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UN International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian people

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November 29 has been named as the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian people by the United Nations. 

In drawing attention to the struggle of the Palestinian people we cannot but remember the firm stand that the United Nations took against racism, against the evil of Apartheid and supported the liberation struggle of the people of South Africa, Imthiaz Bakeer Markar, MP, Co-chairman Sri Lanka – Palestine Solidarity Committee, said in a statement to mark the occasion.

At the time his people were liberated, the celebrated leader of the liberation struggle for South Africa Nelson Mandela made a profound statement, which resonates around the world to this day, he noted.

He further said: “For many years, the United Nations stood firm against racism. Because of that a worldwide consensus was built against this unfair system. We know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.

“The Palestinian conflict is a complex one and it is a mistake for us to make judgements by viewing it on the surface with pre-conceived notions. Instead, I urge everyone to understand the underlying deep reasons why the Palestinian conflict has not been resolved after all these years. We have to take a humane view of their issues, their status and problems, and understand the realities. In short, we need to address these issues in a correct and just manner.

“The Palestinian struggle has gone on for seven long decades and we are disturbed to note that currently moves are afoot so that the Palestinians will lose their motherland forever. 

“The world has failed to implement the international consensus sought by the United Nations to find a fair and just solution to the Palestinian issue because the Superpowers in the United Nations Security Council have used their veto powers to stop important UN Resolutions aimed at actualizing the broader view of the majority of the countries around the world. It is with sadness that we observe that the UN has been powerless to do the right thing for the Palestinians.

“At this time I remember the statement made by President Barack Obama, who lit up the hopes of all those who sought a solution to the Palestinian issue when he made the famous “Cairo declaration.” 

In that statement Obama said: “It is also undeniable that the Palestinian people — Muslims and Christians — have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years they’ve endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighbouring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead.  They endure the daily humiliations — large and small — that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.”

Little has happened since and unfortunately we have to add Obama to the list of US Presidents who have historically been unable to fulfil its promise to provide a just solution to the Palestinian question, Bakeer Markar said.

He added: President Bush also asked once “why do these people hate us so much?” It is also said that a US President who was there before Bush, Eisenhower, in a discussion with his staff asked the same question: “Why does the Arab world look at us in such a wrong way?”

“Actually the question arises not from the governments but from the ordinary people of the Arab world. The people rightly accuse the United States of safeguarding corrupt and autocratic regimes in the Middle East preventing the dawn of democracy in the region. The actual actions of the United States in the Middle East is contrary to its claim of being the “watchdog of democracy” in the region.

“The initiatives made by Washington to bring peace to the Palestinians from the Camp David Accords to the Oslo Accords have been rendered useless by Israel. 

“In January 1976 the United Nations, backed by a wide global consensus, passed a Resolution granting Palestine political sovereignty. This Resolution received the support of the Palestine Liberation Organisation, the Arab countries, the European Bloc and the Soviet Bloc. However this UN effort was also stopped by the exercise of a veto from the United States. The 1981 initiative from Saudi Arabia called the FAHAD peace deal was also rejected by Israel.

“For decades the world has been helplessly watching the Palestinian tragedy unfold as the people of this land are being driven out of their homes which are being destroyed. They are forced to wander as they are constantly harassed and deprived of the very basic necessities such as water. “They have no freedom of movement, as they are being arrested arbitrarily, even little children and women have been detained. 

“In the year 2020 alone 684 homes and other buildings in the West Bank were completely destroyed by Israelis.

“In October 2000, the UN Security Council resolved with a 14 to 0 vote that Israel should act according to the obligations and agreements contained in the Fourth Geneva Convention and return all Palestinian lands that have been occupied. At that time the US abstained from voting. 

“In addition, in 2001 when Israeli troops clashed with Palestinians, attempts by the United Nations to send in international observers to minimize violence under the so-called Michael plan was opposed by Israel and the United States. 

“These actions of the US has damaged its credentials as a neutral player in resolving issues in the Middle East and has ruined its reputation as a champion of democracy and global justice.

“Under President Donald Trump the US Middle East policy has been very one-sided. However under the new Democratic President it is hoped that the policy towards this region will be fairer and more progressive. If that does not happen then it will be a big blow against America’s boast of being a country that is a proponent of peace and democracy across the world.

“We wish all the peoples in the region a secure peace, in which they may live with dignity and mutual respect”.



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Mastermind Naufer Moulavi among 15 found guilty

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Mohamed Ibrahim Mohamed Naufer, alias Naufer Moulavi, described by the prosecution as a key ideological architect and mastermind of the April 2019 Easter Sunday terror attacks, being brought before the Colombo High Court Trial-at-Bar. Moulavi is the first accused among the 24 defendants who faced 23,270 charges, including conspiracy, aiding and abetting, in connection with the attacks.(Pic by Nishan S. Priyantha)

… others acquitted and ordered to be released

2019 Easter Sunday carnage:


By Nishan S. Priyantha

The Colombo High Court Trial-at-Bar yesterday (22) found 15 out of 24 accused in the high profile 2019 Easter Sunday massacres case guilty. Among them was Mohamed Ibrahim Mohamed Naufer aka Naufer Moulavi, the alleged mastermind of near simultaneous suicide attacks blamed on the National Thowheed Jamaath (NTJ).

The remaining nine accused were acquitted and ordered to be released by the Trial-at-Bar comprising Navaratne Marasinghe (Chair Judge), Ramanathan Kannan, and Sujeewa Nissanka. The 17th defendant died in custody.

The court held that all charges against those found guilty had been proved beyond reasonable doubt.

Suicide bombers struck three luxury hotels and three churches on April 21, 2019, killing 279 people, including 45 foreigners, and wounding about 500 others.

The delivery of the verdict began at about 12.30pm yesterday (22). The process resumed at 2 pm, following lunch break taken at about 1 pm.

Prosecutors filed more than 23,270 charges under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) against the accused individuals (initially 25 indicted, with 24 standing trial after one died in custody).

The charges included murder, conspiracy to commit terrorism and possessing firearms and explosives.

The 24 accused are (1)Mohamed Ibrahim Mohamed Naufer aka Naufer Moulavi (2)Mohamad Saripu Adam Lebbe alias Gafoor Maama (3) Hayathu Mohamadu Ahamadu Milhan (4) Mohamad Ibrahim Sadik Abdulla (5) Mohamad Ibrahim Sahid Abdul Hak (6) Mohamad Anwar Mohamad Riskan (7) Mohamad Mansoor Mohamad Sanasdeen (8) Abdul Manaf Mohamad Fridawwos (9) Mohamad Ramees Mohamad Sarik (10) Abdul Lathif Mohamad Safi (11) Husenool Riswi Kalid Sameer (12) Mohamad Sawaheer Mohamad Hassan (13) Mohamad Ifthikar Mohamad Insaf (14) Rashid Mohamad Ibrahim (15) Mohamadhu Hanifa Seinul Abdeen (16) Mohamad Musthapha Mohamad Harees (17) Kadchi Mohamadhu Jesmin (18) Seunil Abdeen Mohamad Jaseen (19) Mohammed Musthapha Mohamad Riswan (20) Meera Sahed Mohamad Nafli (21) Mohamad Ameer Mohamadu Ayathulla (22) Mohamad Ansadeen Hilmi (23) Mohamad Illi alias Illmi and (24) Mohamad Akrak Ahakkam.

Of them 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 15, 16, 18 and 19 accused were found guilty.

A total of 2,309 prosecution witnesses testified during the trial.

The recording of evidence for both the prosecution and defence concluded on August 24, 2026, following daily hearings.

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No referendum needed for passage of 22 A: SC

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Dr Jagath Wickramaratne

Fight now moves to the streets with Opposition expected to gather at Polduwa Junction tomorrow

By Saman Indrajith

The Supreme Court (SC) has determined that the proposed 22nd Amendment to the Constitution does not require approval at a referendum and may be enacted with a special two-thirds majority in Parliament. Speaker Dr. Jagath Wickramaratne announced the SC determination in the House yesterday.

The determination, delivered to the Speaker following the hearing of 67 petitions challenging the constitutionality of the Bill, clears the way for Parliament to take up the proposed constitutional changes during a two-day debate beginning Thursday (24).

Announcing the determination, Speaker Wickramaratne said the Supreme Court had held that the provisions of the 22nd Amendment Bill, or any part of it, did not require approval by the people at a referendum under Article 83 of the Constitution.

The Court, however, has directed specific changes to the wording of Clause 2 of the Bill concerning the retirement of the Chief Justice.

According to the Speaker, the phrase referring to the date on which the Chief Justice “reaches 67” is to be replaced with wording referring to the date on which the Chief Justice “completes 67 years”.

The Court has further directed that a second proviso be added to Clause 2 stipulating that the six-year term limit proposed for the office of Chief Justice will not apply to a person holding that office on the date the amendment comes into operation.

The Supreme Court has also determined that certain provisions of the 22nd Amendment can be passed by a simple majority of Parliament, while the Bill as a whole, insofar as it requires a constitutional amendment, can proceed without a referendum on the basis of the required special majority.

The Supreme Court separately determined that the provisions of the Judicature (Amendment) Bill are not inconsistent with the Constitution and may be passed by a simple majority in Parliament.

The Judicature Bill is linked to the Government’s wider judicial reform programme and proposes changes to the retirement ages and composition of the lower judiciary.

The two Bills were presented to Parliament on August 18 by Minister of Justice and National Integration Harshana Nanayakkara.

The 22nd Amendment Bill proposes to increase the retirement age of Supreme Court judges from 65 to 67 and that of Court of Appeal judges from 63 to 65. It also seeks to increase the maximum number of Court of Appeal judges from 19 to 24.

The Judicature (Amendment) Bill proposes to increase the retirement age of High Court judges from 61 to 63 and establish 62 as the compulsory retirement age for other judges and magistrates. It also seeks to increase the maximum number of High Court judges from 110 to 120.

The constitutional challenge to the 22nd Amendment generated one of the more extensive challenges to a Bill in recent years, with 67 petitions filed before the Supreme Court.

The petitions were heard on September 1 and 2 by a five-member bench comprising Chief Justice Preethi Padman Surasena and Justices Achala Wengappuli, Arjuna Obeyesekere, Sampath Abeykoon and Gihan Kulatunga. A request for the matter to be considered by a full bench was rejected.

The hearing concluded on September 2, after which the bench informed the parties that its confidential determination would be forwarded to the Speaker.

Among the principal constitutional questions raised before the Court was whether extending the tenure of judges would affect constitutional provisions relating to sovereignty and judicial independence, thereby requiring approval by the people at a referendum in addition to a two-thirds parliamentary majority.

The Centre for Policy Alternatives and its Executive Director Dr. Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu were among those who challenged the Bill, arguing that its provisions concerning judicial retirement ages were inconsistent with Article 3 of the Constitution and therefore required approval at a referendum.

The Court’s determination, communicated through the Speaker, has now settled the constitutional procedure required for the Bill to proceed.

The Committee on Parliamentary Business had already scheduled the second-reading debate on the 22nd Amendment and the Judicature (Amendment) Bill for September 24 and 25.

Parliament is scheduled to debate the two Bills from 11.30 am to 7 pm on both days. The vote is expected to follow the conclusion of the second-reading debate on Friday.

The Supreme Court’s determination therefore comes just two days before the commencement of the parliamentary debate, with the Government now able to proceed without having to prepare for a referendum.

The Opposition, however, has indicated that it will continue its campaign against the proposed amendment despite the Court’s determination on the referendum requirement.

The SJB has organised a protest at Polduwa Junction near Parliament on Thursday, coinciding with the opening day of the debate. The protest is scheduled for 9 am and has been organised under the patronage of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, with other Opposition parties invited to participate.

Opposition parties and civil society groups had earlier signed a joint declaration opposing the Bill and announced plans for a broader mobilisation against it. Their objections have centred particularly on the potential implications of the proposed changes for judicial independence.

The Government, meanwhile, has maintained that the proposed changes form part of a broader effort to reform the judicial system and address delays in the administration of justice. The proposed increase in the retirement ages of judges has been presented as one component of that reform programme.

With the Supreme Court having ruled that no referendum is necessary, the immediate constitutional hurdle has therefore shifted from determining the Bill’s eligibility for a public vote to whether the Government can secure the required parliamentary majority.

The decisive stage will come on September 24 and 25, when MPs take up the proposed constitutional and judicial changes for debate and eventual voting.

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One clause in Anti-Corruption (Amendment) Bill requires referendu: SC

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By Saman Indrajith

Speaker Dr Jagath Wickramarate yesterday informed Parliament that the Supreme Court had determined that several provisions of the Anti-Corruption Amendment Bill could be passed by a simple majority, while key clauses required a special majority and one provision required approval at a referendum.

The Speaker said the Court’s determination on the Bill, which had been challenged under Article 121(1) of the Constitution, had been received and formally communicated to the House.

According to the determination, Clauses 3, 4, 6(0) and 6(5) are not inconsistent with the Constitution and may therefore be passed by a simple majority in Parliament.

However, the Court has held that Clauses 6 and 7 are inconsistent with Articles 12(1) and 14 (1)(a) of the Constitution and can be enacted only with the special majority required under Article 84(2).

The Court further determined that Clause 7, in its present form, is inconsistent with Article 12(1). It therefore directed that the proposed repeal of Section 81 be withdrawn.

Should the government proceed with Clause 7, it must be approved by the special majority prescribed under Article 84(2), read with Article 82(5), according to the determination.

The SC has found that Clause 11(1), which seeks to introduce Section 88(1)(f), is not inconsistent with the Constitution and can be passed by a simple majority.

Similarly, Clause 11(2), as proposed to be amended at the committee stage, was found not to be inconsistent with Articles 10, 12(1), 14(1)(a) and 14(a), and may also be passed by a simple majority.

The most significant finding concerns Clause 17.

The Supreme Court determined that Clause 17 is inconsistent with Article 4(c), read with Article 3, with Article 13(2) also supporting that conclusion.

As a result, Clause 17 can become law only if it receives the special majority required under Article 84(2) and is subsequently approved by the people at a referendum under Article 83.

The determination thus places different constitutional thresholds on the Bill’s provisions, ranging from a simple parliamentary majority to a two-thirds majority and, in the case of Clause 17, a two-thirds majority followed by a referendum.

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