Features
Unshackling varsities
Such politically active teachers and employees are seldom able to attend their respective workplaces, let alone perform their duties relating to teaching, research and extension effectively.
By A K GHOSH
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, in his address to the nation in 1985, referred to education as an area which required urgent attention. This led to the New Education Policy (NEP) which was finalized in August 1986.
Prime Minister Modi, in 2022, held that NEP (2020) is essential to create the New India of the 21st century. We hope these are not voices in the wilderness, though there is always a surrounding cacophony that endeavors to drown the voices. They come from experts who seemingly believe it is necessary to go on reiterating a few indisputable propositions as parts of education policy.
Well, truism may not be disputed. What may be disputable, however, lies around the question of their relevance for finalizing what needs to be done. It is time to decide whether a large number of richly endowed world class universities will serve our needs in the higher education sector better than the small number of meagerly endowed universities that we have now.
Higher education today is confronted with a number of challenges in regard to its management in an effective manner owing to a number of factors including growing interference of government leading to a sharp erosion in autonomy, snowballing financial resource crunch chiefly caused by spiraling prices of goods and services, and fixation of grants by some state governments at previous levels, hike in different fees by the universities making it difficult for the poor to pursue it, privatization and even internationalization of education at a cost beyond the reach of commoners, and sharp deterioration in work culture.
Universities are so badly managed that quite often there are agitations on the part of students, teachers and employees leading to widespread indiscipline and chaos. Work culture among all sections related to management is seen at a low ebb.
Classes are not properly taken, and extension programmes are not properly taken care of in our educational institutions. Use of unfair means cannot be ruled out; question papers are leaked; evaluation is ever questioned; favoritism is distinctly visible.
The atmosphere is politically surcharged mainly because of the patronage enjoyed by the leaders of various political parties on the campuses. Even cases of forged degrees made available through employment of corrupt practices come to light.In such a scenario, the universities today are found to be performing merely two functions ~ admission and examinations. The real functions of teaching, research and extension have been generally relegated to the background. This sordid state of affairs puts a big question mark on their very existence as institutions of higher learning, particularly from the standpoint of their role in promotion of human and social development.
Universities no longer remain autonomous institutions either academically or financially or administratively as they once used to be. State governments have acquired powers to frame even their courses as per their ideological commitments. Financially, decisions regarding annual grants-in-aid which might be a small portion of the expenditure are taken by respective state governments. As a populist measure, the state governments sometimes fix the fees to be realised from students pursuing regular as well as selffinanced courses. Moreover, again in order to gain popularity, governments sometimes sanction class III and class IV posts in bulk and even teaching positions without any obligation to meet the financial burden.
University campuses have been highly politicized. All the constituent elements of the university system ~ teachers, employees and students are associated with various political parties through their organisations ~ generally not on the basis of ideological commitments but on the basis of personal convenience, especially from the standpoint of their self-aggrandizement. Such politically active teachers and employees are seldom able to attend their respective workplaces, let alone perform their duties relating to teaching, research and extension effectively.
Most students are not interested in acquiring knowledge; they continue their studentship for students union elections or to occupy seats in hostels or to gain a certificate as a passport to a job.
University administrations being bound by legal provisions and precedents and being subjected to pressure of varied kinds are forced to adopt an apathetic attitude and as a consequence, either refrain from taking any initiative and doing innovative work or do only enough to sustain the system.
Use of the latest information and communication technology requires sound financial bases as also competent manpower. Unfortunately, in most universities either required financial resources are lacking or the teachers and staff who, in many cases, have been selected on the basis of considerations other than merit, are incompetent.
In the present era of globalization of education, there are distinctly visible two types of insidious opportunities for education at all levels ~ the first provided by renowned private organizations that charge exorbitant fees and provide quality education by hiring competent teachers and employees and making use of latest ICT; and the second offered directly by the government as part of fulfillment of its obligation to provide education to all who get enrolled. Since in pursuance of its policy of liberalization and privatization the state is gradually withdrawing itself from education to its citizens, and also since a major part of the budget is spent on payments of salary to staff and other infrastructural expenses, a nominal part is actually spent on education. Corruption in the entire machinery has further worsened the situation.
Moreover, the government aided universities are subjected to varied kinds of unwarranted restrictions which compel them to toe the line of government policy. The result is that they are not able to maintain the desired standards of education.University autonomy may be restored by making necessary changes in the University Act and Statutes in order that universities as institutions of highest level of teaching, research and extension may be able to operate independently.
They should have full freedom to frame their academic programmers, conduct research and chalk out extension activities in accordance with their mission of national development.They should be given a free hand in preparing their budget and identifying and mobilizing resources without contravention of the general laws of the land.
Educationists will agree that the university bodies should be supreme in academic matters. The university is not the tool of the government, still less it is the instrument of the political powers of the day. Sometimes, it is vulnerable to government blackmail because it has to receive financial support from the government.
We are reminded of an old proposal to make universities accountable to legislators regarding utilization of public funds placed at their disposal.
Though their accounts today are looked into by government auditors, they are not placed before the legislatures except in one or two cases. From time to time this arrangement has been criticized by the Public Accounts Committee of Parliament.
But as the Education Commission has rightly held, a debate in a legislature on the financial affairs of a university will only make it an issue in party politics which is far from desirable.All this is not to suggest that there should be not a check on how universities manage their financial affairs but to emphasize that any such control is best exercised by the UGC, which may devise a suitable system of internal audit.It is time for a national debate on who should be a Chancellor or Visitor. Are Governors/ President of India capable of providing academic leadership to the university community?
The vital question is about the role of the UGC or the Association of Indian Universities on issues like autonomy, credibility of head of the institution, inquiry into functioning of the administration, academic freedom, and intellectual dissent. Has our intelligentsia given any serious thought to dealing with allegations regarding irregularities in our universities?
Many of our academics often willingly play into the hands of vested interests when they become vice-chancellors. Irregularities in faculty selection, violations of university acts, statutes and ordinances, and manipulations in regard to the functioning of academic and executive committees vitiate the academic atmosphere.
The real problem is that top jobs in universities are largely allocated on the basis of social background, political ideology, or personal bias.When Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee became the VC of Calcutta University in the early 20th century, S Radhakrishnan was appointed the VC of Andhra University in the 1930s and Hansa Mehta took over as VC of Maharaja Sayajirao University in Baroda in the 1940s, no one asked where their affiliation lay. Only their scholarly accomplishments and institutional visions were taken into consideration.
(The Statesman/ANN)
Features
Cricket and the National Interest
The appointment of former minister Eran Wickremaratne to chair the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee is significant for more than the future of cricket. It signals a possible shift in the culture of governance even as it offers Sri Lankan cricket a fighting possibility to get out of the doldrums of failure. There have been glorious patches for the national cricket team since the epochal 1996 World Cup triumph. But these patches of brightness have been few and far between and virtually non-existent over the past decade. At the centre of this disaster has been the failures of governance within Sri Lanka Cricket which are not unlike the larger failures of governance within the country itself. The appointment of a new reform oriented committee therefore carries significance beyond cricket. It reflects the wider challenge facing the country which is to restore trust in public institutions for better management.
The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne brings a professional administrator with a proven track record into the cricket arena. He has several strengths that many of his immediate predecessors lacked. Before the ascent of the present government leadership to positions of power, Eran Wickremaratne was among the handful of government ministers who did not have allegations of corruption attached to their names. His reputation for financial professionalism and integrity has remained intact over many years in public life. With him in the Cricket Transformation Committee are also respected former cricketers Kumar Sangakkara, Roshan Mahanama and Sidath Wettimuny together with professionals from legal and business backgrounds. They have been tasked with introducing structural reforms and improving transparency and accountability within cricket administration.
A second reason for this appointment to be significant is that this is possibly the first occasion on which the NPP government has reached out to someone associated with the opposition to obtain assistance in an area of national importance. The commitment to bipartisanship has been a constant demand from politically non-partisan civic groups and political analysts. They have voiced the opinion that the government needs to be more inclusive in its choice of appointments to decision making authorities. The NPP government’s practice so far has largely been to limit appointments to those within the ruling party or those considered loyalists even at the cost of proven expertise. The government’s decision in this case therefore marks a potentially important departure.
National Interest
There are areas of public life where national interest should transcend party divisions and cricket, beloved of the people, is one of them. Sri Lanka cannot afford to continue treating every institution as an arena for political competition when institutions themselves are in crisis and public confidence has become fragile. It is therefore unfortunate that when the government has moved positively in the direction of drawing on expertise from outside its own ranks there should be a negative response from sections of the opposition. This is indicative of the absence of a culture of bipartisanship even on issues that concern the national interest. The SJB, of which the newly appointed cricket committee chairman was a member objected on the grounds that politicians should not hold positions in sports administration and asked him to resign from the party. There is a need to recognise the distinction between partisan political control and the temporary use of experienced administrators to carry out reform and institutional restructuring. In other countries those in politics often join academia and civil society on a temporary basis and vice versa.
More disturbing has been the insidious campaign carried out against the new cricket committee and its chairman on the grounds of religious affiliation. This is an unacceptable denial of the reality that Sri Lanka is a plural, multi ethnic and multi religious society. The interim committee reflects this diversity to a reasonable extent. The country’s long history of ethnic conflict should have taught all political actors the dangers of mobilising communal prejudice for short term political gain. Sri Lanka paid a very heavy price for decades of mistrust and division. It would be tragic if even cricket administration became another arena for communal suspicion and hostility. The present government represents an important departure from the sectarian rhetoric that was employed by previous governments. They have repeatedly pledged to protect the equal rights of all citizens and not permit discrimination or extremism in any form.
The recent international peace march in Sri Lanka led by the Venerable Bhikkhu Thich Paññākāra from Vietnam with its message of loving kindness and mindfulness to all resonated strongly with the masses of people as seen by the crowds who thronged the roadsides to obtain blessings and show respect. This message stands in contrast to the sectarian resentment manifested by those who seek to use the cricket appointments as a weapon to attack the government at the present time. The challenges before the Sri Lanka Cricket Transformation Committee parallel the larger challenges before the government in developing the national economy and respecting ethnic and religious diversity. Plugging the leaks and restoring systems will take time and effort. It cannot be done overnight and it cannot succeed without public patience and support.
New Recognition
There is also a need for realism. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee does not guarantee success. Reforming deeply flawed institutions is always difficult. Besides, Sri Lanka is a small country with a relatively small population compared to many other cricket playing nations. It is also a country still recovering from the economic breakdown of 2022 which pushed the majority of people into hardship and severely weakened public institutions. The country continues to face unprecedented challenges including the damage caused by Cyclone Ditwah and the wider global economic uncertainties linked to conflict in the Middle East. Under these difficult circumstances Sri Lanka has fewer resources than many larger countries to devote to both cricket and economic development.
When resources are scarce they cannot be wasted through corruption or incompetence. Drawing upon the strengths of all those who are competent for the tasks at hand regardless of party affiliation or ethnic or religious identity is necessary if improvement is to come sooner rather than later. The burden of rebuilding the country cannot rest only on the government. The crisis facing the country is too deep for any single party or government to solve alone. National recovery requires capable individuals from across society and from different sectors such as business and civil society to work together in areas where the national interest transcends party politics. There is also a responsibility on opposition political parties to support initiatives that are politically neutral and genuinely in the national interest. Not every issue needs to become a partisan battle.
Sri Lanka cricket occupies a special place in the national consciousness. At its best it once united the country and gave Sri Lankans a sense of pride and international recognition. Restoring integrity and professionalism to cricket administration can therefore become part of the larger task of national renewal. The appointment of Eran Wickremaratne and the new committee, while it does not guarantee success, is a sign that the political leadership and people of the country may be beginning to mature in their approach to governance. In recognising the need for competence, integrity and bipartisan cooperation and extending it beyond cricket into other areas of national life, Sri Lanka may find the way towards more stable and successful governance..
by Jehan Perera
Features
From Dhaka to Sri Lanka, three wheels that drive our economies
Court vacation this year came with an unexpected lesson, not from a courtroom but from the streets of Dhaka — a city that moves, quite literally, on three wheels.
Above the traffic, a modern metro line glides past concrete pillars and crowded rooftops. It is efficient, clean and frequently cited as a symbol of progress in Bangladesh. For a visitor from Sri Lanka, it inevitably brings to mind our own abandoned light rail plans — a project debated, politicised and ultimately set aside.
But Dhaka’s real story is not in the air. It is on the ground.
Beneath the elevated tracks, the streets belong to three-wheelers. Known locally as CNGs, they cluster at junctions, line the edges of markets and pour into narrow roads that larger vehicles avoid. Even with a functioning rail system, these three-wheelers remain the city’s most dependable form of everyday transport.
Within hours of arriving, their importance becomes obvious. The train may take you across the city, but the journey does not end there. The last mile — often the most complicated part — belongs entirely to the three-wheeler. It is the vehicle that gets you home, to a meeting or simply through streets that no bus route properly serves.
There is a rhythm to using them. A destination is mentioned, a price is suggested and a brief negotiation follows. Then the ride begins, edging into traffic that feels permanently compressed. Drivers move with instinct, adjusting routes and squeezing through gaps with a confidence built over years.
It is not polished. But it works.
And that is where the comparison with Sri Lanka becomes less about what we lack and more about what we already have.
Back home, the three-wheeler has long been part of daily life — so familiar that it is often discussed only in terms of its problems. There are frequent complaints about fares, refusals or the absence of meters. More recently, the industry itself has become entangled in politics — from fuel subsidies to regulatory debates, from election-time promises to periodic crackdowns.
In that process, the conversation has shifted. The three-wheeler is often treated as a problem to be managed, rather than a service to be strengthened.
Yet, seen through the experience of Dhaka, Sri Lanka’s system begins to look far more settled — and, in many ways, ahead.
There is a growing structure in place. Meters, while not perfect, are widely recognised. Ride-hailing apps have added transparency and reduced uncertainty for passengers. There are clearer expectations on both sides — driver and commuter alike. Even small details, such as designated parking areas in parts of Colombo or the increasing standard of vehicles, point to an industry slowly moving towards professionalism.
Just as importantly, there is a human element that remains intact.
In Sri Lanka, a three-wheeler ride is rarely just a transaction. Drivers talk. They offer directions, comment on the day’s news, or share local knowledge. The ride becomes part of the social fabric, not just a means of getting from one point to another.
In Dhaka, the scale of the city leaves less room for that. The interaction is quicker, more direct, shaped by urgency. The service is essential, but it is under constant pressure.
What stands out, across both countries, is that the three-wheeler is not a temporary or outdated mode of transport. It is a necessity in dense, fast-growing Asian cities — one that fills gaps no rail or bus system can fully address.
Large infrastructure projects, like light rail, are important. They bring efficiency and long-term capacity. But they cannot replace the flexibility of a three-wheeler. They cannot reach into narrow streets, respond instantly to demand or provide that crucial last-mile connection.
That is why, even in a city that has invested heavily in modern rail, Dhaka still runs on three wheels.
For Sri Lanka, the lesson is not simply about what could have been built, but about what should be better managed and valued.
The three-wheeler industry does not need to be politicised at every turn. It needs steady regulation — clear fare systems, proper licensing, safety standards — alongside encouragement and recognition. It needs to be seen as part of the solution to urban transport, not as a side issue.
Because for thousands of drivers, it is a livelihood. And for millions of passengers, it is the most immediate and reliable form of mobility.
The tuk-tuk may not feature in grand policy speeches or infrastructure blueprints. It does not run on elevated tracks or attract international attention. But on the ground, where daily life unfolds, it continues to do what larger systems often struggle to do — show up, adapt and keep moving.
And after watching Dhaka’s streets — crowded, relentless, yet functioning — that small, three-wheeled vehicle feels less like something to argue over and more like something to get right.
(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specialising in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law)
by Sampath Perera recently in Dhaka, Bangladesh
Features
Dubai scene … opening up
According to reports coming my way, the entertainment scene, in Dubai, is very much opening up, and buzzing again!
After a quieter few months, May is packed with entertainment and the whole scene, they say, is shifting back into full swing.
The Seven Notes band, made up of Sri Lankans, based in Dubai, are back in the spotlight, after a short hiatus, due to the ongoing Middle East problems.
On 18th April they did Legends Night at Mercure Hotel Dubai Barsha Heights; on Thursday, 9th May, they will be at the Sports Bar of the Mercure Hotel for 70s/80s Retro Night; on 6th June, they will be at Al Jadaf Dubai to provide the music for Sandun Perera live in concert … and with more dates to follow.
These events are expected to showcase the band’s evolving sound, tighter stage coordination, and stronger audience engagement.
With each performance, the band aims to refine its identity and build a loyal following within Dubai’s vibrant nightlife and event scene.

Pasindu Umayanga: The group’s new vocalist
What makes Seven Notes standout is their versatility which has made the band a dynamic and promising act.
With a growing performance calendar, new talent integration, and international ambitions, the band is definitely entering a defining phase of its journey.
Dubai’s music industry, I’m told, thrives on diversity, energy, and audience connection, with live bands playing a crucial role in elevating events—from corporate shows to private concerts. Against this backdrop, Seven Notes is positioning itself not just as another band, but as a performance-driven musical unit focused on consistency and growth.
Adding fresh momentum to the group is Pasindu Umayanga who joins Seven Notes as their new vocalist. This move signals a strategic upgrade—not just filling a role, but strengthening the band’s front-line presence.
Looking beyond local stages, Seven Notes is preparing for an international tour, to Korea, in July.

Bassist Niluk Uswaththa: Spokesperson for Seven Notes
According to bassist Niluk Uswaththa, taking a band abroad means: Your sound must hold up against unfamiliar audiences, your performance must translate beyond language, and your discipline must be at a professional level.
“If executed well, this tour could redefine Seven Notes from a local band into an emerging international act,” added Niluk.
He went on to say that Dubai is not an easy market. It’s saturated with highly experienced, multi-genre bands that can adapt instantly to any crowd.
“To stand out consistently you need to have tight rehearsal discipline, unique sound identity (not just covers), strong stage chemistry, audience retention – not just applause.”
No doubt, Seven Notes is entering a critical growth phase—new member, multiple shows, and an international tour on the horizon. The opportunity is real, but so is the pressure.
However, there is talk that Seven Notes will soon be a recognised name in the regional music scene.
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