Features
Ukraine invasion takes a surreal turn
by kumar DaviD
Seven weeks ago Russian troops withdrew from northern Ukraine and the vicinity of Kiev after defeat at the hands of the plucky Ukrainians. There was hope that both sides would press the reset button and, aside from Crimea and the intractable Donbas region (two Russian aligned provinces), a ceasefire may be worked out. Not so. Putin refused to accept the military fiasco; he was not going to see his sloppy, ill-equipped army humiliated.
The sinking of the Russian flagship Moskva whether by Ukrainian missiles or a munitions explosion (if you believe in the tooth-fairy) was humbling. Russia regrouped, fired Generals, modified objectives and struck back.
Crucial battles are raging and though Russia is suffering setbacks (15,000 soldiers killed so far) it is likely to eventually overrun eastern and southern Ukraine. It has taken Mariupol and much of the Black Sea coast. The advance has been painful, bungling, hardware technically defective; cannon fodder for top of the line Western missiles, artillery and drones. Further pummelling of the Russian military will make Putin’s position as
head of state untenable but by taking Mariupol the Russians have scored a psychological victory and freed up forces for the next stage which may swing either way. A BBC analyst gives a bleak for Putin long term assessment:
https://www.bbc.com/news/worldeurope- 61348287
Putin’s (unlikely) best-case outcome is to cut Ukraine (a country of 45 million) in two and take all of the east and south. He would like to carry out regime change, do away with the Zelenskyy government and install a puppet regime for three reasons. First, the West has done its worst with sanctions, there is little more it can threaten. If Putin destroys the cream of the Ukrainian army, he can have the rest of the country for the asking. An anti- Russian provisional government may be formed in exile but how many non- NATO countries will recognise it? Second, isolated, Russia for material reasons (not the strategic or ‘spiritual’ ones I mention later) will find it
advantageous to incorporate Ukraine and expand its economic footprint? The third reason is strategic. Sweden and Finland, alarmed by the invasion have applied to join NATO.
Russia, justifiably is enraged but is powerless to do anything. Finland has a 700km border with Russia. Were they to join the Russian response will be more than moving strategic forces closer to Finland and the three tiny Baltic states. It will need to set up a buffer against NATO members Poland, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia. It would like not only to annexe Ukraine and push through regime change but also set up a rump Warsaw Pact
(Russia, Belarus, Eastern-Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova) but it is currently unable to do this. I have full-frontal exposure to onesided Al Jazeera, BBC, CNN, Euronews, france-24, DW and Skynews. A new English language channel available 24/7 is China Global Television Network (CGTN) tried to keep a balance between pro-NATO and pro-Moscow views but abandoned this and is no longer distinguishable from Western channels, perhaps subtly signalling a change in Beijing’s attitude. Russia’s RT is of course blocked in the West and even in Hong Kong by “the third party paid service provider”. Free speech! Something different from the bias of Western mainstream media is not easy to find, but such exposure is indispensable. There are links that deride Western bias, for example New Atlas (try it before it is banned in the ‘democracies’). Interesting videos on this site are:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v
=8moZ7S4voe4
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v
=h_JVhaTxC00
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v
=0aCf6pmdY7E
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v
=0aCf6pmdY7E&t=190s
Is Putin guilty of war crimes? Western and even Chinese media report bodies in Butcha and Kharkiv with hands tied behind their backs. Retreating defeated Russians are destroying cities, murdering and raping.
Putin seems to have lost control of his Generals who do not track instructions. One cannot dismiss these allegations any more than doubt mass murder by Serbs in Srebrenica or slaughter of Tamil civilians in “safe” camps by Lankan artillery in the closing stages of the civil war. The demolition of Ukrainian cities is as heinous as the destruction of Iraq by Bush and Blair.
Blair. I must get to back to why the Russian response may develop in dangerous ways. Its foreign ministry declared that if Finland and Sweden join NATO Russia would end the nuclear-free Baltic-Scandinavian region. In my view this is entirely justified; if A and B do what they deem “essential” for their security then C, in turn, must do what it must to ensure its security. Sweden and Finland are making an empty gesture; America and Western Europe will not go to nuclear war, to hell with NATO Article 5, whatever happens to these outposts; NATO’s responses in Ukraine proves this amply. NATO will not risk nuclear war except if the American mainland or the core countries of Western Europe are attacked. I have been wrestling in my mind what the correct standpoint on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine should be and have factored it into two parts, viz; (a) the Putin-Ukraine dimension and (b) US/NATO vs. Russia/China confrontation. In respect of (a) Putin’s grinding down of a small country is egregious and unforgivable; it’s like the American-British pulverisation of Iraq in 2003. I say this despite my firm view that the creep of US/NATO ever closer to Russia since 1990 poses an existential threat to Russia’s survival. Then is invasion justified? No. Putin could have sorted it out by a mix of threats, strategy and forcing Kiev to promise it would never join NATO which it eventually did half-way through the war. Neo-Nazis massacred Russian speaking Ukrainians from 2014, but correction of this did not require the intensity of Putin’s onslaught.
Putin has another ‘spiritual’ motive. He is deeply a Russian- Orthodox Christian and believes Ukraine and Russia are one indivisible spiritual, cultural and historical whole. (Many Sinhalese too believe that all of Sri Lanka from Dondra to Point Pedro is analogous). The Americans and British, in particular Bush and Blair (B&B), were ‘spiritually’ similar to Putin in their propensity to pulverise Iraq or strangle Libya. The reactions of UN Secretary-
General António Guterres seemed to imply that he had concerns about Putin’s mental rationality; I watched him tour devastated Ukrainian cities. He would be justified in stretching his concerns to B&B. More than Christian disdain of Islam (and other religions, by the way), B&B believed that purportedWestern values (democracy, freedom, First Amendment rights etc.) are magnificent callings matching Putin’s Christian-Orthodox vision of Great Russian revanchism -Putin is not a Marxist. Having said these nasty things about Putin, turning to my point (b) I am entirely against the US/NATO longterm strategy. It is an astonishingly irresponsible step bringing WW3 closer. The objective is to crush Russia, encircle it militarily and push through regime change. What is the purpose of NATO anymore? For defence against whom, invaders from Mars? The West has committed every effort and expense to arm Ukraine and taken upon itself the task of crushing Putin. Biden asked Congress for $40+ billion for the war which it approved with bipartisan glee. The share prices of the five largest nuclear weapons developers on the New York Stock Exchange have risen to an all-time high. NATO is actively engaged in a proxy war with Russia; bigger fireworks may come. So what! The goal is something bigger. The 21st Century is a Thucydides Trap. Economic hegemony this century will demonstrate the hegemony of China-Asia or America-EU. Whichever side you support don’t fool yourself; the trap has been sprung. Russia is small change; the real target is China. The battle royal is the battle for 21st Century Global Economic hegemony. The West’s first step is to smash Putin and his regime and bring Russia into alignment. How else explain over 5,000 sanctions, strangling its economy and freezing its own currency reserves? The West is even engendering food and fuel supplies to poor countries, creating supply chain wreckage and now raising the stark threat of global recession. The prize you see is deemed worth the sacrifice. Putin by his idiocy has made his own shipwreck certain. Russia is now banned from international sports tournaments, art, cultural and music festivals, and can you believe it, international scientific conferences. The pinnacle of insanity is that some journals refuse to accept papers submitted by Russian scholars and scientists; Western ‘Civilisation’ has gone bonkers! This is the biggest global game since WW2. Sanctions madness has turned into clinical insanity. The most significant dimension not receiving much attention is that within 10 years China will have influence over Russia’s vast natural resources and Chinese investments will make inroads as Western companies pull out – whatever happens to Putin. I made this case in my April 3 column Birth of a New World Order. Regime change and bringing Russia into the West’s
sphere will, if successful, reverse my thesis. To date America is the winner and Russia and Putin the big losers – and Ukraine of course. China has gone off the Ukraine War radar; society and economy choke in a bizarre ‘dynamic-zero’ covid mantra of Xi Jinping’s making.
Features
From stabilisation to transformation without delay
At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.
When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.
Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.
Guaranteed Changes
On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.
The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.
Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.
After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.
Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.
Inter-Connected
There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.
Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.
The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.
Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.
The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework
In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.
The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.
The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.
Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.
Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.
Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.
The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.
Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.
The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.
Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.
Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.
The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Back home … for a special occasion
Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.
Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!
In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.
Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle
In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.
“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”
Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.
They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.
Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.
Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.
“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”
The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation
After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.
Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.
Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.
Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.
Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.
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