Features

Twelve years since the end of the separatist war

Published

5 years ago

2021/06/1

By M M Zuhair

Twelve years since the end, in May 2009, of the 30-year war on separatist terrorism and two years following the April 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, the need has presently arisen for the Muslims to articulate the community’s contributions primarily towards ending LTTE terrorism and then to remind the country of the advance information given by the community that could have prevented the Easter Sunday terror attacks––not simply because no one today is talking about these contributions, but because the anti-Muslim perceptions disproportionately created in the public mind from the imbalanced media coverage of the Easter attacks over the past two years, appear to be erasing off memories of the underpublicised patriotic roles played by the community in the course of the 30-year war as well as the advance warnings given years prior to the Easter attacks!

The community never sought remembrances but sadly now, the need has arisen! We need to remind the country at least when it remembers the supreme sacrifices made by the armed forces that we too have played our patriotic part.

August and October are months when the nation must be made to remember how and why in 1990 alone over 1,000 innocent Muslims of the East were targeted and murdered; in addition 90,000 Muslims were expelled from the North and why we all loved the end of LTTE terrorism as well as all other forms of terror. Independent intellectuals and journalists of the Sinhala and Tamil communities did echo sympathetically the crushing bitter feelings of the terrorised Muslims. But now the Muslim contributions for protecting the territorial integrity of the country appear to be forgotten.

Let’s get down to the brass tacks. According to the figures of the University Teachers for Human Rights (UTHR-Jaffna), on 12th July 1990 at Kurukkalmadam the LTTE killed 68 Muslims from nearby Kattankudy in the Batticaloa district of the eastern province; on 3rd August 1990 the LTTE killed 147 Muslims who were at worship in four Mosques in Kattankudy; on 05 August 1990 and on 6th August 1990, Muslim farmers 17 and 33 in numbers, working in paddy fields were killed by the LTTE and on 12th August 1990 in Eravur, 18 km to the north of Kattankudy another 121 Muslim, women and children,` while sleeping in their homes were cut, chopped and axed to death by the LTTE, fighting for a separate State in N-E Sri Lanka. Jaffna based UTHR was headed by Dr Rajan Hoole.

The total number of Muslim civilian lives done to death by the LTTE within those terrorising 32 days was 386, of which around 250 were from and around Kattankudy, the epicenter of unprovoked massacres of unarmed Muslim civilians. Zahran Hashim and Moulavi Niyas were both from Kattankudy, young boys at the time of the massacres. They must have seen the bodies in the four Mosques and the mass burial of 147 of their kith and kin including their mates from schools and madrasas. Why did the Easter Sunday Commission ignore the possible links of the NTJ leader Zahran Hashim and the disputed “Maha-mola-karuwa” Moulavi Niyas to the Kattankudy LTTE massacres? If indeed Niyas Moulavi was the ‘master-mind’ behind the Easter attacks, then there emerges the strong possibility of radicalised links between the Kattankudy massacres and the 21/4 attacks on selected Christian Churches mostly conducting prayers in Tamil language. With two top NTJ leaders emerging from the ruins of, and possibly radicalised from the Kattankudy killings, the likely links to the Easter attacks need another analysis.

The Easter Sunday Commissioners did visit Kattankudy. But someone failed to take them to the four mosque-massacre sites, the burial grounds, to meet the widows and families of the victims and to hear their heart-rendering remembrances! But they did find space in their report to add a comment that at Kattankudy not enough Muslim women were to be seen on the roads! If only they knew that the widows and the orphans were knitting for a living indoors, their wage-earning spouses having being unceremoniously done to death for not supporting those fighting for a separate State in Sri Lanka! This and related matters have to be dealt with in a separate piece.

The Eastern Muslims, however, put the numbers killed by the LTTE during this period, at over a thousand. These Tamil-speaking Muslims were killed for laying road blocks against the construction of an independent State for the Tamil-speaking minorities of the North and the East. Regrettably genuine attempts by Batticaloa’s Bishop Kingsley Swamipillai and a few Muslim civil activists of the area to avert the Kattankudy disasters were unsuccessful.

In Sri Lanka, however, questionable nationalists have forgotten the sacrifices made by the Eastern Muslims; they happened entirely following deliberate political positions taken by their leaders like M H M Ashroff who committed the Eastern Muslim community, notwithstanding their common Tamil language, to steadfastly stand by the territorial integrity of the country, of course, in the long-term interests of the country and the community.

Given the struggle today of some so-called nationalists to cause the entire community to be dealt with for the crimes committed by a few on 21/4, widely perceived as being done at the behest of external elements and their local agents, there is strong rethinking amongst the Muslims and its diaspora overseas whether the then SLMC-led Eastern Muslims were right in standing in the way of the Tamils’ perceived right to self-determination. The recent Pottuvil to Polikandy march of the Tamils which received widely acknowledged spontaneous support of the Eastern Muslims is a clear indicator that the educated Eastern Muslims are reading the questionable minds of these nationalists quite well.

Muslim diaspora is a new development but the exploitation of the Easter Sunday attacks to ‘teach lessons’ to the innocent sectors of the community be it political, civil or religious, would be seen as grave blunders that will unfortunately only strengthen the diaspora and other foreign elements. This year the government has to battle the deadly spread of Covid-19. But next March and September, it will have to face the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR) and the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The solutions to impending problems lie within the country. Sri Lanka can hardly afford internal divisions. It cannot afford to overlook the Muslims’ contributions to the current modern history of the country. Sri Lankan leaders need to clear their minds and ensure that no one creates false perceptions.

In October 1990, over 90,000 Muslim men, women and children were summarily evicted from the North for not joining hands in establishing Eelam. The evicted Muslims are yet to be duly resettled. Amongst those evicted in 1990, victims of not supporting the division of the country, are the Rishad Bathiudeen and his brother, who are today languishing in remand notwithstanding two parliamentary committees, the IGP and a Presidential Commission finding no evidence implicating them with the 21/4 attacks!

Many others are still in remand, some for over two years, without the Attorney General consenting to bail. Several Islamic religious organisations which had nothing whatsoever to do with the 21/4 attacks have been proscribed and lumped together with the ISIS and the Al Qaida. Thousands of their past and present members will soon be adversely affected without committing any crime. The foreign travel of even past members and possibly their families going abroad for business, medical and educational purposes may be affected as they will have to declare that they were members of the proscribed organisations although they had nothing to do with 21/4.

Foreign investigators are being brought in violation of Sri Lankan laws to handle criminal investigations. The Island has editorially commented many times on several related matters. Sri Lankan nationalists in the government appear to be facilitating the implementation of the resolution on Sri Lanka already before the US Congress recommending “the United States explore investigations and prosecutions pursuant to the recommendations of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights ….” What about foreign judges next, now that UNHCHR is on record that the country’s justice system is weak?

Why wasn’t the possible radicalization of Zahran Hashim and Moulavi Niyas due to the devastating Kattankudy massacres investigated and brought up before either of the two parliamentary committees or the Easter Sunday Commission? It is well known that Muslim organisations and individuals had from late 2014, several years before the 21/4 attacks, kept the authorities alerted on the radical inclinations of Zahran Hashim.

The Tamil-speaking Muslims of the North and the East have a distinct religious and cultural identity. The LTTE comprising Hindus and Christians emerged together on a Tamil-speaking platform. The three minorities of the NE including the Muslims formed 85% of the two merged provinces but the Muslims distanced themselves from the LTTE’s struggle. No one can under-estimate the patriotic contributions of the Muslim community, of which what has been pointed out here is only one of many other significant roles played by them in the national interest.

Muslims believe that long before the defection from the LTTE of its Eastern commander in 2006, the LTTE of the post 1983 riots, would have nearly achieved ‘Eelam’, but for the Eastern Muslims. A number of Muslim youths frustrated with both major national parties, the then UNP and the then SLFP were joining the LTTE around 1985. By 1986 Ashroff formed the SLMC and absorbed the pro-LTTE Muslim youths into the SLMC. The Indian-sponsored July 1987 peace accord ended in failure within two years. The JVP was at virtual civil war with the then ruling UNP throughout the South. The accord was seen by a rioting JVP as a sell-out by President J R Jayewardene and the arrival of the IPKF as a betrayal.

1988/89 were crucial years for the LTTE. Ranasinghe Premadasa won one of Sri Lanka’s toughest presidential elections held on 19th December 1988 followed by the General Elections held on 15th February 1989. The LTTE succeeded in getting Premadasa to order the IPKF to leave the country but failed to get Ashroff on to the separatist boat! Within two months of the IPKF leaving Sri Lanka, LTTE leader Prabhakaran launched Eelam War II. Muslims of the East and then the North soon paid a heavy price for not strengthening the LTTE! How can true nationalists forget these strategic contributions of a patriotic Muslim community?

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Features

More state support needed for marginalised communities

Published

2 days ago

2026/02/13

Thilina Walpola

A landslide in the Central Province

Message from Malaiyaha Tamil community to govt:

Insights from SSA Cyclone Ditwah Survey

When climate disasters strike, they don’t affect everyone equally. Marginalised communities typically face worse outcomes, and Cyclone Ditwah is no exception. Especially in a context where normalcy is far from “normal”, the idea of returning to normalcy or restoring a life of normalcy makes very little sense.

The island-wide survey (https://ssalanka.org/reports/) conducted by the Social Scientists’ Association (SSA), between early to mid-January on Cyclone Ditwah shows stark regional disparities in how satisfied or dissatisfied people were with the government’s response. While national satisfaction levels were relatively high in most provinces, the Central Province tells a different story.

Only 35.2% of Central Province residents reported that they were satisfied with early warning and evacuation measures, compared to 52.2% nationally. The gap continues across every measure: just 52.9% were satisfied with immediate rescue and emergency response, compared with the national figure of 74.6%. Satisfaction with relief distribution in the Central Province is 51.9% while the national figure stands at 73.1%. The figures for restoration of water, electricity, and roads are at a low 45.9% in the central province compared to the 70.9% in national figures. Similarly, the satisfaction level for recovery and rebuilding support is 48.7% in the Central Province, while the national figure is 67.0%.

A deeper analysis of the SSA data on public perceptions reveals something important: these lower satisfaction rates came primarily from the Malaiyaha Tamil population. Their experience differed not just from other provinces, but also from other ethnic groups living in the Central Province itself.

The Malaiyaha Tamil community’s vulnerability didn’t start with the cyclone. Their vulnerability is a historically and structurally pre-determined process of exclusion and marginalisation. Brought to Sri Lanka during British rule to work for the empire’s plantation economies, they have faced long-term economic exploitation and have repeatedly been denied access to state support and social welfare systems. Most estate residents still live in ‘line rooms’ and have no rights to the land they cultivate and live on. The community continues to be governed by an outdated estate management system that acts as a barrier to accessing public and municipal services such as road repair, water, electricity and other basic infrastructures available to other citizens.

As far as access to improved water sources is concerned, the Sri Lanka Demographic Health Survey (2016) shows that 57% of estate sector households don’t have access to improved water sources, while more than 90% of households in urban and rural areas do. With regard to the level of poverty, as the Department of Census and Statistics (2019) data reveals, the estate sector where most Malaiyaha Tamils live had a poverty headcount index of 33.8%; more than double the national rate of 14.3%. These statistics highlight key indicators of the systemic discrimination faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community.

Some crucial observations from the SSA data collectors who enumerated responses from estate residents in the survey reveal the specific challenges faced by the Malaiyaha Tamils, particularly in their efforts to seek state support for compensation and reconstruction.

First, the Central Province experienced not just flooding but also the highest number of landslides in the island. As a result, some residents in the region lost entire homes, access roadways, and other basic infrastructures. The loss of lives, livelihoods and land was at a higher intensity compared to the provinces not located in the hills. Most importantly, the Malaiyaha Tamil community’s pre-existing grievances made them even more vulnerable and the government’s job of reparation and restitution more complex.

Early warnings hadn’t reached many areas. Some data collectors said they themselves never heard any warnings in estate areas, while others mentioned that early warnings were issued but didn’t reach some segments of the community. According to the resident data collectors, the police announcements reached only as far as the sections where they were able to drive their vehicles to, and there were many estate roads that were not motorable. When warnings did filter through to remote locations, they often came by word of mouth and information was distorted along the way. Once the disaster hit, things got worse: roads were blocked, electricity went out, mobile networks failed and people were cut off completely.

Emergency response was slow. Blocked roads meant people could not get to hospitals when they needed urgent care, including pregnant mothers. The difficult terrain and poor road conditions meant rescue teams took much longer to reach affected areas than in other regions.

Relief supplies didn’t reach everyone. The Grama Niladhari divisions in these areas are huge and hard to navigate, making it difficult for Grama Niladharis to reach all places as urgently as needed. Relief workers distributed supplies where vehicles could go, which meant accessible areas got help while remote communities were left out.

Some people didn’t even try to go to safety centres or evacuation shelters set up in local schools because the facilities there were already so poor. The perceptions of people who did go to safety centres, as shown in the provincial data, reveal that satisfaction was low compared to other affected regions of the country. Less than half were satisfied with space and facilities (42.1%) or security and protection (45.0%). Satisfaction was even lower for assistance with lost or damaged documentation (17.9%) and information and support for compensation applications (28.2%). Only 22.5% were satisfied with medical care and health services below most other affected regions.

Restoring services proved nearly impossible in some areas. Road access was the biggest problem. The condition of the roads was already poor even before the cyclone, and some still haven’t been cleared. Recovery is especially difficult because there’s no decent baseline infrastructure to restore, hence you can’t bring roads and other public facilities back to a “good” condition when they were never good, even before the disaster.

Water systems faced their own complications. Many households get water from natural sources or small community projects, and not the centralised state system. These sources are often in the middle of the disaster zone and therefore got contaminated during the floods and landslides.

Long-term recovery remains stalled. Without basic infrastructure, areas that are still hard to reach keep struggling to get the support they need for rebuilding.

Taken together, what do these testaments mean? Disaster response can’t be the same for everyone. The Malaiyaha Tamil community has been double marginalised because they were already living with structural inequalities such as poor infrastructure, geographic isolation, and inadequate services which have been exacerbated by Cyclone Ditwah. An effective and fair disaster response needs to account for these underlying vulnerabilities. It requires interventions tailored to the historical, economic, and infrastructural realities that marginalized communities face every day. On top of that, it highlights the importance of dealing with climate disasters, given the fact that vulnerable communities could face more devastating impacts compared to others.

(Shashik Silva is a researcher with the Social Scientists’ Association of Sri Lanka)

by Shashik Silva ✍️

Features

Crucial test for religious and ethnic harmony in Bangladesh

Published

3 days ago

2026/02/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

A political protest that led to governmental change in Bangladesh mid last year. (photograph: imago)

Will the Bangladesh parliamentary election bring into being a government that will ensure ethnic and religious harmony in the country? This is the poser on the lips of peace-loving sections in Bangladesh and a principal concern of those outside who mean the country well.

The apprehensions are mainly on the part of religious and ethnic minorities. The parliamentary poll of February 12th is expected to bring into existence a government headed by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Islamist oriented Jamaat-e-Islami party and this is where the rub is. If these parties win, will it be a case of Bangladesh sliding in the direction of a theocracy or a state where majoritarian chauvinism thrives?

Chief of the Jamaat, Shafiqur Rahman, who was interviewed by sections of the international media recently said that there is no need for minority groups in Bangladesh to have the above fears. He assured, essentially, that the state that will come into being will be equable and inclusive. May it be so, is likely to be the wish of those who cherish a tension-free Bangladesh.

The party that could have posed a challenge to the above parties, the Awami League Party of former Prime Minister Hasina Wased, is out of the running on account of a suspension that was imposed on it by the authorities and the mentioned majoritarian-oriented parties are expected to have it easy at the polls.

A positive that has emerged against the backdrop of the poll is that most ordinary people in Bangladesh, be they Muslim or Hindu, are for communal and religious harmony and it is hoped that this sentiment will strongly prevail, going ahead. Interestingly, most of them were of the view, when interviewed, that it was the politicians who sowed the seeds of discord in the country and this viewpoint is widely shared by publics all over the region in respect of the politicians of their countries.

Some sections of the Jamaat party were of the view that matters with regard to the orientation of governance are best left to the incoming parliament to decide on but such opinions will be cold comfort for minority groups. If the parliamentary majority comes to consist of hard line Islamists, for instance, there is nothing to prevent the country from going in for theocratic governance. Consequently, minority group fears over their safety and protection cannot be prevented from spreading.

Therefore, we come back to the question of just and fair governance and whether Bangladesh’s future rulers could ensure these essential conditions of democratic rule. The latter, it is hoped, will be sufficiently perceptive to ascertain that a Bangladesh rife with religious and ethnic tensions, and therefore unstable, would not be in the interests of Bangladesh and those of the region’s countries.

Unfortunately, politicians region-wide fall for the lure of ethnic, religious and linguistic chauvinism. This happens even in the case of politicians who claim to be democratic in orientation. This fate even befell Bangladesh’s Awami League Party, which claims to be democratic and socialist in general outlook.

We have it on the authority of Taslima Nasrin in her ground-breaking novel, ‘Lajja’, that the Awami Party was not of any substantial help to Bangladesh’s Hindus, for example, when violence was unleashed on them by sections of the majority community. In fact some elements in the Awami Party were found to be siding with the Hindus’ murderous persecutors. Such are the temptations of hard line majoritarianism.

In Sri Lanka’s past numerous have been the occasions when even self-professed Leftists and their parties have conveniently fallen in line with Southern nationalist groups with self-interest in mind. The present NPP government in Sri Lanka has been waxing lyrical about fostering national reconciliation and harmony but it is yet to prove its worthiness on this score in practice. The NPP government remains untested material.

As a first step towards national reconciliation it is hoped that Sri Lanka’s present rulers would learn the Tamil language and address the people of the North and East of the country in Tamil and not Sinhala, which most Tamil-speaking people do not understand. We earnestly await official language reforms which afford to Tamil the dignity it deserves.

An acid test awaits Bangladesh as well on the nation-building front. Not only must all forms of chauvinism be shunned by the incoming rulers but a secular, truly democratic Bangladesh awaits being licked into shape. All identity barriers among people need to be abolished and it is this process that is referred to as nation-building.

On the foreign policy frontier, a task of foremost importance for Bangladesh is the need to build bridges of amity with India. If pragmatism is to rule the roost in foreign policy formulation, Bangladesh would place priority to the overcoming of this challenge. The repatriation to Bangladesh of ex-Prime Minister Hasina could emerge as a steep hurdle to bilateral accord but sagacious diplomacy must be used by Bangladesh to get over the problem.

A reply to N.A. de S. Amaratunga

A response has been penned by N.A. de S. Amaratunga (please see p5 of ‘The Island’ of February 6th) to a previous column by me on ‘ India shaping-up as a Swing State’, published in this newspaper on January 29th , but I remain firmly convinced that India remains a foremost democracy and a Swing State in the making.

If the countries of South Asia are to effectively manage ‘murderous terrorism’, particularly of the separatist kind, then they would do well to adopt to the best of their ability a system of government that provides for power decentralization from the centre to the provinces or periphery, as the case may be. This system has stood India in good stead and ought to prove effective in all other states that have fears of disintegration.

Moreover, power decentralization ensures that all communities within a country enjoy some self-governing rights within an overall unitary governance framework. Such power-sharing is a hallmark of democratic governance.

Features

Celebrating Valentine’s Day …

Published

3 days ago

2026/02/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

Valentine’s Day is all about celebrating love, romance, and affection, and this is how some of our well-known personalities plan to celebrate Valentine’s Day – 14th February:

Merlina Fernando (Singer)

Yes, it’s a special day for lovers all over the world and it’s even more special to me because 14th February is the birthday of my husband Suresh, who’s the lead guitarist of my band Mission.

We have planned to celebrate Valentine’s Day and his Birthday together and it will be a wonderful night as always.

We will be having our fans and close friends, on that night, with their loved ones at Highso – City Max hotel Dubai, from 9.00 pm onwards.

Lorensz Francke (Elvis Tribute Artiste)

On Valentine’s Day I will be performing a live concert at a Wealthy Senior Home for Men and Women, and their families will be attending, as well.

I will be performing live with romantic, iconic love songs and my song list would include ‘Can’t Help falling in Love’, ‘Love Me Tender’, ‘Burning Love’, ‘Are You Lonesome Tonight’, ‘The Wonder of You’ and ‘’It’s Now or Never’ to name a few.

To make Valentine’s Day extra special I will give the Home folks red satin scarfs.

Emma Shanaya (Singer)

I plan on spending the day of love with my girls, especially my best friend. I don’t have a romantic Valentine this year but I am thrilled to spend it with the girl that loves me through and through. I’ll be in Colombo and look forward to go to a cute cafe and spend some quality time with my childhood best friend Zulha.

JAYASRI

Emma-and-Maneeka

This Valentine’s Day the band JAYASRI we will be really busy; in the morning we will be landing in Sri Lanka, after our Oman Tour; then in the afternoon we are invited as Chief Guests at our Maris Stella College Sports Meet, Negombo, and late night we will be with LineOne band live in Karandeniya Open Air Down South. Everywhere we will be sharing LOVE with the mass crowds.

Kay Jay (Singer)

I will stay at home and cook a lovely meal for lunch, watch some movies, together with Sanjaya, and, maybe we go out for dinner and have a lovely time. Come to think of it, every day is Valentine’s Day for me with Sanjaya Alles.

Maneka Liyanage (Beauty Tips)

On this special day, I celebrate love by spending meaningful time with the people I cherish. I prepare food with love and share meals together, because food made with love brings hearts closer. I enjoy my leisure time with them — talking, laughing, sharing stories, understanding each other, and creating beautiful memories. My wish for this Valentine’s Day is a world without fighting — a world where we love one another like our own beloved, where we do not hurt others, even through a single word or action. Let us choose kindness, patience, and understanding in everything we do.

Janaka Palapathwala (Singer)

Janaka

Valentine’s Day should not be the only day we speak about love.

From the moment we are born into this world, we seek love, first through the very drop of our mother’s milk, then through the boundless care of our Mother and Father, and the embrace of family.

Love is everywhere. All living beings, even plants, respond in affection when they are loved.

As we grow, we learn to love, and to be loved. One day, that love inspires us to build a new family of our own.

Love has no beginning and no end. It flows through every stage of life, timeless, endless, and eternal.

Natasha Rathnayake (Singer)

We don’t have any special plans for Valentine’s Day. When you’ve been in love with the same person for over 25 years, you realise that love isn’t a performance reserved for one calendar date. My husband and I have never been big on public displays, or grand gestures, on 14th February. Our love is expressed quietly and consistently, in ordinary, uncelebrated moments.

With time, you learn that love isn’t about proving anything to the world or buying into a commercialised idea of romance—flowers that wilt, sweets that spike blood sugar, and gifts that impress briefly but add little real value. In today’s society, marketing often pushes the idea that love is proven by how much money you spend, and that buying things is treated as a sign of commitment.

Real love doesn’t need reminders or price tags. It lives in showing up every day, choosing each other on unromantic days, and nurturing the relationship intentionally and without an audience.

This isn’t a judgment on those who enjoy celebrating Valentine’s Day. It’s simply a personal choice.

Melloney Dassanayake (Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024)

I truly believe it’s beautiful to have a day specially dedicated to love. But, for me, Valentine’s Day goes far beyond romantic love alone. It celebrates every form of love we hold close to our hearts: the love for family, friends, and that one special person who makes life brighter. While 14th February gives us a moment to pause and celebrate, I always remind myself that love should never be limited to just one day. Every single day should feel like Valentine’s Day – constant reminder to the people we love that they are never alone, that they are valued, and that they matter.

I’m incredibly blessed because, for me, every day feels like Valentine’s Day. My special person makes sure of that through the smallest gestures, the quiet moments, and the simple reminders that love lives in the details. He shows me that it’s the little things that count, and that love doesn’t need grand stages to feel extraordinary. This Valentine’s Day, perfection would be something intimate and meaningful: a cozy picnic in our home garden, surrounded by nature, laughter, and warmth, followed by an abstract drawing session where we let our creativity flow freely. To me, that’s what love is – simple, soulful, expressive, and deeply personal. When love is real, every ordinary moment becomes magical.

Noshin De Silva (Actress)

Valentine’s Day is one of my favourite holidays! I love the décor, the hearts everywhere, the pinks and reds, heart-shaped chocolates, and roses all around. But honestly, I believe every day can be Valentine’s Day.

It doesn’t have to be just about romantic love. It’s a chance to celebrate love in all its forms with friends, family, or even by taking a little time for yourself.

Whether you’re spending the day with someone special or enjoying your own company, it’s a reminder to appreciate meaningful connections, show kindness, and lead with love every day.

And yes, I’m fully on theme this year with heart nail art and heart mehendi design!

Wishing everyone a very happy Valentine’s Day, but, remember, love yourself first, and don’t forget to treat yourself.

Sending my love to all of you.