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We deserve a bright future

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Anura Kumara Dissanayake

by Godwin Constantine

Anura Kumara Dissanayake , though not securing a 50%+1 vote, won the recently concluded presidential election and has become the ninth executive president of the country. In this election as in the previous one, the vote of the Tamil people went to the unsuccessful candidates.

AKD did not win in any of the Tamils dominated districts. There are many comments and criticisms on this issue in especially the social media. These commentators often do not have deep understanding of politics and express knee jerk reactions towards this sensitive issue.

The basic reason for the difference in the voting pattern of the Sinhalese and the Tamils is due to the different socio-political issues faced by these populations. Tamil people and Sinhalese people have different problems, different views and different political aspirations. Corruption, abuse and frauds are not the political concerns of the Tamils. Getting rid of frauds and corruption will not change their living conditions or political aspirations.

But as far as the Sinhalese are concerned corruption, nepotism and fraud have been the main curse of this nation since independence. In this period, people voted for different camps of corrupt politicians hoping that one would be better than the other. When they came to power, they amassed wealth for themselves and protected those in the opposition. These politicians played the ethnic card to capture votes. Since 2015 people voted for change, especially towards a corruption-free state.

In 2015, the Sirisena- Ranil duo contested on a ‘good governance’ platform and the people trusted and voted for them. After this they voted for Gotabaya as he was not a ‘typical politician’, hoping that he would make the change they wanted. In the end these two governments did not act against their corrupt colleagues. In this election people regarded the National People’s Power as the savior of the nation and voted for Anura Kumara Dissanayake.

However, the main political partner of the NPP, the JVP has a record of harbouring anti-Indian and anti-devolution sentiments. It was the JVP that, through legal action, ensured the de-merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces and their single Provincial Council. The North-East merger was the only meaningful and positive political step that was taken by a Sri Lankan government since independence to address the ethnic issue. Even the meteoric rise of AKD is partly due to his stand against the 13th amendment to Sri Lanka’s constitution. And the later stance of the JVP regarding the Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (PTOMS) signed between the Chandrika’s government and the LTTE is very well known.

Nowhere in the presidential election campaign did the NPP address the political aspirations or the grievances of the Tamils or Muslims. In the initial stages of the campaign, there was a controversy that the NPP would scrap the non-secular element in Sri Lanka’s constitution that gives primacy to the Sinhala language and Buddhism. But AKD himself rejected this at one point by saying that the there was no mention of Article 9 of the constitution at the Constitutional Assembly meetings convened to draft a new constitution. so that clause will stay as it is. It is worth noting that when Minister Vijitha Herath assumed duties as the Minister of Religious and Cultural Affairs he again asserted this position.

What AKD said during the presidential election was that all races and religions are equal and everyone will be treated as equal citizens. Mahinda said as much at the end of the war and Gotabaya expressed the same sentiments in his inaugural speech. In a multi-cultural country, accepting the racial and cultural differences between people and ensuring equality through constitutional and legal processes, and assuming that there are necessary conditions for every citizen to be equal are two different things.

That every citizen in this country should be treated as equal is probably what the NPP really wants to do and they may be very genuine in what they are saying and meaning what they say. Unless there is a political structure that will ensure equality, a single person’s perception or a party’s ideology will not stand the test of time. If the NPP is really genuine they should appoint a member of the minority community as the prime minister. Unless they are bold enough to do that, all their utterances are useless. In this backdrop, Tamils not overwhelmingly supporting the candidature of Anura Kumara Dissanayake is not surprising.

Tamil’s position

This presidential election has once again shown that the concept of ‘Tamil nationalism’ has not been accepted as a ‘political weapon’ by majority of Tamil people in the North and East. The failure of the common Tamil candidate clearly illustrates this.

In this presidential election, the “Tamil Thesiya Pothu Kattamaippu” (Tamil National General Structure) put forward a Tamil common candidate. Though this idea was to bring all Tamils together under one umbrella and show the world that Tamils are standing together to highlight the lack of political will of successive Sri Lankan governments to solve Tamil issues, it was not successful.

The Tamil common candidate failed to win the first place in any of the Tamil districts. Even in Jaffna he was only able to secure the second position. A similar result was seen in the 2015 parliamentary election where the Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF) which campaigned on an extreme stand, failed to secure a single seat.

These results illustrates that Tamil people don’t want politicians to use ‘Tamil nationalism’ for their own survival. The conventional Tamil political parties and their leaders have created a situation where the day to day life and problems of Tamil people are overlooked and political rhetoric based on ‘Tamil Nationalism’ is used to stir up emotion when an election approaches. Political parties have become a refuge for opportunistic “political businessmen”. The minorities have become victims of this ‘politics of emotions’.

The minorities in this country want to live peacefully with dignity, as equals with fellow citizen of the majority community. This is not a purely political issue. It is a socio-political issue. When there is no political framework with legal underpinning, it allows room for politicians to use this as a springboard for their own survival.

Challenges facing the new president

The challenges facing the NPP do not end with the victory in the presidential election; this is where the real challenges begin. This victory is simply a reflection of hatred harbored by the people who experienced 70 years of corrupt politics. People have been voting for a change since 2015. However, corruption is not really the major factor in the economic crisis faced by our country. The main challenge for President AKD is to sail successfully through this economic crisis and build a strong economy. The upcoming parliamentary election is going to be the testing ground to prepare for this journey.

The NPP will need a parliamentary majority to work smoothly. The other major parties will work together after elections to ensure their own political future. The main issue faced by the NPP is that unlike other parties it does not have a very strong electoral/district based leadership.

In the 2019 presidential election Gotabaya won 16 districts; and in 15 of these he got more than 50% of the votes; in four districts he won more than 60%. In this election AKD who won 15 districts scored more than 50% in only four without winning 60% in any of the districts.. Viewed in this background, it will be a challenge for the NPP to achieve a working parliamentary majority.

In the upcoming parliamentary elections, the mainstream political parties will no doubt formulate various plans to retain political power. If the non-mainstream parties fail to get a significant number of seats, their existence in the future will become uncertain. However, since the election victory the NPP and the president have gained confidence of the masses and have moved towards fulfilling some of the election promises.

There is no doubt that the NPP government will do much better than any other previous governments in taking steps to eradicate corruption, create a better social environment and promote good governance. Now there is a situation where politicians can be subjected to legal proceedings for unlawful acts and made to account for them. All these days politicians and even their supporters got away without facing the consequence of such unlawful acts. If the president and his economic advisors are able to manage the economy properly and drive us towards economic recovery, other political parties may become irrelevant with time. This possibility has made the upcoming parliamentary elections a struggle for their existence.

All major political parties in Sri Lanka including the minority parties have become very unstable and are being increasingly rejected by the people. The major parties are looking for coalitions for the upcoming election. In this backdrop, a new political platform for the minorities is emerging. The Tamil, Muslim and upcountry people need to change their political strategy and ensure the parliamentary stability of the NPP government. The NPP itself is unlikely to join hands with corrupt political heavyweights from other parties and must find reliable partners from the minority groups.

Prioritizing ethnic and religious identities are essential to maintain unity within the minority groups and uniqueness of the cultural differences. However, these should not be used as a political weapon to ensure survival of politicians or political parties. We need new political leaders with new strategies to create a new political culture.

It is essential that minority ethnic groups and religious groups have their identity based political parties especially in a country like Sri Lanka where the constitution gives a special place to the religion and language of the majority community. This situation invariably necessitates a separate political discourse as well.

After going through so many years of confrontational politics, now the time has come to work with the party in power to uplift the socio-economic status of our people through development process while maintaining our political identity. There should be give and take in this process of working together. If goodwill and mutual respect and understanding prevails, we can look forward for a bright future.



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Eastern University and the making of a culture of peace

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by Jehan Perera

There is an important change in the way peace is being understood in Sri Lanka. The notion that peacebuilding is not simply the responsibility of governments, politicians and peace organisations, but is also a responsibility of educational institutions, appears to be permeating the consciousness of at least a section of the academic community. This was visible on International Peace Day at an event held at Eastern University by the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences. The event was unusual not least because the medical and nursing faculty of the university had decided that peacebuilding was relevant to its academic and professional responsibilities.

Peacebuilding has too often been treated as something undertaken after conflict, when the fighting has stopped and the immediate task is to rebuild relationships between communities. But peace cannot be sustained by governments and peace organisations alone. If it is to become long lasting, the values and practices of peace have to become part of the institutions through which a society educates its younger generations. Universities and other educational institutions are therefore important to peacebuilding. They are among the places where the foundations of a culture of peace can either be built or neglected.

The experience of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University provides a practical example of what this can mean. Led by its Dean, Prof Thillainathan Sathaananthan, the faculty organised an event which went beyond the ordinary academic scope of a medical faculty. University academics are experts in writing project proposals and applying for research grants. On this occasion, the members of the Faculty of Health-Care Sciences used those skills to apply for a UNESCO grant that they won to conduct an International Peace Day event. The significance lies less in the Rs 200,000 grant than in the decision to use the university’s institutional capacity and resources to invest in peacebuilding. The event at Eastern University needs to be understood as more than a successful university programme. It represents a possible paradigm shift in peace thinking.

Institutional Commitment

The Peace Day event obtained the support of the university administration, including Vice Chancellor Prof P Peratheepan, and reached out to secondary schools in the vicinity to mobilise their attendance. The event itself was meticulously organised. There were cultural items including traditional and modern dance and song in the three languages, performed by combinations of solo, duet and multiple singers, dancers and actors drawn in part from nearby secondary schools. There was a panel discussion by senior academics on the general theme of peacebuilding and how to prepare for it. A discussion among the students followed, where each student spoke on behalf of a religion that was not theirs. This is significant because peacebuilding cannot remain an idea discussed by specialists at conferences. It has to become part of the way institutions educate and prepare people for life in a plural society.

The Faculty of Health-Care Sciences at Eastern University has provided a model through its Peace Medicine course modules that were introduced to the curricular as a compulsory core course over 10 years ago. Two senior academics, Dr Kuveriel Eliyas Karunakaran and Dr Thillainathan Sathaananthan, have written a book on “Peace Medicine- A Health Care Concern” that was published five years ago. Its Peace Medicine Module integrates principles of medical ethics, compassion, equity, social justice and community engagement into health education and practice. In his introduction, former Vice Chancellor of Eastern University, Prof T Jayasingam noted “This book is an introduction to a theme which had already been operating in the Faculty of Health Care Sciences as a course.”

Doctors, nurses and health workers know better than anyone the harm that war and violence does. They are the people who treat the wounds and trauma that violence leaves behind. In a hospital, a patient is not asked what their religion or ethnicity is before they are treated. Health care is one of the places where peace is practised every day. The Faculty has therefore found a way of connecting its professional responsibilities with the wider social responsibility of peacebuilding. The question is whether this experience can be replicated throughout the country, at universities and at other educational institutions, so that peacebuilding becomes part of the consciousness of education itself. If that happens on a sufficient scale, it can begin to generate a culture of peace that becomes increasingly difficult to reverse.

Local Action

The Eastern University event corresponded closely to the United Nations theme for this year’s International Day of Peace, “Invest in Peace – For Everyone, Everywhere, Every Day”, which honours the “everyday architects of peace”, people driving local action, laying the groundwork for stability and building lasting peace from the ground up. The emphasis on investment is important. An investment means that something is put in: time, courage and resources. There is no more violent conflict in Sri Lanka today. But the absence of war does not automatically produce a culture of peace. The factors that fed the country’s conflict have not disappeared from the world. Racism, corruption and the violation of laws and human rights are the raw materials of conflict. So too are unresolved grievances, discrimination and the failure to recognise the suffering of others.

A country that does not deal with its past does not escape it. The past can return in the next generation. This is why the experience of Eastern University needs to be replicated countrywide, both at universities and at other educational institutions. The objective should not be to turn every academic discipline into peace studies. Rather, peacebuilding needs to become part of the consciousness of education itself. Eastern University shows that a medical faculty can develop Peace Medicine. A law faculty can examine the relationship between justice, rights and peace. Faculties of education can prepare teachers to work in diverse communities, while the humanities and social sciences can examine the different narratives through which communities understand their histories. Every institution can find its own way of making peacebuilding relevant to what it teaches.

Sri Lanka has had many declarations, pledges and programmes in the past. What matters is whether these produce changes in behaviour and institutional practice. Peacebuilding requires confronting difficult issues rather than avoiding them. It requires respect for different identities, but also engagement across those identities. It requires dealing with grievances in the present while also addressing unresolved issues from the past. It requires truth, accountability, reparations and guarantees of non-recurrence. It requires people to learn that the rights of another community do not diminish their own rights. The International Peace Day event at Eastern University was evidence of a change in the way at least some academics in a part of the country deeply affected by war are thinking about their responsibilities. Peace needs to be invested in and the most important investment will be in the minds of those who will inherit the future.

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Quality assured education commodities

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by Ahilan Kadirgamar

I have always noticed the little paper tags that are inside the packaging of some products that say quality assured or quality control. I often wonder who might have checked the product and stamped that tag, but I also forget the tag soon enough. Decades later, when I entered academia, I was taken aback by the emphasis placed on quality assurance in our universities. It is not something that could be forgotten and done away with; the entire university system is obsessed with quality assurance.

Beginning with the staff induction programme, quality assurance is drilled into the newly recruited lecturers. It is the norm, not seen as doing any harm and only trying to improve quality. It is accepted as given, and not questioned. Quality Assurance Cells and Committees are omnipresent and hover above the Departments and, at times, even the Faculty Boards. Quality Assurance reviews are feared by the Deans and Vice Chancellors. University life itself seems secondary to the rule of quality assurance. What do we make of this system of quality assurance and what are its implications for our university system?

Corporate speak

Universities globally have been going through major changes with neoliberal education policies. In many countries, universities increasingly became corporatised to be run like businesses in the 1980s. As state support for universities declined, cost cutting became the norm. They started hiring adjunct or part-time staff. Many public non-fee levying universities around the world began to charge fees. Decade by decade, tuition fees became more and more exorbitant, forcing students to take student loans. The total student debt in the United States now stands at close to US$ 2 trillion; which is about 20 times the GDP of Sri Lanka. As the higher education landscape transformed in the West, university administrations began to recruit Presidents, Vice Chancellors and administrative officials with corporate backgrounds and experience.

Such corporatisation of universities in the West has since been imported into countries like Sri Lanka, introducing a new corporate vocabulary, including quality assurance, graduate competencies, programme outcomes, intended learning outcomes, etc. University teaching has become secondary to documenting so-called outcomes. The teacher-student relationship, the environment of the lecture hall and even administering the university have been over-determined by the processes of ensuring quality. How did such major changes come about in such a short time? Indeed, academics of just two generation ago, would never have heard of these terms and processes in the Sri Lankan university system.

World Bank Trojan horse

Since the early 2000s there have been a number of World Bank projects that have drastically changed the character of Sri Lankan universities. Quality assurance as a central agenda within universities, and many other changes to the working of our universities, came through these World Bank initiatives. The Improving Relevance and Quality of Undergraduate Education (IRQUE) project and Higher Education for the 21st Century (HETC) project were two such earlier projects that set up the Quality Assurance and Accreditation Unit (QAAU) under the University Grants Commission (UGC) and established systematic quality assurance reviews for state universities. The public often thinks these are grants from the World Bank to modernise our universities. However, they are not grants but loans.

The most recent such project, Accelerating Higher Education Expansion and Development (AHEAD) is a US$ 100 million loan from the World Bank implemented from 2018 to 2023, which consolidated the quality assurance structures from the earlier projects. Furthermore, these projects are implemented with tremendous arrogance, prioritising their implementation over all other concerns in the universities, when the project over six years for example accounts for just one fourth of our budget allocation for universities this year.

The AHEAD project drastically changed course curricula, sought to increase student enrolment in science, technology, engineering, mathematics (STEM) disciplines, commercialise the university research agenda and create university-business linkages. All of this was pushed to supposedly help us face development challenges. We have heard the ideological attack on our universities and even students claiming they are “unemployable graduates”. These changes to our higher education system were supposedly going to create jobs and increase employment.

The irony of the AHEAD project is that just as it was ending in 2023, apparently after having reached its targets, the Sri Lankan economy was collapsing. The World Bank often gets the direction of causality wrong. It is the economy that creates jobs for graduates, and not the training or kind of graduates that create jobs. It is decades of World Bank policies, and those of its ideological twin the IMF, that have led to such high youth unemployment, not only in Sri Lanka but also in many other countries in the global South.

Sri Lanka entered an IMF agreement in March 2023 and started a new Country Partnership Framework with the World Bank in June 2023. These programmes have little to say about, and actively discourage, government initiatives that aim to create an industrial policy or an employment creation policy. Instead, they push for austerity measures, which not only restrict the allocation for education among other sectors, but also end up contracting the economy to the detriment of increasing employment. Their goal is the commercialisation of higher education, to make universities into businesses and run them like factories.

In this context, the ideology of quality assurance is powerful. The International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO), whose different standards are necessary for marketing, is the institution that came up with the concept of “quality assurance”. It promoted quality assurance as a process of identifying defected products. Therefore, when the World Bank promotes this conceptual framing, our students are, in fact, seen as products on the assembly line, with quality assurance processes aiming to prevent the release of defected products from the university system. For the US$ 100 million we borrowed for the AHEAD project and the many more million dollars in similar World Bank projects, there is no evidence of increased employment of graduates.

Commodity fetishism

Over a century and a half ago, Karl Marx critiqued the economic analysis prevalent at that time that associated some inherent or monetary value for commodities without considering the social relations that underlie the production of those commodities. Marx called this commodity fetishism. Furthermore, he theorised that such commodity fetishism was also a reason for the alienation of human beings from the world. If our labour and what we produce is seen devoid of the social relations that underlie them, we lose our connection with the people and the world. In this process we become alienated from what we produce and the world.

We are now in a world where our students themselves are fetishised as commodities for the market. Universities are no longer communities concerned about knowledge and human growth, but mere factories producing commodities, which have to be produced without defects to be marketed. In this way, quality assurance has become the cause for the alienation of students, academics and our universities themselves, from the larger relationship with our economy and society.

Our university system does need reform. It is grossly underfunded and not providing the financial support and facilities for our students. Universities have become hierarchical spaces without the academic freedom and democratic ethos necessary for producing knowledge. Academics and students need to engage more with their communities to make their learning and research meaningful, not to mention their contribution to and integration with society. However, when it comes to even questions of governance and regulation of the universities, such concerns are merely reduced to improving quality. In our contemporary times, this singular focus on quality assurance, as opposed to addressing the larger structural issues, is crippling our universities. There may be no way out, but to put back quality assurance where it started, those little tags on goods, to perhaps be noticed but quickly forgotten.

Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)

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Thailand’s biggest new global star …

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The entertainment scene, globally, is agog with excitement, and, why not!

Yes, a new global star has emerged … from Thailand, and she hit the headlines by winning America’s Got Talent.

Rattikarn Amloy, known to millions by her stage name Nene Royal, was crowned the winner of America’s Got Talent (AGT) Season 21 at the live finale at Pasadena Civic Auditorium, California, taking home the USD 1 million grand prize.

The 16-year-old rocker, from the holiday island of Phuket (I’ve been to Phuket, courtesy Tourism Authority of Thailand), has struck a power chord around the world, and is the first Thai national ever to win the hit NBC show.

She beat nine other finalists, including runner-up magician Geno Ploeger, after a blistering final performance.

Nene’s story is pure rock and roll fairy-tale. She says she picked up a guitar at age seven, fell in love at the first chord, and taught herself mostly by watching videos online. That dedication earned her a music scholarship to Kajonkiet International School Phuket.

Her audition at America’s Got Talent — a swaggering, shredding rendition of The Cranberries’ classic ‘Zombie’ — exploded online, amassing over 200 million views across AGT’s platforms, more than any act this season.

She kept wowing: ‘Hysteria’ by Muse, then ‘Black Hole Sun’ by Soundgarden which earned her Spice Girl Mel B’s Golden Buzzer, sending her straight to the live shows.

For the final, she unleashed ‘Seven Nation Army’ by The White Stripes. Judge Howie Mandel shouted: “You should win. Give her the million, America.” Mel B praised her “mysterious, mystical stage presence”.

And for the grand finale, she lived every teen rocker’s dream — performing on stage, alongside US rock giants Linkin Park.

When host Terry Crews announced her as winner, the teenager collapsed to the stage floor in tears. “I’m very happy and you know I’m emotional right now,” she said.

And Thailand erupted. Her school held watch parties, posting: “You did it, congratulations, champion. We are so proud of you.”

Even Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul sent a personal congratulation. He had earlier hosted Nene at Government House in July, where she played guitar while he sang a Thai rock song. His office said her talent “brought pride to Thai people.”

Corporate Thailand also rallied behind her — Charoen Pokphand Foods, owned by billionaire Dhanin Chearavanont, even rented a giant billboard in Times Square, New York, to cheer her on.

With her blistering guitar solos, rock-ballad shrieks and fearless spirit, little Nene Royal has just become Thailand’s biggest new global star.

What’s more, this amazing teenager will be bringing her powerful vocals, guitar skills and signature rock-metal style to the stage, as opening act, before one of the world’s biggest rock bands, America’s Avenged Sevenfold, in Singapore, on 13 October.

Unfortunately, we are still to see a local artiste, grab the spotlight, on a global scale … like Thailand’s Nene.

Yes, they do shine, but mostly on social media, and that, too, with the aid of AI (Artificial Intellegence).

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