as Alleanza Nazionale and Lega Nord, and the alliance continued for more than two decades.

One may, of course, wonder whether Meloni’s regime would be just an extension of the Berlusconi years, but with much stronger attention to some far-right ideologies on as gender equality, civil rights, abortion rights, migration, and religion. In a recent article in The Guardian, Italian author, essayist, and screenwriter Roberto Saviano wrote: “With a familiar formula of putting Italy ‘first,’ Meloni’s euroskepticism, xenophobia and Islamophobia – repackaged as patriotism – have gained popularity among Italians.”

Interestingly, the symbol of Fretelli d’Italia is the three-colour flame, which used to be the symbol of the Italian Social Movement, the post-fascist party founded in the 1940s. In her youth, Meloni openly admired Mussolini, but in the backdrop of the recent election, she agreed that the fascist leader was bad for Italy. While denying that she is a fascist, Meloni, however, clings to the Mussolini-era slogan ‘Dio, patria, famiglia’ (God, homeland, family) – which she thinks is not a fascist slogan, but a beautiful declaration of love. And, at a rally in San Giovanni in 2019, Meloni screamed:

“I am Giorgia, I am a woman, I am a mother, I am Italian, I am a Christian,” which she reaffirmed at the World Congress of Families in Verona in the same year. Meloni has maintained rapport with so-called ultra-nationalist leaders such as Vladimir Putin, Viktor Orbán, and Marine Le Pen.

She is also allied with Poland’s ruling nationalist Law and Justice party, the anti-immigrant Sweden Democrats, and Spain’s far-right Vox party, along with the British Conservative Party and the Republican Party in the US. She has ascended to the helm of Italy amid national fragility induced by the oncea-century pandemic, the Ukraine war, and an immigration crisis resulting in an increasing energy crisis and spiralling inflation.

Her Fratelli d’Italia got about 26 percent vote share this time around from a little over 4 percent in 2018. An astonishing rise in vote share, indeed! This indicates that many Italians simply don’t care about the alleged fascist nature of Meloni’s party, which many Europeans and people elsewhere are afraid of. What about the future of the European Union? Ever since the UK has untied the knot with the EU, a Eurosceptic ideology is looming around different corners of the continent thus putting the idea of European identity and unity in a very volatile situation. The resurgence of the far-right in Europe, particularly in the third largest economy of the EU, might have sent a warning bell to other countries of Europe as well.

Germany’s ruling Social Democratic party, for example, said Meloni had aligned herself with ‘anti-democratic’ figures such as Hungary’s Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán and Meloni’s win would be bad for European cooperation. Thus, Meloni’s historic victory, certainly, would ignite the rhetoric around the core of the democratic balance in Europe.

What’s Meloni’s own idea about Europe? “We do not recognise ourselves in the logic of ‘more Europe’ at all costs and on every matter,” Meloni declared. Historically, Italy has always been a leader in Europe with regard to culture and socio-political ideologies. Don’t forget that the Renaissance began in Italy. On the other hand, Italy had Mussolini before Hitler.

It saw the left-wing extremist Red Brigades before Action Directe in France and the Red Army Faction in Germany. And Italy had Berlusconi before the US had Donald Trump. Also, Italy has seen the Five Star Movement, the first populist party led by a comedian, since 2009. Other parts of Europe, including Volodymyr Zelenskky’s Ukraine, Marjan Šarec’s Slovenia, and Luka Maksimovic’s Serbia followed suit. In that sense, a resurgence of the far-right in Italy may become instrumental in generating a powerful wave of the far-right across Europe which may even change the course of history.

The ground is already prepared in many European countries. Not only Orbán’s Fidesz in Hungary or Law and Justice party in Poland, many far-right parties across Europe such as Vox in Spain, FPÖ in Austria, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally in France, Belgium’s Flemish nationalist party Vlaams Belang, and Germany’s AfD would be rejuvenated and would be hoping for a thrust induced by the triumph of Meloni’s party in the sociopolitical laboratory of Europe. A new form of social and political cappuccino might be brewing in Europe.

(The Statesman/ANN)



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Complexities in global politics deepen as economic pressures intensify

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UK Prime Minister Andy Burnham meets Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in Kyiv. (BBC)

The present offer by the UK to strengthen Ukraine’s defense capabilities in the missile technology field in particular comes as ‘a stitch in time’ and the initiative is also likely to be appreciated considerably by democratic opinion world wide for the possible morale-boosting effect it would have on Ukraine. Besides continuous arms support, the conviction that the world’s frontline democracies are behind it would prove a huge plus in Ukraine’s eyes in its grinding fightback against the Russian invasion.

While continued US support for Ukraine could not be considered ‘a given’ any more, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s words during a recent visit to Kyiv that the UK would stand by Ukraine ‘for as long as it takes’ is the kind of assurance that Ukraine needs at present. For, the conflict in Ukraine is essentially a war of liberation conducted by the latter against an invader and deeply at issue here is the upholding of International Law and its foundational concepts, such as national sovereignty and a nation’s right to political self-determination. The world of democracy is of the firm view that the latter ideals cannot be compromised, come what may.

The UK has its work cut out in this connection. It would find it difficult to convince the Trump administration that it should staunchly stand by Ukraine but it could campaign vigorously with the rest of the West and the EU fold in particular to unflaggingly support the embattled and over-run country.

Ukraine has shown an impressive adeptness in using drone technology in particular against her enemy and has even manufactured her own hardware in this respect but using the relevant blueprints handed over by the UK for the manufacture of more sophisticated cruise missiles, for instance, may prove financially difficult, going forward. It is left to be seen whether the UK and the rest of the West who are with Ukraine will continue to be with her, considering their own rising financial constraints.

The latter impediments could only multiply in the future. Oil, gas and energy prices are on the rise and the latter costs are glaringly reflected in kitchens and meal tables the world over. As we go along consumer discontent would steadily intensify and governments, East and West, would need to figure out with considerable rigour and foresight how such disaffection could be ably managed. Failing which, in most democratic societies, the chances are that publics would be out on the streets demanding that their grievances be redressed forthwith.

These rising concerns are reflected in a recent move by some EU governments to consider imposing what is described as ‘a windfall tax’ on the profits specified major oil companies operating within their shores have made in the wake of the US-Israel war on Iran. The rationale apparently is to use such tax earnings to cushion the rising cost of living of their publics and bolster the respective countries’ social expenditure.

In a recent letter to the president of the EU Council the EU governments referred to said, among other things, while drawing attention to the ‘discontent that is growing over the rising cost of living’: ‘A common approach’ is needed that ‘ensures those who profit from the crisis contribute their share to reducing the burden on the general population.’ Meanwhile, Oxfam with reference to the above development is on record as calling for a ‘permanent windfall tax of at least 50% on profits exceeding a 10% return on investment.’

Such are the rising economic pressures on the majority of Western governments. The question to be posed is how consistent they would be in their assistance to Ukraine if they decide consensually to stand by her. The soaring cost of living in the West compels the conclusion that there could be no guarantee that Western assistance to Ukraine, particularly in the defense and security fields, would be of a longstanding kind.

Of particular concern would be the fact that the weapons systems on offer from the UK to Ukraine could be increasingly costly to manufacture going forward. Besides they would need to be manufactured and put into action without delay.

However, these considerations should in no way deflect Ukraine’s supporters from the principled policy stance of defending her to the extent possible. Because at issue is the defense of International Law and the democratic system of government from their enemies; fascism and authoritarian rule.

While during World Wars 1 and 2 the US was with the major democracies of the West, this time around with regard to Ukraine, the US has chosen to be at cross-purposes with them. For instance, in relation to tariff matters and defense expenditure, in the NATO context, the US is pursuing a hard line which puts it at polar opposites with the West. Thus it is no longer possible to talk unreservedly of a ‘Western democratic alliance’. Put plainly, the cause of democratic development has been weakened.

A measure of relief for the supporters of Ukraine in the West could come by way of the upcoming mid-term polls in the US. If the Democratic Party fares well in them the pressure would be on the Trump administration to defer to opposition opinion at home, accommodate the best interests of Ukraine in its West European policy and perhaps even work towards a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine crisis in cooperation with Russia. Accordingly, the Democratic Party would need to put the Trump administration on the defensive, so to speak.

Until such time Ukraine’s Western supporters have no choice but to remain committed to it, ensure its steadfast defense against the invasion and work judiciously towards keeping the economic pressures at home in check.

Interestingly, at the present juncture in international politics the US could be said to be more weak than strong. For example, it has to some extent been militarily humbled by Iran; so much so it is resorting to economic means to keep Iran in check.

In keeping with this strategy, the US has launched ‘a new big wave of anti-Iran economic sanctions’ at the time of writing, aimed at cutting Iran away from all its major income sources. Some of these relate to digital assets, technology, gold, aviation and shipping. The hoped for result is the complete severance of Iran from the US dollar system.

However, while the UK and EU have no choice but to adhere to their policy of backing Ukraine, going forward they would need to dialogue more closely with the US and ensure that it cooperates with them on outstanding questions, such as Ukraine and the strengthening of democracy. The well being of the world is served when the latter aim is pursued.

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“Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”

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Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya opening the event

OPA 39th Annual Conference calls for Sri Lanka to move Beyond Recovery towards Sustainable Transformation

The Orgnisation of Professional Associations (OPA) successfully concluded its 39th Annual Conference, held recently at the Cinnamon Grand Colombo, under the theme “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”.

Held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, with the leadership and guidance of Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference, the Conference brought together leading professionals, academics, business leaders and representatives of the public and private sectors to deliberate on Sri Lanka’s next phase of national development.

The Inaugural Session, on August 2026, was graced by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, as the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, as the Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka, as the Keynote Speaker.

In her address, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasised that overcoming the economic crisis alone should not be Sri Lanka’s ultimate objective, stressing that recovery must serve as the foundation for a broader economic and institutional transformation necessary for sustainable national progress. Reflecting on the difficult period experienced by the country, the Prime Minister noted that Sri Lanka had faced significant economic, social and institutional challenges, which had weakened public confidence and created uncertainty about the country’s future.

She stressed that “recovery only provides the foundation” and that Sri Lanka can move forward sustainably only by using that foundation to bring about meaningful transformation.

The Prime Minister observed that the theme of the OPA’s 39th Annual Conference, “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery,” aptly encapsulated these national aspirations. She emphasised that Sri Lanka’s objective should not merely be to return to the conditions that existed before the crisis, but to forge a stronger national foundation characterised by robust institutions, a resilient economy, high-quality public services and an enabling environment in which every citizen has the opportunity to thrive.

She further underscored that Sri Lanka’s future development cannot be secured through economic growth and physical development alone. She emphasised that the effective mobilisation of the country’s knowledge, skills and professional expertise, is equally essential to achieving sustainable and inclusive national progress

The Technical Sessions held on 12 August 2026 brought together 19 distinguished experts and professionals representing academia, industry, banking and finance, public health, technology, management and business leadership. Their diverse expertise provided a multidisciplinary platform to examine the critical challenges, emerging opportunities and strategic choices that will shape Sri Lanka’s next phase of development, with particular emphasis on economic transformation, institutional strengthening, digitalisation, private-sector growth, human capital and sustainable development.

The deliberations were structured around four principal sub-themes: “Resilient Recovery and Sustainable Economic Development”; “Future Readiness: Innovation & Transformation”; “Policy for Impact: Advancing Equity, Sustainable Living, and National Well-Being”; and “Leadership, Governance and National Responsibility.”

Across these thematic areas, the sessions explored the structural reforms, institutional requirements and policy choices necessary to move Sri Lanka beyond economic stabilisation towards a more productive, competitive, resilient and inclusive economy. The discussions brought together diverse professional perspectives, enabling participants to examine national priorities through economic, technological, industrial, financial, social and governance lenses.

Particular emphasis was placed on the need to move beyond the diagnosis of problems towards pragmatic, evidence-based and implementable solutions. The deliberations recognised that sustainable national progress requires not only sound policies, but also effective institutions, professional competence, innovation, responsible leadership and the capacity to translate policy into tangible outcomes.

The sessions further underscored the importance of collaboration across sectors, recognising that Sri Lanka’s complex development challenges cannot be addressed in isolation. Stronger engagement among Government, private sector, professional associations, academia and civil society was identified as essential to fostering a coherent national response and ensuring that professional knowledge and expertise are effectively translated into policy and action.

Collectively, the Technical Sessions provided a substantive platform for knowledge exchange, critical reflection and forward-looking dialogue, reinforcing the OPA’s commitment to bringing the country’s professional expertise to bear on the task of building a resilient, innovative, equitable and prosperous Sri Lanka.

The OPA expressed its sincere appreciation to Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka and Keynote Speaker, for their distinguished contributions to the Conference.

Much of what the 39th Annual Conference achieved would not have been possible without the leadership, commitment and generous contributions of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA; Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference; Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary; Dharshana Wijemanne, Treasurer; Bhanu Wijayaratne, Convener & the Chairman of the Session Planning Committee of the 39th Annual Conference Committee, Past Presidents and Office Bearers; Presidents and representatives of Member Associations; members of the Executive Councils and General Forum; and the distinguished Session Chairmen, Resource Persons and professionals who shared their time, expertise and insights in pursuit of the Conference’s shared vision. The OPA remains immensely grateful to all those whose collective contributions enriched the 39th Annual Conference and strengthened its role as a meaningful platform for professional exchange, informed dialogue and national reflection.

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Nostalgia for Lankans in Toronto …

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‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.

For Sri Lankans living 14,000 kilometres from home, the sound of home has never felt closer — and that’s thanks to one man and his band.

Since stepping into the spotlight, Gamini Hemalal and the Ceymphony Band have turned into the heartbeat of the Sri Lankan community in Toronto.

Their mission is simple: bring the music, bring the memories, bring the people together. And it’s working.

What turned out to be the talk-of-the-town was their intimate musical evening with Sri Lanka’s legendary crooner Sohan Weerasinghe.

Sohan Weerasinghe: Had
everyone on their feet at the
Angus Glen Golf Club, in
Toronto, Canada

It was a ‘full house’ long before the big date. Tickets vanished within days — demand was that overwhelming.

According to those who were there, it was a truly amazing evening. The hall was packed, the energy electric. Sohan didn’t just sing — he owned the stage.

With his velvet vocals, his charm, and that signature style, he had everyone on their feet. The ladies, especially, couldn’t get enough. No wonder they call him “The Ladies’ Man!”

One attendee summed it up perfectly:

“We had so much fun. It is truly a blessing to have our kids around us, enjoying these beautiful moments together. Thank you, Gamini Hemalal, for such a wonderful evening, with an amazing crowd and an incredible atmosphere. Your hard work and dedication truly made it a special night.

“We also need to say a big thank you to the Ceymphony Band for delivering such an outstanding performance. You all were absolutely amazing! Our entire family had a fantastic time, and we truly enjoyed every moment.

Ceymphony Band: Extremely popular in the scene in Toronto

“Wishing you all continued success. Keep up the amazing work, we can’t wait for the next.”

And the next is already on the cards: ‘Halloween Pissu Baila Party 2026,’ on Friday, 30th October, at the famous Angus Glen Golf Club.

Gamini promises a crazy night of baila, music, dancing and Halloween vibes with the Ceymphony Band. Action runs from 8:00 PM to 12:00 midnight, with plenty of prizes to be won.

Gamini Hemalal: Amazing work for the Sri Lankan community,
in Toronto, Canada

Gamini is also putting together a special event, connected with the 2027 Avurudu celebrations — ‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.

It’s scheduled to be held on Saturday, 10th April, 2027, also at the Angus Glen Golf Club.

Through music, Gamini Hemalal and Ceymphony are doing what diaspora bands do best — they’re shrinking the distance between two worlds.

One baila beat at a time, one full house at a time, they’re making sure that even in Canada, Sri Lankans feel like home.

Yes, there is plenty of action, indeed, for the Sri Lankan community in Toronto, Canada.

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