Midweek Review
UNP-JVP political relationship and Wickremesinghe’s arrest
Ranil Wickremesinghe
UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe played a critical role in a US backed protest campaign directed at ousting President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Wickremesinghe provided the required manpower and among those who can discuss the former President’s role are ex-parliamentarians Harin Fernando and Prof. Ashu Marasinghe. The UNP’s direct involvement facilitated the protest that created an environment helpful for the NPP’s agenda. But at a crucial point, Wickremesinghe, in his capacity as the stop gap President to complete the term of President Rajapaksa, after the latter was deposed by the foreign-backed violent protest campaign that also aimed at the NPP seizing control of Parliament, however, thwarted the plot half way after he was installed in power. Wickremesinghe’s intervention clearly obstructed the original Aragalaya strategy.
Former President and UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe’s recent arrest over alleged misuse of public funds caused irreparable damage to the once critically important political relationship between the UNP and the JVP, the main constituent of the ruling NPP.
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is the leader of both the JVP, founded in 1965, and the NPP, formed in 2019. Both are registered political parties. The NPP parliamentary group consists of 159 members, whereas the UNP, founded in 1946, now for the first time, is not represented in Parliament.
The former President’s arrest on August 22 and being remanded till August 26 didn’t influence any spontaneous public reaction. The hapless UNP couldn’t even swiftly organise a well-attended protest against the government.
The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) arrested Wickremesinghe over spending public funds for his visit to the UK in September 2023 to attend a ceremony to confer the title of Professor on the then First Lady Prof. Wickremesinghe at the University of Wolverhampton, in Wolverhampton. Wickremesinghe has denied the accusation.
Wickremesinghe appeared to have misjudged the government’s intentions, possibly because of the two parties’ clandestine under the surface romance of the recent past. Leader of the House, Bimal Rathnayake, revealed their intention to go after Wickremesinghe on March 15, 2025, when he accused the former President of squandering public funds on a private visit to the UK. Minister Rathnayake disclosed that the visit cost the taxpayer as much as Rs 16.2 mn over a period of 48 hours. According to the Minister, Wickremesinghe’s delegation consisted of 10, including spouse Prof. Wickremesinghe.
Wickremesinghe appeared to have failed to realise that Minister Rathnayake made the disclosure in Parliament consequent to a comprehensive investigation. The declaration made by Minister Rathnayake, in Parliament, underscored two major factors, (i) the readiness on the part of the NPP government to go the whole hog and take Wickremesinghe into custody and (ii) the impending threat of humiliation more than anything else, on the former President.
Teflon coated Wickremesinghe with powerful friends in the West, was literally brought down to his knees, having led away in handcuffs to ride in the Black Maria to be a guest of the state, usually preserved for ‘bad’ ones and not for a crime, even if proven deserving probably nothing more than a fine and a suspended sentence, especially considering the man’s age.
Wickremesinghe’s arrest, first such action taken against a former President under the NPP administration, should be examined taking into consideration the UNP-JVP hidden relationship or unprecedented UNP-JVP combined plot to destroy the Rajapaksas to punish them for their biggest crime that of eradicating militarily the world’s most ruthless terrorist organisation against the wishes of the West.
The two political parties reached post-war consensus to thwart the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa from securing a second term at the 2010 national election on the strength of the eradication of separatist Tamil terrorism. By the time the now defunct UPFA brought the war to an end in May 2009, the UNP and the JVP resorted to an unthinkable coalition that also involved the Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK), led Tamil National Alliance (TNA). Having recognised the LTTE as the sole representative of the Tamil-speaking people at a time the group dominated the Northern and Eastern provinces, the politically tarnished group joined the UNP-JVP alliance.
The UNP-led alliance impacted the political landscape and caused irreversible changes, leading to chaos.
The US Embassy facilitated the project that brought Wickremesinghe, the then JVP leader, the late Somawansa Amarasinghe, and the late R. Sampanthan of the TNA together. Their choice, and that of the US Embassy, was war-winning Army Chief the then General Sarath Fonseka, the only person who could have deprived Mahinda Rajapaksa of claiming credit for the war victory.
An unholy alliance
The Sinha Regiment veteran gleefully accepted the opportunity. The UNP-JVP-TNA campaigned for Fonseka. The US Embassy, during the tenure of Ambassador Patricia Butenis, played a pivotal role in the overall project that also involved the SLMC, as well as the CWC. They were quite confident of victory with the JVP spearheading a high profile campaign against Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Both the UNP and JVP, until the fall of Kilinochchi in early January 2009, remained confident that the LTTE could thwart the armed forces on the Vanni east front. The US Embassy, too, quite wrongly asserted that the armed forces couldn’t bring the war to a successful end, but changed its stance after the Army delivered a knockout blow to the LTTE, at Anandapuram, in the first week of April 2009.
The encirclement and destruction of a sizable LTTE fighting force by the 58 and 53 Divisions plus the Task Force 8 hastened the LTTE’s collapse.
The project to facilitate Fonseka’s victory at the 2010 presidential election went ahead in spite of Ambassador Butenis directly alleging that the main contenders, Mahinda Rajapaksa and Sarath Fonseka, perpetrated war crimes. Butenis also named wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Basil Rajapaksa, in the leaked diplomatic cable, dated January 15, 2009. Did Butenis share her assessment on Fonseka’s accountability with the UNP, JVP and TNA when she particularly prevailed on the TNA to accept the former Army Commander as the common candidate, despite having repeatedly tarred Fonseka and his Army as war criminals for crushing the LTTE that was considered by them and their Western backers as being militarily invincible?
Sampanthan had been deeply upset and disappointed by the US strategy and was reluctant to throw their weight behind Fonseka, but Butenis insisted that the TNA accepted the plan.
Wickremesinghe worked closely with the JVP, in the unprecedented and high profile project that brought them together to bring the Rajapaksa presidency to an end. It would be pertinent to mention that the JVP, under Somawansa Amarasinghe, made an abortive bid to deprive Mahinda Rajapaksa the premiership, following the 2004 April parliamentary election. The JVP demanded that the then President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga appoint Lakshman Kadirgamar as the Premier and in case that was not possible to name either Anura Bandaranaike or Maithripala Sirisena for the premiership. Had the JVP succeeded in its despicable effort, perhaps the LTTE could have sustained the war and the country bankrupted for myriad of reasons.
Although the TNA easily delivered the Northern and Eastern districts to Fonseka, the rest of the country overwhelmingly rejected him. Fonseka suffered a humiliating defeat by losing the 2010 presidential election by over 1.8 million votes. Somawansa Amarasinghe stupidly declared that Mahinda Rajapaksa’s victory was due to, what he called, a computer ‘jilmart’ (jugglery). The JVP struggled to cope up with the heavy defeat suffered by Fonseka as Wickremesinghe drifted away from the alliance. The UNP and the JVP parted ways in the run-up to the 2010 general election. The general election, conducted in April 2010, further divided the country as the UPFA, having obtained a staggering 144 seats – just six seats short of the 2/3 majority – targeted their renegade war-winning military commander Fonseka.
Apparently Wickremesinghe lost interest in continuing with the JVP and that paved the way for the creation of the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) under Fonseka’s leadership. The top UPFA leadership resented this development. It felt Fonseka’s continuing presence on the political field, with his foul mouth, disadvantaged them. Hence the arrest of Fonseka, in early February 2010, soon after the presidential election, should be discussed, taking into consideration the Fonseka-JVP coalition that brought in businessman Tiran Alles into national politics. Alles was accommodated on the DNA’s National List. The other DNA MP (non-JVP) was ex-national cricket captain Arjuna Ranatunga.
The writer extensively covered the DNA campaign/activities at that time and Fonseka remained supremely confident of securing a sizable number of seats at the first parliamentary election after the conclusion of the conflict. The DNA consisted of the JVP, Democratic National Front, Democratic United National Front, People’s Tamil Congress and the Voice of Muslim Organisation. However, the DNA managed to win just seven seats, including two National List slots. The DNA parliamentary group included Anura Kumara Dissanayake. AKD was among four JVPers in that parliamentary group.
The 2010 outcome was nothing but a disaster for the JVP that had 39 seats in the previous Parliament. The party had suffered due to the breaking up of its parliamentary group, with a large group, led by Nandana Gunatilleke and Wimal Weerawansa, switching allegiance to Mahinda Rajapaksa. Having backed the war against the LTTE at the onset of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s presidency, the JVP changed its stance, undermining the war effort that contributed to the ultimate division of the party.
JVP in Yahapalana project
The JVP stood by Fonseka during that period of intense turmoil. At the behest of the UPFA, a court martial found Fonseka guilty of engaging in politics while on active service. The government ratified that somewhat shameless decision. Gen Fonseka, whose leadership ensured the annihilation of the LTTE, was stripped of his rank and medals.
The JVP relentlessly campaigned against Fonseka’s arrest. The JVP repeatedly alleged that accusations were politically motivated.
Fonseka faced a second court martial on alleged corrupt deals while in the Army. One of Gen Fonseka’s lawyers, Sunil Watagala, current Deputy Public Security Minister, told the BBC’s Charles Haviland that the case has been heard in the absence of the defence team during a court vacation.
BBC quoted Watagala as having alleged that it was irregular for a trial to be held under such circumstances.
President Mahinda Rajapaksa, however, granted Fonseka a pardon to coincide with the third anniversary of Sri Lanka’s triumph over Tamil separatist terrorists. Fonseka was released more than two years after he was jailed on corruption charges after an unsuccessful bid to unseat the president in 2010.
The DNA never functioned well. The grouping collapsed at the onset of that parliamentary term and soon the JVP again joined hands with the UNP. Having succeeded Somawansa Amarasinghe as the JVP’s leader at the National Convention of the party held in early February 2014, Anura Kumara Dissanayake threw their partry’s full weight behind the Yahapalana operation meant to thwart then incumbent Mahinda Rajapaksa securing a third term. The Yahapalana project thwarted Mahinda Rajapaksa’s bid. The UNP couldn’t have defeated Mahinda Rajapaksa on its own. The JVP in the South and the TNA in the Northern and Eastern provinces played significant roles to ensure betrayer Maithripala Sirisena’s victory at the 2015 presidential election. The SLMC and CWC, too, backed the Yahapalana project.
The Yahapalana project was meant to strip the Rajapaksas of political power by carrying out an intense anti-corruption campaign. The UNP-JVP combine established FCID (Financial Crimes Investigation Division) to go after the Rajapaksas and their associates. In spite of the high-profile launch of FCID and CID investigations, the Yahapalana government pathetically failed to make any breakthrough, possibly because Ranil still had some decency in him or he simply did not trust the blood thirsty comrades to go the whole hog.
No wonder later, the JVP/NPP accused Ranil Wickremesinghe of coming to the rescue of the Rajapaksas and their associates.
Having backed Fonseka and Maithripala Sirisena at the 2010 and 2015 presidential elections respectively, the JVP contested the 2019 presidential election on its own. The JVP formed the National People’s Power (NPP) in the run-up to 2019 presidential election conducted in November. Anura Kumara Dissanayake contested as the NPP candidate at that presidential election while in the following year, the NPP managed to secure just three seats at the parliamentary elections swept by the SLPP.
Dr. Harini Amarasuriya entered Parliament on the NPP ticket. The group comprised Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Vijitha Herath, in addition to Dr. Amarasuriya.
JVP defends RW
In spite of differences between the JVP and the UNP towards the tail end of yahapalana administration, the former unwaveringly backed Premier Wickremesinghe when President Maithripala Sirisena sacked him on October 26, 2018 and replaced him with opposition leader Mahinda Rajapaksa. Sirisena also suspended the parliament. The SLFP leader called for fresh parliamentary elections in January 2019. Like in 2010 and 2015, the TNA and JVP threw their combined weight behind the UNP. Sirisena’s despicable move may have succeeded if not for the VP and TNA joining the protest campaign against the Sirisena-Mahinda Rajapaksa coalition.
All 122 MPs – comprising members of the UNF, JVP and TNA – filed an application for a Writ of Quo Warranto against twice President Mahinda Rajapaksa being appointed Prime Minister by President Maithripala Sirisena on 26 October. President Sirisena and Mahinda Rajapaksa dismissed assertions by legal experts that the appointment violated the Constitution therefore it was an illegal power grab.
The Quo Warranto Writ challenged former President Rajapaksa to prove on what authority he holds office as Prime Minister after the legislature voted twice to defeat him on 14 and 16 November.
In mid-December, 2018, the Supreme Court ruled that President Sirisena acted illegally by dissolving parliament and calling snap polls. Ousted Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was sworn into office again, two months after being removed by the president.
During the UNP-JVP working relationship, the latter extended its full support to the UNP. The UNP cannot deny that. The JVP never really attacked the UNP over Treasury bond scams perpetrated in 2015 February and 2016 March and refrained from challenging the 2015 June dissolution of parliament by President Sirisena to prevent Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) from handing over its damning report on the first Treasury bond scam.
Treasury bond scams and 2015 dissolution placed the JVP in an extremely embarrassing position. Having repeatedly vowed to stamp out corruption, the JVP found it difficult to work with the UNP but it did. The JVP-led NPP appeared to have struck Wickremesinghe unexpectedly thereby forcing the UNP to seek the assistance of those who had been overwhelmingly rejected by the electorate both at presidential and parliamentary polls last year.
Some of those who protested against Wickremesinghe’s arrest themselves are facing corruption charges. They obviously failed to accept for obvious reasons that the failure on the part of previous governments to take action against misuse of public funds didn’t mean the NPP, too, have to follow suit. They also turned a blind eye to the fact the country declared bankruptcy the year before Wickremesinghe joined Prof. Maithree Wickremesinghe at a university event. The SJB repeatedly ridiculed Wickremesinghe over foreign visits. In the run up to the presidential election, the SJB lambasted Wickremesinghe over such visits.
Let me remind the reader, SJB leader Sajith Premadasa in January 2024 alleged that President Ranil Wickremesinghe secured an additional Rs 200 mn through Parliament as funds allocated for him were not sufficient. These funds were to fund overseas jaunts, Premadasa alleged.
The accusation was made addressing a public rally at Naramala. The Opposition Leader said that in spite of the fact that a vast majority of people were experiencing untold hardships, Ranil Wickremesinghe, since he assumed presidency in July 2022, had been overseas 18 times.
Premadasa asked the President not to indulge in wasteful expenditure at a time the people were struggling to make ends meet.
Visiting the UK three times during 2023 is atrocious. Squandering of public funds under any circumstances cannot be condoned or justified regardless of political consequences. People haven’t forgotten that Wickremesinghe put off Local Government polls indefinitely claiming his government lacked funds to conduct crucial elections. Local Government elections couldn’t be held until the election of Anura Kumara Dissanayake as the President. If those protesting against Wickremesinghe’s arrest bothered to carefully read what Dileepa Peiris on behalf of the Attorney General told court the day the former President was remanded they may be compelled to reconsider their stand. The truth regarding Wickremesinghe’s visit to the UK cannot be suppressed.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
Aragalaya: GR blames CIA in Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s explosive narrative
Did CIA chief William Burns visit Colombo in Feb 2023? Sri Lanka and the US refrained from formally confirming the visit. The Opposition sought confirmation of the then CIA Chief’s visit to Colombo in terms of the Right to Information Act but the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government sidestepped the query. A former Republican congressman from Texas and Director of National Intelligence (2020–2021) John Ratcliffe succeeded Burns in late January 2025.
On the sheer weight of new evidence presented by Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s ‘Winds of Change’, readers can get a clear picture of the forces that overthrew President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022.
Even five years after the political upheaval, widely dubbed ‘Aragalaya,’ controversy surrounds the high-profile operation that forced wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa to literally run for his dear life.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa, formerly of the Army but a novice to party politics, comfortably won the 2019 November presidential election against the backdrop of the Easter Sunday carnage that caused uncertainty and suspicions among communities. The economic crisis, also clandestinely engineered from abroad, firstly by crippling vital worker remittances from abroad, almost from the onset of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency, overwhelmed the government and created the environment conducive for external intervention. Could it have been avoided if the government, that enjoyed a near two-thirds majority in Parliament, sought the help of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)?
The costly and well-funded book project, undertaken at the time Abeyagoonasekera was working on a governance diagnostic report for the IMF, in the wake of the change of government in Sri Lanka, meticulously examined the former Lieutenant Colonel’s ouster, taking into consideration regional as well as global developments. Abeyagoonasekera dealt efficiently and furiously with rapidly changing situations and developments before the unprecedented 03 January, 2026, US raid on Venezuela.
Lt. Col. (retd) Gotabaya Rajapaksa, for some unexplainable reason and a considerable time after the events, has chosen to blame his ouster on the United States. We cannot blame him either, by the way we have seen how other regime changes had been engineered, in our region, by Washington, since and before Gotabaya’s ouster. The accusation is extraordinary as Gotabaya Rajapaksa in his memoirs ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ refrained from naming the primary conspirator, though he clearly alluded to an international conspiracy.
April 8, 2019 meeting
Launched in March 2024, in the run-up to the presidential election that brought Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) to power, almost in a dream ride, if not for the intervening outside evil actors, ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ discussed the international conspiracy, but conveniently failed to name the primary conspirator. What made the former President speak so candidly with Abeyagoonasekera, the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, from 2016 to 2020?
Abeyagoonasekera also served as Executive Director at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute (LKI), under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2011–2015), during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term as the President. The author, both precisely and furiously, dealt with issues. Readers may find very interesting quotes and they do give a feeling of the author’s general hostility towards the US, India, as well as to the US-India marriage of convenience. Those who sense so may end up thinking ‘Change of Winds’ being supportive of the Chinese strategy. Among the highly sensitive quotes that underlined the Indian approach were attributed to Indian Defence Secretary Sanjay Mitra. The author quoted Mitra as having declared: “We need the MRCC centre [Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre], and you cannot give it to another nation.” As pointed out by the author, it was not a request but an order given to Sri Lanka on 8 April, 2019, meant to prevent Sri Lanka from even considering a competing proposal from China. Against that background, the author, who had been present at that meeting at which the Sri Lanka delegation was led by then Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando, questioned the failure on the part of the delegations to take up the Easter Sunday attacks. Terrorists struck two weeks later. Implications were telling.
That particular quote reveals the circumstances India and the US operated here. No wonder the incumbent government does not want to discuss the secret defence MoUs it has entered into with India and the US as they would clearly reveal the sellout of our interests.
The following line says a lot about the circumstances under which Gotabaya Rajapaksa was removed: “In Singapore, a senior journalist recounted how Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation was scripted, under duress, at a hotel, facilitated by a foreign motorcade.”
In the first Chapter that incisively dealt with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the author was so lucky to secure an explosive quote from the ousted leader in an exclusive, hitherto unreported, interview in June 2024, a few months after the launch of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s memoirs. The ex-President hadn’t minced his words when he alleged that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) orchestrated his removal. He also claimed that he had been under US surveillance throughout his presidency.
The ousted leader has confidently cleared India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of complicity in the operation. What made him call Indian National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval ‘a good man,’ in response to Abeyagoonasekera’s pointed query. Abeyagoonasekera quoted Gotabaya Rajapaksa as having said: “… he would never do such things.” The ex-President must have some reason to call Doval a good friend, regardless of intense pressure exerted on him and the Mahinda Rajapaksa government by the Indians to do away with large scale Chinese-funded projects. (Doval in late October last year declared “poor governance” was the reason behind uprisings that led to change of governments in Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka over the period of past three-and-a-half years. The media quoted Doval as having said, during a function in New Delhi, that democracy and non-institutional methods of regime change in countries, such as Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal, created their own set of problems. That was the first time a senior Indian government official made remarks on Nepal’s government change, followed by the Gen Z uprising in early September, 2025.)
Gotabaya Rajapaksa also cleared the Chinese of seeking to oust him. It would be pertinent to mention that China reacted sternly when at the onset of the Gotabaya presidency, the President suggested the need to re-negotiate the Hambantota Port deal.
During the treacherous ‘Yahapalana’ administration (2015 to 2019) Gotabaya Rajapaksa told me how Doval had pressed him to halt not only the Colombo Port City project but to take back Hambantota Port as well. By then, the Chinese had twisted the arms of the Yahapalana leaders Mairthpala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe and secured the Hambantota Port on a 99-year lease in a one-sided USD 1.2 bn deal. The Colombo Port City project, that had been halted by the Yahapalana government, too, was resumed possibly under Chinese threat or for some money incentive.
Once Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, PC, declared, at a hastily arranged media briefing at Sri Lanka Foundation (SLF), that Sri Lanka would be relentlessly targeted as long as the Chinese held the Hambantota Port. The writer was present at that media briefing.
Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe said so in the aftermath of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, while disclosing his abortive bid to convince the Yahapalana government to abrogate the Hambantota Port deal. Did the parliamentarian know something we were not aware of? The author’s assessment, regarding the Easter Sunday attacks, based on interviews with Chinese officials and scholars, is frightening and an acknowledgement of a possible Western role in Sri Lanka’s destabilisation plot.
The ousted leader, in his lengthy interview with Abeyagoonasekera, made some attention-grabbing comments on the then US Ambassador here, Julie Chung. The ex-President questioned a particular aspect of Chung’s conduct during the protest campaign but his decision not to reveal it all in his memoirs is a mystery. Perhaps, one of the most thought-provoking queries raised by Abeyagoonasekera is the rationale in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s claim that he didn’t want to suppress the protest campaign by using force against the backdrop of his own declaration that the CIA orchestrated the project.
Author’s foray into parliamentary politics

Gotabaya
For those genuinely interested in post-Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga developments, pertaining to international relations and geopolitics, may peruse ‘Winds of Change’ as the third of a trilogy. ‘Sri Lanka at Crossroads’ (2019) dealt with the Mahinda Rajapaksa period and ‘Conundrum of an Island’ (2021) discussed the treacherous Sirisena–Wickremesinghe alliance. The third in the series examined the end of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna’s (SLPP) President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s rule and the rise of Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) whom the author described as a Marxist, though this writer is of the view the JVP and NPP leader AKD is not so. AKD has clearly aligned his administration with US-India while trying to sustain existing relationship with China.
Among Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s other books were ‘Towards a Better World Order’ (2015) and ‘Teardrop Diplomacy: China’s Sri Lanka Foray’ (2023, Bloomsbury).
Had Abeyagoonasekera succeeded in his bid to launch a political career in 2015, the trilogy on Sri Lanka may not have materialised. Abeyagoonasekera contested the Gampaha district at the August 2015 parliamentary election on the UNP ticket but failed to garner sufficient preferences to secure a place in Parliament. That dealt a devastating setback to Abeyagoonasekera’s political ambitions, but the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena administration created the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, for him. Abeyagoonasekera received the appointment as the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, from 2016 to 2020.
Several persons dealt with ‘Aragalaya’ (the late Prof. Nalin de Silva used to call it (Paragalaya) before Abeyagoonasekera though none of them examined the regional and global contexts so deeply, taking into consideration the relevant developments. Having read Wimal Weerawansa’s (Nine: The hidden story), Sena Thoradeniya’s (Galle Face Protest; Systems Change or Anarchy?). Mahinda Siriwardena’s (Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival – Reflection on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery) and Prof. Sunanda Maddumabandara’s (Aragalaye Balaya), the writer is of the opinion Abeyagoonasekera dealt with the period in question as an incisive insider.
Abeyagoonasekera, as a person who left the country, under duress, in 2021, painted a frightening picture of a country with a small and vulnerable economy trapped in major global rivalries. The former government servant attributed his self–imposed exile to two issues.
The first was the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Why did the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena government ignore the warning issued by Abeyagoonasekera, in his capacity as DG INSS, in respect of the Easter Sunday bombing campaign? There is absolutely no ambiguity at all in his claim. Abeyagoonasekera insists that he alerted the government four months before the National Thowheed Jamath (NTJ) bombers struck. The bottom line is that Abeyagoonasekera had issued the warning several weeks before India did but those at the helm of that inept administration chose to turn a blind eye.
The second was the impending economic crisis that engulfed the country in 2022. Abeyagoonasekera is deeply bitter about his arrest on 21 July, 2024, at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) over an alleged IRD –related offence as reported at that time, especially because he was returning home to visit his sick mother.
Asanga’s father Ossie, a member of Parliament and controversial figure, was killed in an LTTE suicide attack at Thotalanga in late Oct. 1994. The Chairman and leader of Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya had been on stage with then UNP presidential election candidate Gamini Dissanayake when the woman suicide cadre blasted herself. The assassination was meant to ensure Kumaratunga’s victory. The LTTE probably felt that it could manipulate Kumaratunga than the experienced Dissanayake who may have had reached some sort of consensus with New Delhi on how to deal with the LTTE.
Let me reproduce a question posed to Asanga Abeyagoonasekera and his response in ‘Winds of Change’ as some may believe that the author is holding something back. “Didn’t they listen?” a US intelligence officer had asked me incredulously after the bombings. Years later, during my role as a technical advisor for the International Monetary Fund (IMF) amid Sri Lanka’s collapse, the question resurfaced: “How did you foresee the collapse of a powerful regime with a majority in parliament?” My answer remained the same—patterns. Rigorously gathered data and relentless analysis reveal the arcs of history before they unfold.
Perhaps, readers may find what former cashiered Flying Officer Keerthi Ratnayake had to say about ‘Aragalaya’ and related developments (https://island.lk/ex-slaf-officer-sheds-light-on-developments-leading-to-aragalaya/)
Bombshell claim
Essentially, Abeyagoonasekera, on the basis of his exclusive and lengthy interview with former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, confirmed what Wimal Weerawansa and Sena Thoradeniya alleged that the US spearheaded the operation.
But Prof. Maddumabandara, a confidant of first post-Aragalaya President Ranil Wickremesinghe has bared the direct Indian involvement in the regime change operation. In spite of Gotabaya Rajapaksa confidently clearing Indian NSA Doval of complicity in his ouster, Prof. Maddumabandara is on record as having said that the then Indian High Commissioner here Gopal Baglay put pressure on Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to take over the government for an interim period. (https://island.lk/dovals-questionable-regional-stock-taking/)
Obviously, the US and India worked together on the Sri Lanka regime change operation. That is the undeniable truth. India wanted to thwart Wickremesinghe receiving the presidency by bringing in Speaker Abeywardena. That move went awry in spite of some sections of both Buddhist and Catholic clergy throwing their weight behind New Delhi.
The 2022 violent regime change operation cannot be discussed without taking into consideration the US-led project that also involved the UNP, JVP and TNA to engineer retired General Sarath Fonseka’s victory at the 2010 presidential election and their backing for turncoat Maithripala Sirisena at the 2015 presidential election.
The section, titled ‘Echoes of Crisis from Sri Lanka to Bangladesh: South Asia’s Struggle in a Polycrisis’, is riveting and underscores the complexity of the situation and fragility of governments. Executive power and undisputable majorities in Parliament seems irrelevant as external powers intervene thereby making the electoral system redundant.
Having meticulously compared the overthrowing of Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Bangladesh’s Premier Sheikh Hasina, the author condemned them for their alleged failures and brutality. Abeyagoonasekera stated: “When the military sides with the protesters, as it did in Sri Lanka and now in Bangladesh, it reveals the rulers’ vulnerabilities.” The author unmercifully chided the former President for seeking refuge in the West while alleging direct CIA role in his ouster. But that may have spared his life. Had he sought a lifeline from the Chinese so late the situation could have taken a turn for worse.
The comment that had been attributed to Gotabaya Rajapaksa seemed to belittle Ranil Wickremesinghe who accepted the challenge of becoming the Premier in May 2022 and then chosen by the ruling SLPP to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term. Ranil was definitely seen as an opportunistic vulture who backed ‘Aragalaya’ without any qualms till he saw an opening for himself out of the chaos.
On Wickremesinghe’s path
Abeyagoonasekera discussed the joint US-Indian strategy pertaining to Sri Lanka. Whatever the National People’s Power (NPP) and its President say, the current dispensation is continuing Wickremesinghe’s policy as pointed out by the author. In fact, this government appears to be ready even to go beyond Wickremesinghe’s understanding with New Delhi. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on defence and the selling of the controlling interests of the Colombo Dockyard Limited (CDL) to India, mid last year, must have surprised even those who always pushed for enhanced relations at all levels.
The economic collapse that resulted in political upheaval has given New Delhi the perfect opportunity to consolidate its position here. Uncomplimentary comments on current Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha in ‘Winds of Change’ have to be discussed, paying attention to Sri Lanka’s growing dependence and alleged clandestine activities of India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). Abeyagoonasekera seemed to have no qualms in referring to RAW’s hand in 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.
Overall ‘Winds of Change’ encourages, inspires and confirms suspicions about US and Indian intelligence services and underscores the responsibility of those in power to be extra cautious. But, in the case of smaller and weaker economies, such as Sri Lanka still struggling to overcome the economic crisis, there seems to be no solution. Not only India and the US, the Chinese, too, pursue their agenda here unimpeded. Utilisation of political parties, represented in Parliament, selected individuals, and media, in the Chinese efforts, are obvious. Once parliamentarian Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe raised the Chinese interventions in Sri Lanka. He questioned the Parliament receiving about 240 personal laptops for all parliamentarians and top officials. The then UNPer told the writer his decision not to accept the laptop paid for by China. Perhaps, he is the only Sri Lankan politician to have written a strongly worded letter to Chinese leader Xi warning against high profile Chinese strategy.
Winds of Change
is available at
Vijitha Yapa and Sarasavi
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
Beginning of another ‘White Supremacist’ World Order?
Donald Trump’s complete lack of intelligence, empathy and common sense have become more apparent during the current term of his presidency. Ordinarily, a country’s wish to self-destruct as the United States seemingly does at present, and as the violence against US citizens and immigrants alike at the hands of federal authorities have shown in Minnesota, can be callously considered the business of that country. If the Trumpian imbecility was unfolding in Sri Lanka, anywhere else in South Asia or some other country of the purported Third World, the so-called World Order, led by the United States, would be preaching to us the values of democracy and human rights. But what happens when the actions of a powerful country, such as the United States, engulfs in the ensuing flames the rest of us? Trump and his madness then necessarily become our business, too, because combined with the military and economic power of the United States and its government’s proven lack of empathy for its own people, and the rest of the world, is quite literally a matter of global survival. Besides, one of the ‘positive’ outcomes of the Trumpian madness, as a friend observed recently, is that “he has single-handedly exposed and destroyed the fiction of ‘Western Civilisation’, including the pretenses of Europe.”
It is in this context that the speech delivered by the Canadian Prime Minister, Mark Carney, at the World Economic Forum, in Davos, on 20 January, 2026, deserves attention. It was an elegant speech, a slap in the face of Trump and his policies, the articulation of the need for global directional change, all in one. But, pertinently, it was also a speech that did not clearly accept responsibility for the current world (dis)order which Carney says needs to change. The reality of that need, however, was overly reemphasised by Trump himself during his meandering, arrogant and incohesive speech delivered a day later, spanning over one hour.
My interest is in what Carney did not specifically say in his speech: who would constitute the new world order, who would be its leaders and why should we believe it would be any different from the present one?
Speaking in French, Carney observed that he was talking about “a rupture in the world order, the end of a pleasant fiction and the beginning of a harsh reality, where geopolitics, where the large, main power, geopolitics, is submitted to no limits, no constraints.” He was, of course, responding to the vulgar script for global domination put in place by the Trumpian United States, given Trump’s declared interest in seeing Canada as part of the United States, his avarice for Greenland, not to mention his already concluded grab for Venezuelan oil. But within this scenario, bound by ‘no limits’ and ‘no constraints’ he was also talking of Russia and China albeit in a coded language.
He reiterated, “that the other countries, especially intermediate powers like Canada, are not powerless. They have the capacity to build a new order that encompasses our values, such as respect for human rights, sustainable development, solidarity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the various states. The power of the less power starts with honesty.”
Who could disagree with Carney? His words are a refreshing whiff of fresh air in the intellectual wasteland that is the Trumpian Oval Office and the current world order it prevails over. But where has been the ‘honesty’ of the less powerful in the specific situation where he equates Canada itself within this spectrum? He tells us that “the rules-based order is fading, that the strong can do what they can, and the weak must suffer what they must.”
That is stating the obvious. We have known this for decades by experience. Long before Canada’s relative silence with regard to Trump’s and US’ facilitation of the assault on Palestine and the massacre of its people, and the US President’s economic grab in Venezuela and the kidnapping of that country’s President and his wife, Canada’s own chorus in the world order that Carney now critiques has been embellished by silence or – even worse – by chords written by the global dominance orchestra of the United States.
He says the fading of the rules-based order has occurred because of the “strong tendency for countries to go along, to get along, to accommodate, to avoid trouble, to hope that compliance will buy safety.” Canada fits this description better than most other nations I can think of. But would Canada, along with other nations among the silent majority within the ‘intermediate powers’ take the responsibility for the mess in the world precisely that silence has directly led to creating? Who will pay for the pain many nations have endured in the prevailing world order? Will Canada lead the way in the new world order in doing this?
Carney further articulates that “for decades, countries like Canada prospered under what we called the rules-based international order. We joined its institutions, we praised its principles, we benefited from its predictability. And because of that, we could pursue values-based foreign policies under its protection.”
But this is not true, is it? Countries like Canada prospered not merely because of the stability of rules of the world order, but because they opted for silence when they should not have. The rupture and the chaos in the world order Carney now critiques and is insanely led by Trump today is not merely the latter’s creation. It has been co-authored for decades by countries such as Canada, France, the United Kingdom to mention just a few who also regularly chant the twin-mantras of human rights and democracy. Trump is merely the latest and the most vocal proponent of the nastiness of that World Order.
It is not that Carney is unaware of this unpleasant reality. He accepts that “the story of the international rules-based order was partially false, that the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient, that trade rules were enforced asymmetrically. And we knew that international law applied with varying rigour depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.”
While Canada seems to be coming to terms with this reality only now, countries like Sri Lanka and others in similarly disempowered positions in this world order have experienced this for decades, because, as I have outlined earlier, Canada et al have been complicit sustainers of the now demonised and demonic world order.
It is not that I disagree with the basic description Carney has painted of the status of the world. But from personal experience and from the perspective of a citizen from a powerless country, I simply do not trust those who preach ‘the gospel of the good’ not as a matter of principle, but only when the going gets tough for them.
At this rather late stage, Carney says, Canada is “amongst the first to hear the wake-up call, leading us to fundamentally shift our strategic posture.” Unfortunately, we, the people of countries who had to dance to the tunes of the world order led by the First World, have heard it for years, with no one listening to us when our discomforts were articulated. Now, Carney wants ‘middle powers’ or ‘intermediate powers’ within which he also locates Canada, “to live the truth?” For him, the truth means “naming reality” as it exists; “acting consistently” towards all in the world; “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” and “building what we claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be restored.” This appears to be the operational mantra for the new world order he is envisioning in which he sees Canada as a legitimate leader merely due to its late wakeup call.
He goes on to give a list of things Canada has done locally and globally and concludes by saying, “we have a recognition of what’s happening and a determination to act accordingly. We understand that this rupture calls for more than adaptation. It calls for honesty about the world as it is.” He goes on to say Canada also has “the capacity to stop pretending, to name reality, to build our strength at home and to act together.” He notes this is “Canada’s path. We choose it openly and confidently, and it is a path wide open to any country willing to take it with us.” Quite simply, this a leadership pitch for a new world order with Canada at its helm.
Without being overly cynical, this sounds very familiar, not too dissimilar to what USAID and Voice of America preached to the world; not too dissimilar to what the propaganda arms of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party used to preach in our own languages when we were growing up. It is difficult to buy this argument and accept Canadian and middle country leadership for the new world order when they have been consistently part of the problem of the old one and its excuses for institutionalised double standards practiced by international organisations such as the likes of the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other hegemonic entities that have catered to the whims of that world order.
As far as Canada is concerned, it is evident that it has suddenly woken up only due to an existential threat at home projected from across its southern border and Trump’s threats against the Danish territory of Greenland. When Gaza was battered, and Venezuela was raped, there was no audible clarion call. Therefore, there is no real desire for democracy or human rights in its true form, but a convenient and strategic interest in creating a new ‘white supremacist’ world order in the same persona as before, but this time led by a new white warrior instead. The rest of us would be mere followers, nodding our heads as expected as was the case before.
As the 20th century American standup comedian Lenny Bruce once said, “never trust a preacher with more than two suits.” Mr. Carney, Canada along with the so-called middle powers and the lapsed colonialists have way more than two suits, and we have seen them all.
Midweek Review
The MAD Spectre
Lo and behold the dangerous doings,
Of our most rational of animals,
Said to be the pride of the natural order,
Who stands on its head Perennial Wisdom,
Preached by the likes of Plato and Confucius,
Now vexing the earth and international waters,
With nuke-armed subs and other lethal weapons,
But giving fresh life to the Balance of Terror,
And the spectre of Mutually Assured Destruction.
By Lynn Ockersz
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