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WB: Unprecedented shocks rattle South Asia, exacerbating challenges and dampening growth
Beset with Sri Lanka’s economic crisis, Pakistan’s catastrophic floods, a global slowdown, and impacts of the war in Ukraine, South Asia faces an unprecedented combination of shocks on top of the lingering scars of the COVID-19 pandemic. Growth in the region is dampening, says the World Bank in its twice-a-year update, underscoring the need for countries to build resilience.Released last week in Washington, the latest South Asia Economic Focus, Coping with Shocks: Migration and the Road to Resilience, projects regional growth to average 5.8 percent this year – a downward revision of 1 percentage point from the forecast made in June. This follows growth of 7.8 percent in 2021, when most countries were rebounding from the pandemic slump.
The report says: In short order, a series of once-in-a-lifetime shocks has hit South Asia. The devastating floods in Pakistan, a full-blown economic crisis in Sri Lanka, and the ongoing war in Ukraine, which caused skyrocketing commodity prices, are happening when countries in South Asia are still trying to recover from COVID-19.
As a result of these crises, many households face severe economic hardship. In Sri Lanka, people suffer from shortages of essential items; floods in Pakistan have wreaked havoc on millions of people that lost their homes; soaring food prices across the region have adverse impacts on households’ ability to obtain sufficient food; people in Afghanistan suffer from double-digit declines in income and reduced access to core services; and the lives of migrant workers, upended during COVID lockdowns, face uncertainty and possible scarring effects from the pandemic. The economic headwinds manifest themselves as problems in the balance of payments. Elevated global food and energy prices have increased import bills while a slowdown in the global economy has reduced momentum in the region’s export growth.
This happens when trade balances were already deteriorating because of a rise in domestic spending: government deficits were increasing because of relief efforts and private consumption rebounded after the lockdowns ended. Falling or stagnating remittance inflows through official channels have worsened the situation further for several countries. The resulting larger current-account deficits are becoming increasingly difficult to finance.
Heightened uncertainty in the global markets, together with monetary tightening in advanced economies, have shifted investor sentiment and increased net capital outflows from the region in the first half of 2022. The balance-of-payments pressures have in turn resulted in dwindling foreign exchange reserves and led to requests by Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and Bangladesh to the IMF for support.
Countries have also resorted to restrictive measures to curb imports, but with potentially detrimental effects on the economic recovery. Apart from the balance-of-payment problems, several serious domestic challenges also warrant attention, not least the supply bottlenecks and deteriorated asset quality in the financial sectors. Despite the mounting challenges, there are also optimistic signs, as some sectors and some countries are recovering strongly. In India, services exports have recovered more strongly than in the rest of the world, and India’s ample foreign reserve buffers have afforded resilience to the country’s external sector. In most countries in the region, telecom and business services are also driving the recovery. The recovery of the tourism sector has remained robust in Maldives, while Bhutan recently fully re-opened its borders to tourists after prolonged lockdowns since 2020.
Against this backdrop, growth forecasts for South Asia have been downgraded. Growth in the region is expected to slow down to 5.8 percent in the calendar year 2022, 1 percentage point lower than forecasted in June, mainly because of a weakening of growth in the second half of 2022. The growth path diverges among South Asian countries: The more services-led economies (India, Nepal, and Maldives) are expected to maintain a reasonable recovery trend despite headwinds, while Afghanistan, Sri Lanka and Pakistan are in more precarious shapes and will see poverty increase in 2022 amid severe domestic crises.
All countries in the region will see their resilience tested as global energy prices are expected to remain very high and global demand for goods will weaken. The countries responding to high import prices by setting price caps or quantity barriers—which distort price signals—will experience a negative impact on growth. The growth forecast depends on the uncertain outlook for commodity prices, growth in high-income countries, and the amount of tightening in global financial markets.
The report presents simulations to assess the impact of a changing international environment. The impact differs across countries, but the general conclusion is that changes in commodity prices have the largest impact. The impact of changes in import demand in the rest of the world and of capital-flow reversals is more muted as South Asia has not deeply penetrated export markets and several countries had limited access to private international finance. Various structural changes are occurring in the background, which creates opportunities for the region’s long-term resilience. A realization that the limited fiscal space is impacting debt sustainability has led many countries to undertake revenue measures such as increasing indirect taxes, broadening the tax base, and reducing fuel subsidies, which if fully implemented could improve long-term fiscal viability. Financial innovations and digital technologies that create more flexible employment opportunities could provide people with tools to withstand future shocks and increase the region’s resilience.
However, it is crucial that the opportunities translate into a more inclusive development path in which workers in the informal sector, and especially women have better access to markets and finance. On the downside, extreme weather events will become much more common with climate change, which calls for the urgent need to improve climate resilience through upgrading adaptation mechanisms and maintaining sufficient financial reserves. Labor migration, both international and domestic, is a key part of life in South Asia.
Just before the COVID-19 pandemic began, in 2019, 41.2 million people from South Asia were living outside their country of birth. In some South Asian countries such as Nepal and Sri Lanka, international diaspora numbers are close to 10 percent of the home country’s population. In parts of Bangladesh, approximately one-third of households out-migrate temporarily during the pre-harvest lean season. The flow of migrants represents the interaction of two economic forces: reallocation of labor to places where it is more productive and adjustment to local economic shocks such as weather-related shocks; both are central to inclusive and resilient development.
Despite the importance of migration to individuals and the region, migrants in South Asia face considerable barriers to mobility. Mobility costs—pecuniary and non-pecuniary—and frictions in credit and labor markets have hindered these benefits of labor mobility from being fully tapped. For example, on average, Bangladeshi workers were spending the equivalent of more than US$3,000 to move abroad before the COVID pandemic, a figure that represented about 2.5 years of the median household income.
Seasonal migrants from rural India faced the equivalent of 80 percent of their daily earnings at the migration destination in daily migration costs, including non-pecuniary costs of harsh living conditions at the destination. Migration also exposes South Asians to risks because of the precarious labor market conditions that poor migrant workers face. For example, the legal (visa) status of emigrants to GCC countries, the most common international destination for South Asian emigrants, is contingent on their holding temporary jobs in low-skill sectors.
Similarly, poor internal migrants in South Asia work largely in the informal sector, where they lack access to social protection. The COVID crisis exposed this vulnerability on a large scale, as migrants returning home during COVID-related lockdowns face multiple hardships. New survey-based evidence confirms that the COVID shock substantially slowed down new migration flows and created an unprecedented wave of return migration. The surveys also reveal that return migrants, especially women, struggled to assimilate into the home labor markets, with high unemployment rates among the newly returned migrants. Due to the overall fall in outmigration, migrant-sending households experienced disproportionate declines in income, driven by a drop in remittances received. A troubling possibility is that the pandemic shock has had long-term scarring effects on the costs and frictions associated with migration.
To ensure that migration can continue to play a key role in development and as a coping mechanism in the face of shocks, two policies deserve priority. First, it is vital to address unnecessarily high costs and frictions in migration, particularly those that might have worsened during the COVID crisis. The second main policy priority for the region is to learn from the pandemic experience and incorporate measures to “de-risk” migration into migration-supporting policies and institutions. In particular, because many poor migrant workers are employed in informal jobs, reforms to extend social protection to the informal sector should be designed to include migrant workers without deterring mobility.
News
Civil society activist accuses govt. of favouring Ven. Gnanasara
Court of Appeal issues warrant for monk’s arrest
by Shamindra Ferdinando
Civil society activist Gamini Viyangoda on Monday (28) lambasted the NPP government for its failure to act promptly on the Supreme Court cancelling the presidential pardon granted to the General Secretary of Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) Galagodaatte Gnanasara.
Addressing a gathering at the Sri Lanka Foundation to mark the launch of ‘Rajapaksha Samagama’ and ‘Pasku Praharaye Thoththa Babala’ by Lasantha Ruhununuge and Tharindu Uduwaragedara and M.F.M., Faseer, Viyangoda alleged that President Dissanayake’s government was also acting in a manner partial to Gnanasara Thera, the way all previous governments had done.
The NPP should be ashamed of its pathetic failure to act swiftly and decisively, immediately after the Supreme Court revoked President Maithripala Sirisena’s pardon. Viyangoda said that the government owed an explanation as to why law enforcement authorities couldn’t apprehend Gnanasara, following the announcement made on 14 Sept. “For two weeks what were they doing,” he asked.
Ven. Gnanasara was sentenced, in 2018, for a six-year period for contempt of court and intimidating Sandya Eknaligoda, the wife of Prageeth Eknaligoda who disappeared in 2010. But, President Sirisena pardoned him before the convicted monk completed one year of his six-year term.
Viyangoda said that Ven. Gnanasara had openly moved about freely, launched a book and acted as if the Supreme Court ruling didn’t have any impact. Every minute Gnanasara stayed in the open it was an affront to the Supreme Court, Viyangoda said, accusing the government of shielding a wrongdoer.
Referring to certain incidents during the Yahapalana time, Viyangoda revealed that he personally sought the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s direct intervention to have Ven. Gnanasara, hiding at a faraway temple, apprehended. “I met Wickremesinghe at Temple Trees. When I raised the failure on the part of police to apprehend Gnanasara, Wickremasinghe immediately called Sagala Ratnayake, who was in charge of public security at that time. Ratnayake promised to take the monk to custody the following day. The next day, Gnanasara surrendered through a lawyer.”
Viyangoda alleged that the Wickremesinghe government had shielded Vem. Gnanasara. The Wickremesinghe-Sagala Ratnayaka duo did that in style, he said, accusing the present government, too, of doing the same.
The Court of Appeal yesterday (29) issued a warrant for the arrest of Gnanasara Thera and ordered that he be produced before the court on 1 Oct.
The court further directed that the warrant be executed through the Inspector General of Police.
This happened when a motion filed by the Attorney General, seeking an order to enforce the prison sentence imposed on Gnanasara Thera, was taken up before the Court of Appeal.
The motion was heard before a Court of Appeal bench, comprising Justices Mayadunne Corea and Lakmali Karunanayake.
President’s Counsel Anura Meddegoda, appearing for Gnanasara Thera, told the court that his client was resting due to illness and requested a date to study the motion and make submissions.
But State Counsel Sajith Bandara declared that the matter concerned a criminal case and requested that the court issue a warrant if the accused failed to appear before the court.
News
More cops than cones
Colombo’s bus priority lane rule returned today, 29 September, as a pilot programme across the city and nearby areas. It applies from 6 a.m. to 9 a.m. and from 4 p.m. to 7 p.m. daily. The renewed operation covers seven designated lanes, meant to cut delays and make public transport more predictable.
Transport Minister Bimal Rathnayake said officials would monitor the trial to assess its effect on congestion and public transport efficiency. Police have told all officers to take legal action against violators. Drivers may enter a lane only in unavoidable cases, such as emergencies, exceptionally heavy traffic, or to cross it when turning.
The Lanka Private Bus Owners’ Association has welcomed the move, and Metro Bus is adding five new routes.
The rule has been revived before, and past efforts struggled with enforcement, so the pilot project’s results will matter.
(Image courtesy Hiru)
News
Sajith accuses govt. of using data selectively in crucial report
Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa has said the government is attempting to paint a falsely beautiful picture of the country’s situation through the Socio-Economic Data report issued together with the Census and Statistics and the Central Bank. “They have selectively included certain information while intentionally omitting other vital facts,” Premadasa has said in a media statement. When presenting data, there must be chronological consistency and integrity. The Central Bank and the Department of Census and Statistics have no right to present outdated data to formulate a conclusion, thereby marginalising an entire segment of the population, Premadasa has argued, pointing out that their primary duty is to report accurate information to the public.
Premadasa says that up to page 18 of the report, recent data from 2023 to 2025 have been used. For main economic indicators, macroeconomic indicators, demographic data, and life expectancy, 2024 data have been used. Indicators such as external trade finance, consumer price indices, Real GDP, imports and exports, prosperity indices, and human development indices have also been compared with Asian and SAARC countries using recent data. However, for the section detailing socio-economic conditions from page 19 to page 34, the data used are exclusively from the outdated 2016–2019 period.
When discussing socio-economic conditions, the data used for household income and expenditure surveys, provincial-level conditions, housing facilities, energy consumption, cooking, and population distribution are entirely from 2016 to 2019, the Opposition Leader has said. Specifically, the data on poverty mentioned on page 33, and even the data on per capita daily food consumption capacity on page 34, belong to this old 2016–2019 timeframe. Formulating a report for the year 2026 using such outdated data is a deliberate attempt to mislead the country and its people.
Premadasa says that from page 35 onwards, fresh 2025 data have been used for sections on prosperity, demographics, the labour force, and employment. Recent data based on current market conditions have also been provided for Gross National Income (GNI) by industrial sources, food prices, imports and exports, tourism, government revenue, state debt, and interest rates.
“If the authorities can present recent data (for 2023, 2024, and 2025) for foreign debt, financial activities, financial sector trends, and money supply, why are they using 2016 and 2019 data for poverty to mislead the country?” the Opposition Leader has asked, pointing out that the main report and its summary prove that while the government uses updated data for macroeconomic aspects, it uses obsolete data regarding poverty, inequality, income distribution, and living standards. The Opposition Leader has called this a historic deception regarding the country’s poverty, asking whether the 12.11.2026 Budget will be on these false data?
Premadasa has said that the government claims that a person can survive for 30 days on Rs. 17,315, which is an absolute lie and a deception. “This Government lacks updated data or definitions for poverty. Since the country went bankrupt, a proper household income and expenditure survey has not been conducted, nor has the poverty line been accurately identified.” He questioned whether the upcoming budget, scheduled for 12.11.2026, will be based on these false and flawed data.
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