Editorial
War on drugs
Neither friend nor foe can have any quarrel with Public Security Minister Tiran Alles for launching the ongoing offensive against the narcotics business. It is much more than a trade nowadays with drug lords, big and small, running not only just fiefdoms but also their own empires. There’s hardly anybody in this country of ours unaware of the dangerous proportions to which the drug menace has grown today.
Parents are terrified of their children being exposed to drugs in and near their schools and at social events. The news media is full of stories on drug detection every day. But however many dealers, smugglers and pushers are arrested, and whatever quantities of narcotics seized, the problem continues to grow and not diminish. It is no exaggeration to say this is one of the biggest problems confronting not only this island but the whole world.
Minister Alles has assumed responsibility for the recent appointment of Senior DIG Deshabandu Tennakoon as the acting IGP for a three month period. It was speculated that President Ranil Wicremesinghe resorted to the device of extending the tenure of the previous incumbent, Chandana Wickremaratne, by several short extensions to stall the appointment of Tennakoon who was reported to have Alles’ backing. In fact, the minister’s public admission that he backed the appointment is considered by some to be a command performance orchestrated by Wickremesinghe.
However that be, the appointment, albeit in an acting capacity, stands. It could have not come at a worse time because Tennakoon and three other police officers have been ordered by the Supreme Court soon thereafter to pay damages of Rs. 500,000 each from personal funds to a torture victim who had successfully filed a human right case. Tennakoon is alleged to have himself participated in the third degree methods employed.
Soon after the smelly stuff hit the fan, the public outrage that resulted was inevitable. The government, predictably, is under pressure to negate Tennakoon’s appointment. Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith, the Archbishop of Colombo and head of the Catholic Church, the Lawyers’ Collective, a prominent legal advocacy group led by many of the country’s top flight lawyers and several other groups both individually and collectively are pressuring the president to revoke this appointment.
Tennakoon has no right of appeal to a higher court. But he has been given an opportunity to demonstrate to the country that he can successfully take on the drug Mafia. Since the current anti-narcotic offensive began a few days ago, police public relations have been on overdrive in an effort to show the country that the massive operation that has been launched is showing results.
Evening television news bulletins are full of images of large contingents of police, sometimes complemented by troops, and police dogs trained to sniff out narcotics. There are also reports of hundreds if not thousands of suspects arrested. It is already common knowledge that the country’s prisons are bursting at the seams stuffed with convicted and remanded drug offenders.
It is also very well known that the rate of convictions obtained against the accused in all manner of criminal cases is appallingly low. Whether successful prosecutions can be mounted against suspects who are being rounded up in the present operation is an open question. Readers are well aware that samples described as drugs sent to the Government Analyst were found to be plain wheat flour. Whether law enforcers were responsible for such lucrative metamorphosis or whether switches occurred elsewhere has not been established. But anything is possible in this land like no other.
Only time will tell how successful the current campaign is going to be. There were previous occasions when President Gotabaya Rajapaksa declared war on drugs soon after his election. Then President Maithripala Sirisena, crowned by UNP votes, spoke admiringly of Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte who launched a no holds barred offensive against narcotics in his country. This included bumping off suspects in what amounted to extra judicial executions.
We have also known similar operations here, though not relating to drugs, but directed at the JVP during its second adventure in 1988 – 89. This, though to a much lesser extent, happened also in 1971, when various politicians were given a god given opportunity of identifying their political opponents as “terrorists” and having them bumped off by law enforcers.
There is no doubt that during the current offensive there will be considerable whistle blowing and finger pointing from within the narcotics underworld which will seize the opportunity to have their rivals in the drug trade eliminated via a law and order operation mounted by the government. Minister Tiran Alles did not directly say that those in the drug business would be bumped off. But he did clearly imply that they carried that risk.
He has even publicly questioned the ethics of lawyers defending drug offenders. This has predictably triggered the obvious reaction from the legal profession arguing that appearing for any client retaining them was the professional obligation of lawyers. That debate remains inconclusive for the time being.
Alles says that his life has been threatened “within seven poya days” by an anonymous overseas caller. He had retorted that he intends resolving the problem “within two poya days.” He says that neither he nor President Wickremesinghe will be influenced to pull their punches at the behest of any drug Mafia.
Given the size of the big bucks generated by the narcotics industry, it is extremely unlikely that the trade is without political godfathers. An election is round the corner and political war chests need replenishing. The narcotic czars will be only too happy to dig deep into their pockets. But as the saying goes, there is no free lunch.
Editorial
Fuelling discontent and protest
Saturday 3rd October, 2026
Private fuel bowser owners were up in arms, yesterday, claiming that they were incurring huge losses because the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) had not increased commissions for fuel distribution. Unless the CPC responded favourably to their demand for a substantial increase in commissions, they would be left with no alternative but to stop fuel distribution completely with immediate effect, they warned, noting that the CPC had promised to announce its final decision yesterday.
The Ceylon Petroleum Private Tanker Owners’ Association (CPPTOA), which is leading the fuel bowser owners’ struggle, said yesterday that it expected their commission to be raised at least to 20%, as the cost of fuel distribution had increased sharply. A meeting between the CPPTOA representatives and the CPC officials was going on at the time of writing.
It defies comprehension why the CPC lets the grass grow under its feet without addressing issues that have the potential to cripple fuel distribution. The CPPTOA had been protesting for weeks, but the CPC ignored fuel distributors’ demand. It may have expected the problem to go away with the passage of time. Everything possible must be done to prevent pumps from running dry at filling stations, causing hardships to the public and adversely impacting the economy.
The CPC should have taken immediate action at the first sign of trouble and invited the CPPTOA to talks instead of waiting until the eleventh hour. Prudence demands that a game of chicken be averted in a crucial sector like petroleum distribution.
Issues that could cripple the petroleum sector are best sorted out at the negotiating table, which is the ideal place for bargaining. We are not in a position to say whether it is fair for the CPPTOA to demand a 20% commission, but the fuel distributors’ grievances should be addressed and the CPC ought to hold talks with them and negotiate solutions as and when issues crop up. Flexibility is a prerequisite for resolving trade union problems. Intransigence and brinkmanship only aggravate such issues, much to the detriment of the country’s interests. If bowser operators stopped distributing fuel for a couple of days, perish the thought, it would take a considerable time to replenish supplies thereafter, and fuel queues would reappear. Disruptions to fuel distribution could have a domino effect on virtually every other sector of the economy.
The fragile economy, which is recovering from an unprecedented crisis, cannot take any more shocks, and the patience of the public is manifestly wearing thin. Petroleum sector trade unions have claimed that the CPC is selling fuel from older stocks at higher prices, while fuel distributors have called upon the government to scrap the loss-recovery levy immediately, arguing that the CPC’s legacy debt has now been fully repaid. These are the issues the Opposition should take up in Parliament instead of making loud noises that signify nothing.
One can only hope that the CPC and the CPPTOA will resolve the commission issue through negotiations, and the CPC will act more responsibly in the future without trying to wish away trade union issues that could cripple the petroleum sector.
Editorial
Colombo Port drug bust: The plot thickens
Friday 2nd October, 2026
An inquiry conducted by the Police Special Investigation Unit (SIU) into some allegations concerning the circumstances that surrounded the 31 August drug detection at the Colombo Port has revealed that there may have been dereliction of duty on the part of Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police (SDIG) Ranmal Kodituwakku and several other officers, according to media reports. The plot thickens.
Acting on information reportedly received from the US Drug Enforcement Administration, the Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB) searched a shipping container, bound for Cameroon, at the Colombo Port, and detected a large quantity of crystal methamphetamine weighing about 471 kg. The intelligence that led to the drug detection had been conveyed to SDIG Kodithuwakku, who was overseeing the CCIB. It was reported that the officers of the CCIB had obtained a search warrant from a Magistrate before opening the container, with the help of some personnel from the Police Narcotics Bureau and Sri Lanka Customs. Now, there is another version of how the drug detection was made.
SIU is reported to have found that both SDIG Kodithuwakku and the Police Narcotics Bureau received information about the drug consignment, on 14 August, but no action was taken immediately. On 22 August, a sub Inspector of the CCIB also received the same information. He subsequently took action and on 31 August, the container was opened in the presence of the Customs officers. The SIU investigators are reported to have found that some officers of the Police Narcotics Bureau were also present at the scene, but the initial detection of the drug consignment was carried out primarily by officers of the CCIB. SIU has recommended that in addition to the internal inquiry a criminal investigation should be conducted, according to media reports. But was the opening of the container strategically delayed, as has been claimed in some quarters? There have been numerous such instances around the world. The SIU investigators therefore ought not to rush to conclusions before establishing whether the delay, if any, formed part of a deliberate investigative strategy.
It has been reported that French Customs found 139 kg of cocaine in a shipping container at Marseille last year but instead of seizing the drug consignment immediately, it resorted to a controlled delivery of the big box to Barcelona, where a stevedore, two recipients and a transporter were arrested.
In 2023, after detecting 240 kg of methamphetamine in a 40-foot-container, Hong Kong Customs arranged for an international controlled delivery to Australia, where the box was bound for, and several arrests were made there. In May 1985, U.S. Customs allowed a drug-laden shipping container arriving at Port Newark to proceed under surveillance in a controlled-delivery operation in order to identify the people who would take delivery of it.
Police investigations have not always inspired public confidence in this country. There have been many instances where they conducted investigations hurriedly and arrived at the wrong conclusions. In 2015, the CID arrested two suspects, including a schoolboy, over the abduction, rape and murder of a little girl in Kotadeniyawa. It was later found that the perpetrator was someone else. Another striking example is the arrest of two former LTTE cadres after the execution-style killing of two policemen in Vavunathivu in 2018. But after the Easter Sunday terror attacks the following year, the CID found that the two policemen had been murdered by the National Thowheed Jamaath, which carried out the 2019 carnage.
So, one can argue that there is nothing inherently implausible about the claim that the opening of the container carrying narcotics at the Colombo Port was postponed in a bid to catch all those responsible for the illegal operation. Only a thorough probe will reveal whether this method was actually adopted in the case of the port drug bust.
Editorial
Drug busting, transfers and trust deficit
Thursday 1st Octobber, 2026
Media reports about a Police Headquarters decision to transfer Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police (SDIG) Ranmal Kodithuwakku, who oversees the Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB), and several other senior police officers involved in uncovering a massive drug haul recently have raised many an eyebrow. The Police Department is reported to have sought the National Police Commission’s approval for their transfers, citing organisational/service requirements. The news about the proposed transfers has come while an inquiry is underway into the recent seizure of a large quantity of crystal methamphetamine (Ice) at the Colombo Port. Kodithuwakku has already made a statement to the Criminal Investigation Department in connection with that inquiry. The sequence of events is noteworthy.
On 31 August 2026, the police, acting on intelligence passed by the US Drug Enforcement Administration, searched a shipping container at the Colombo Port and seized a large quantity of crystal methamphetamine weighing about 471 kg. The intelligence had been received by SDIG Kodithuwakku. Officers of the CCIB had obtained a search warrant from a Magistrate before opening the container, together with some officers of the Police Narcotics Bureau and Sri Lanka Customs. The drugs were concealed among towels or body wipes.
The Police Special Investigation Unit lost no time in commencing the inquiry under discussion into alleged shortcomings, omissions and possible lapses in the handling of the drug investigation. However, it is generally believed that those who carry out successful operations of this nature deserve praise and rewards. The challenge for the police therefore is to prove that the ongoing inquiry and controversial transfers are not aimed at taking the gloss off the successful anti-narcotics operation.
Police have also claimed that the internal inquiry will not interfere with the main criminal investigation being conducted by the CCIB. However, it may be recalled that the leaders of the incumbent administration accused the SLPP government of having disrupted investigations into the Easter Sunday terror attacks and other major cases by transferring the then CID Director SSP Shani Abeysekera in late 2019. So, how can the police top brass convince the public that the transfers of SDIG Kodituwakku and others will not adversely impact the ongoing probe into the port drug haul?
One can argue that the reasons given by the police for the inquiry and the transfers in question are not plausible, for it is widely believed that whenever senior officers conduct investigations or operations that are not to the liking of their superiors or politicians in power, they face inquiries and transfers. The National Police Commission is also widely perceived as a rubber stamp for the Executive. It is therefore hardly surprising that the media and the discerning public do not readily accept the explanations offered by the Police Spokesman and his superiors about internal inquiries and lightning transfers. There is a huge trust deficit.
Meanwhile, one may recall that nobody was transferred over the Colombo Port container scandal. As many as 323 red-flagged freight containers were released from the Colombo Port without mandatory Customs inspections, in January 2025, and what those big boxes carried is anybody’s guess. The Customs made a shameful attempt to defend the indefensible, and its Spokesman who trotted out lame excuses in a bid to mislead the media and the public became the Customs Chief and received a top position at the Presidential Secretariat after his retirement.
Sri Lankans are familiar with the local folk-story character, King Kekille, who invariably let wrongdoers off and punished the innocent in cases brought before him. Going by the way Sri Lankan politicians have been handling crucial issues under successive governments, one wonders whether King Kekille actually lived in this country and whether the present-day rulers are his descendants. Kekille once punished a goldsmith over a defect in a newly built wall around his palace. When questioned by the king, the mason who built the wall claimed that he had been distracted, during construction work, by a good-looking woman, who passed the worksite several times a day. The woman, summoned by the king, said she had been forced to visit the goldsmith frequently as he had not finished making her jewellery. So, the king shifted the blame to the goldsmith and punished him.
One need hardly be surprised even if those who smuggled drugs into the country through the Colombo Port walk free while the police officers who conducted the successful operation find themselves in the dock. Anything is possible in this country. The onus is on the police top brass to provide a credible justification for the controversial internal inquiry and transfers ordered by them.
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