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Midweek Review

Truth and Reconciliation Commission: Achieving accountability or betrayal of military

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In response to a query raised by Major General (retd.) Ashok Mehta who had served as the IPKF’s commander in Batticaloa and Ampara in 1987, US Defence Attaché Lawrence Smith defended the Sri Lanka Army. The man in uniform told a seminar in Colombo: “Hello, may I say something to a couple of questions raised. I’ve been the defence attaché here at the US Embassy since June 2008. Regarding the various versions of events that came out in the final hours and days of the conflict — from what I was privileged to hear and to see, the offers to surrender that I am aware of seemed to come from the mouthpieces of the LTTE — Nadesan, KP — people who weren’t and never had really demonstrated any control over the leadership or the combat power of the LTTE.

So their offers were a bit suspect anyway, and they tended to vary in content hour by hour, day by day. I think we need to examine the credibility of those offers before we leap to conclusions that such offers were in fact real.

“And I think the same is true for the version of events. It’s not so uncommon in combat operations, in the fog of war, as we all get our reports second, third and fourth hand from various commanders at various levels that the stories don’t seem to all quite match up.

But I can say that the version presented here so far in this is what I heard as I was here during that time. And I think I better leave it at that before I get into trouble. “

The US State Department tried to disassociate itself with Lt. Col. Smith’s statement. The State Department’s Deputy Spokesman Mark. C. Toner declared at the regular media briefing: Well, just to clarify, the U.S. did decline invitations to participate in that conference as either a conference speaker or panelist. My understanding is that the defense attaché was there as an observer and a note taker. His comments reflected his personal opinions. There’s no change in the policy of the United States, and his remarks do not reflect any change in our policy.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Sole Communist Party (CP) MP Weerasumana Weerasinghe broke ranks with dissident SLPP MPs on January 09 to vote for the Office for National Unity and Reconciliation (ONUR) Bill.

Having contested the last general election on the SLPP ticket, the Matara District MP aligned himself with the Uththara Lanka Sabhagaya (ULS) strongly opposed to the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government. However, the CP had absolutely no qualms in backing the controversial Bill, suspected by many in the South to be a Trojan Horse.

In addition to lawmaker Weerasumana Weerasinghe, Sarath Kumarasiri (Anuradhapura District SLPP) voted for that Bill. In spite of being a member of the SLPP rebel group, that included MP Dullas Alahapperuma, Kumarasiri threw his weight behind the government.

Both MPs told the writer that the pivotal possibility of the ONUR law to facilitate the post-war reconciliation process couldn’t be denied. They stressed the responsibility on the part of Parliament to take whatever measures necessary to achieve reconciliation.

MP Weerasinghe underscored two critically important issues specifically (a) tangible measures to change the education system to ensure understanding among different communities and (b) Jaffna District MP M.A. Sumanthiran’s defeat at the January 21 ITAK (Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi) leadership contest. The CP member asserted that President’s Counsel Sumanthiran’s election could have facilitated reconciliation efforts.

But, Jaffna District MP Sivagnanam Shritharan comfortably won the race. The election was conducted in Trincomalee about two weeks after the enactment of the ONUR law.

MP Kumarasiri said that regardless of his affiliation with the rebel group, he wouldn’t hesitate to stand up with the government on issues he felt would be beneficial to the country. The MP said that he was out of the country on the date the vote on the Online Safety Bill was taken up. The SLPPer said that he would have definitely voted for the much disputed law, as well, though his colleagues opposed it.

Commenting on the forthcoming national elections – presidential later this year and parliament in early 2025, as announced by President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s group, MP Kumarasiri said that their alignment with the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) could be finalized within weeks.

Both Weerasinghe and Kumarasiri declared their wholehearted commitment to the ongoing reconciliation process, spearheaded by the incumbent government. Addressing Parliament during the debate on the ONUR Bill, the CP member appreciated the role played by Justice Minister Dr. Wjeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, to streamline the process by strengthening the new ONUR management.

In addition to the two dissident SLPP MPs, Weerasumana Weerasinghe and Sarath Kumarasiri, only one SJB MP Vadivel Suresh (Badulla district) voted with the government parliamentary group. Unfortunately, the vast majority of government members skipped the vote. Therefore, out of the 225 MPs in Parliament, only 48 voted for the Bill, seven voted against, whereas a staggering 169 were absent at the time of the vote.

Among those who voted for the Bill was Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pilleyan (SLPP Batticaloa district), a former LTTE cadre and one-time sidekick of their celebrated commander Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan alias Karuna. Pilleyan is the leader of Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP). Only one other Tamil MP Kulasingham Thileepan (EPDP/Vanni district) backed the Bill.

Why did 176 lawmakers (seven voted against and 169 skipped the vote) felt they shouldn’t support the government initiative? Did they fear catastrophic consequences if they took a stand on ONUR?

The UNP owed an explanation as to why its only MP Wajira Abeywardena (National List) conveniently failed to vote for the crucial Bill.

Among those who skipped the vote were M.A. Sumanthiran and Sivagnanam Shritharan, both vied for ITAK leadership and the latter won.

The following lawmakers voted for the Bill: Premier Dinesh Gunawardena, Susil Premajayantha, Bandula Gunawardena, Wijeyadasa Rajapakse PC, Madura Vithanage, Prasanna Ranatunga, Anuradha Jayaratne, Gunatilleke Rajapaksa, Pramitha Bandara Tennakoon, Rohana Dissanayake, Nalaka Bandara Kottegoda, Geetha Kumarasinghe, Mahinda Amaraweera, Cader Masthan, Kulasingham Thileepan, Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pilleyan, A.L.M. Athaulla, D. Weerasinghe, Kapila Nuwan Athukarale, U. K. Sumith Udukumbura, Samanpriya Herath, Sanath Nishantha Perera (his last vote before the fatal accident on the Colombo-Katunayake expressway in the early hours of January 25), Ashoka Priyantha, Chinthaka Amal Mayadunne, S.M. Chandrasena, Jagath Samarawickrema, H. Nandasena, Nimal Siripala de Silva, Thenuka Vidanagamage, Maj. Sudarshana Denipitiya, Vijitha Berugoda, Dr. Gayashan Nawanandana, Kumarasiri Ratnayake, Pavitradevi Wanniarachchi, Janaka Wakkumbura, Muditha Prishanthi, Ranjith Siyambalapitiya, Udayakantha Gunatilleke, Dr. Seetha Arambepola, Jayantha Ketagoda, Sagara Kariyawasam, Yadamini Gunawardena, Manjula Dissanayake, Mohamed Faleel (all members of the government group), Weerasumana Weerasinghe and Sarath Kumarasiri (SLPP dissidents) and Vadivel Suresh (SJB).

Lawmaker Weerasumana Weerasinghe didn’t mince his words when he declared that extremists on both sides always opposed reconciliation efforts. The CP representative stressed that the ONUR should have been properly implemented immediately after the successful conclusion of the war in May 2009. The first time entrant to Parliament found fault with the top management of ONUR that had been established during the Yahapalana administration in terms of the 2015 Geneva Resolution for its failure to achieve desired results.

Dr. Wasantha Bandara issues warning

None of the Sinhala lawmakers critical of ONUR and the planned next step to setting up of an independent Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation conveniently failed to vote against the Bill. Perhaps the most prominent among those who skipped the vote were National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa, Pivithuru Hela Urumaya (PHU) leader Udaya Gammanpila and former Public Security Minister Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera. May be they, too, still have a flicker of hope in the latest reconciliation effort, despite having their hopes dashed repeatedly, especially when the West was mollycoddling the LTTE and its ardent backers, while paying lip service to fighting terrorism here.

They, too, however owed the public an explanation regarding their decision to miss the vote. If they really felt that ONUR would pave the way for a fresh disaster, they should have voted against the Bill. Their strategy remains unclear.

The likes of Weerasumana Weerasinghe and Sarath Kumarasiri, are certain to vote for the Bill meant to establish the proposed commission at its final reading.

The Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government can quite easily set up the Commission, through an Act of Parliament, as the main Opposition and a section of the SLPP wouldn’t, under any circumstances, vote against the relevant Bill.

Since the SLPP-led Parliament elected UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe in the third week of July 2022 as the eighth President to complete the remainder of the term of the people’s elected President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, unceremoniously ousted through violent street protests, the government quite comfortably enacted a spate of new laws.

There cannot be a better example than the pathetic performance of the Opposition at the debate and the vote on the ONUR Bill. Those who made bombastic statements and issued warnings over impending catastrophe in case the Parliament established an independent Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation, conveniently failed to take a stand in Parliament.

However, Dr. Wasantha Bandara, on behalf of nationalist organisations in a spate of statements and articles, has explained the circumstances under which the Yahapalana government establishing the ONUR in 2015. We don’t blame nationalists’ fears here, knowing very well what happened to the legitimate demand of the Palestinians for a two state solution even at this late stage, after they were robbed of much of what they had by the arrogant British and placed them at the mercy of Israel, and, thereafter, being lied to them with the above promise for so long by the West, to appease their own consciences for having ill-treated Jews throughout history. And also knowing especially how Mr. Wickremesinghe signed the secret one sided Ceasefire Agreement with the LTTE after it was prepared by the Norwegians without any inputs from our military.

According to Dr. Bandara, the then Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe took the lead in the setting up of that office. The enactment of ONUR law recently is meant to strengthen the process.

Dr. Bandara has explained how the UNP, at the behest of Western powers and in consultation with the TNA, over the years, pursued an agenda severely inimical to the national interest, finally leading to the finalisation of Geneva Resolution on Oct 01, 2015.

Of the eight new laws required to be in place in terms of the Geneva Resolution, with the passage of the ONUR Bill on January 09, 2024, seven Acts are now in place. The enactment of the proposed Bill on the independent Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation will complete the process as demanded by Geneva.

Dr. Bandara asserted that the UNP leader had succeeded in resurrecting the Geneva process and was proceeding rapidly. The SLPP ended up facilitating the process detrimental to the war-winning country.

The following are the laws that were enacted since 2015: (1) Yahapalana government (2015-2019) presented a Bill to establish the Office on Missing Persons (OMP) in Parliament on June 22, 2016 and the Office on Missing Persons (Establishment, Administration and Discharge of Functions) Act, No. 14 of 2016 (OMP Act) was passed in Parliament on August 11, 2016. The then President Maithripala Sirisena operationalised the OMP on Feb 28, 2018 by appointing seven commissioners, headed by Saliya Pieris P.C.

(2) The Yahapalana government in 2017 incorporated the provisions of the ‘International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances’ into the law of Sri Lanka. Clause 8 of the relevant Bill enabled foreign countries to seek the extradition of a Sri Lankan who is suspected, accused or convicted of having caused enforced disappearances in Sri Lanka. In terms of the law Sri Lanka is obliged to inform foreign governments of the measures it intends taking to prosecute or extradite those persons wanted by them. Clause 21 empowered the executive arm of the State to oversee the full implementation of this international convention in Sri Lanka and according to Clause 23 new law superseded all other written law.

(3) Sri Lanka established an Office for Reparations. The then Speaker Karu Jayasuriya certified ‘Office for Reparations Act, No. 34 of 2018 on Oct 22, 2018.’

(4) Parliament on March 7, 2018 passed an Act No 5 of 2018 to give effect to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances.

(5) Sri Lanka passed ‘Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters (Amendment) Act No 24 of 2018. Speaker Jayasuriya certified it on Aug 15, 2018. The Yahapalana administration amended the Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters Act No 25 of 2022.

The failed constitutional coup in late Oct 2018, followed by the Easter Sunday carnage in April 2019 and the change of government at the Nov 2019 presidential poll sort of derailed the Geneva project. However, the return of Ranil Wickremesinghe to power in the wake of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s removal in July 2022 paved the way for the resumption of the Geneva agenda.

(6) After a lapse of several years Sri Lanka in August 2023 enacted ‘Assistance to and Protection of Victims of Crime and Witness Act of 2023.’

(7) In January 2023 Parliament adopted the ‘Office for National Unity and Reconciliation (ONUR) Bill’ thereby bringing the overall process much closer to a successful conclusion from their point of view.

Now only the independent Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation remains to be established.

The UNP, SLFP, UPFA and SLPP have fully cooperated to advance the Geneva agenda and within a matter of months the Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation, too, will be established. However, Tamil political parties and civil society groups haven’t been satisfied with the process. They have said so openly.

Dr. Bandara alleged that Tamil political parties, as well foreign-funded civil society groups, pretended that the enacted laws didn’t meet their aspirations. The passage of the Bill that would deal with the proposed independent Commission for Truth, Unity and Reconciliation would be the eighth law and the final.

Grave lapses on Sri Lanka’s part

In spite of much advertised Sri Lanka’s declaration of withdrawal from the Geneva accord of Oct 01, 2015, the Parliament sustained the project.

The then Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa announced on the afternoon of Feb 19, 2019 that Sri Lanka would withdraw from the process of implementing UN Human Rights Council resolution 30/1, which was co-sponsored by the treacherous UNP-led government. The announcement was made close on the heels of the US declaration of a travel ban on then Army Commander Lt. Gen. Shavendra Silva and his family.

Just a week later, then Foreign Relations Minister Dinesh Gunawardena announced Sri Lanka’s withdrawal from the Geneva process. The declaration was made at the high-level segment of the 43 session of Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) leader’s declaration pertained to UNHRC resolution 40/1 and the preceding resolutions 30/1 and 34/1.

Having promised what lawmaker Gunawardena called “homegrown solutions to contemporary challenges,” and declared its intention to work toward the closure of the resolution in conjunction with all members of the UN, Sri Lanka, though slowly has adhered to Geneva dictates. The MEP leader in his capacity as the Premier voted for the ONUR Bill. So did his son, Yadamini, an SLPP National List MP and first time entrant to Parliament. The only other MEP member who entered Parliament on the SLPP ticket, Sisira Jayakody, was not in Parliament at the time of the vote. None of the Rajapaksas, in Parliament, voted against the ONUR Bill.

It would be pertinent to mention that the Yahapalana partners, the UNP and the SLFP never bothered to consult Parliament before Sri Lanka co-sponsored the Geneva Resolution that actually betrayed the war-winning military. The treacherous act took place five years after the Tamil community cleared the military of war crimes allegedly perpetrated during Eelam War IV (Aug 2006-May 2009) by overwhelmingly voting for the warwinning Army Commander then General Sarath Fonseka at the 2010 presidential poll. Fonseka comfortably won all predominantly Tamil speaking districts in the de-merged Northern and Eastern Provinces, but was routed in the South, where the majority lives.

The writer once in the presence of senior Presidential Advisor Lalith Weeratunga and Director General of the President’s Media (PMD) Mohan Samaranayake at a formal meeting at the Presidential Secretariat (Old Parliament) told President Gotabaya Rajapaksa of the need to highlight TNA backing for Fonseka at the 2010 presidential poll and him securing all electorates in the Northern and Eastern Provinces and Tamils dominated major plantation regions. President Rajapaksa’s government never bothered to examine the accountability issue afresh.

The war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government nor any of the post-war administrations made a genuine effort to counter the false propaganda meant to drag Sri Lanka before the proposed hybrid war crimes court as recommended by Geneva. Sri Lanka could have easily built its defence on the basis of wartime US Defence Attache Lt. Colonel Lawrence Smith’s disclosure at the first Defence Seminar held in 2011 in Colombo that Sri Lanka did not commit any atrocities during the final phase of fighting and those made by wartime British defence Advisor Lt. Colonel Anthony Gash in his secret cables to London in Oct 2017. Those revelations alone could have been used to counter the American led allegations against the country about the closing stages of the war.

But Sri Lanka conveniently ‘missed’ both opportunities while Parliament advanced the Geneva agenda. The bottom line is that Sri Lanka allowed the Geneva operation to continue with the executive, legislature and judiciary extending their fullest support. But still, the same process could have been used cleverly to set the record straight beginning with the Indian terrorism project that ruined Sri Lanka.

What we would like to ask from our estranged Tamil brothers and sisters is whether they realise that by continuing to insist on a pound of flesh they will only help all of us to become a vassal state of India that we have already become more or less with the current leadership that is only interested in their personal survival? Instead as we have said before let us think nationally out of the box and perhaps settle among ourselves for a solution more akin to what we had under the Donoughmore constitution, where all share the pie at the centre instead of perennially fighting over petty issues at the periphery and exacerbating them in the process.



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Midweek Review

US paying the price for disregarding military advice

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March 4: General Dan Caine addressing the Operation 'Epic Fury' media briefing (pic courtesy official website)

Jayasekera

Sri Lanka recently sought Saudi assistance to introduce advance radar technology, capable of detecting approaching targets and drone capability to meet aerial threats. On behalf of the NPP government, that request was made by Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen. (retd) Aruna Jayasekera when he met Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Ghribi, Commander of the Royal Saudi Naval Forces, on the sidelines of the World Defence Show 2026 in Saudi Arabia, in February, this year. They also discussed the possibility of Saudi ships visiting Colombo.

Jayasekera also sought training opportunities for SLAF in Saudi Arabia when he met Lt. Gen. Mazyad bin Sulaiman Al-Amro, Commander of the Royal Saudi Air Defence Forces. Jayasekera discussed with Vice Admiral Fahad Al Ghofaily, Deputy Chief of General Staff, the possibility of securing Saudi assistance to surveillance and deep sea operational capabilities of the Navy.

Saudi Arabia has been repeatedly hit by Iran during its counter offensive. In fact, Iran stepped up attacks in the wake of the US bombing of Kharg Island, a major Iranian oil facility. It would be pertinent to mention that Admiral Steve “Web” Koehler, Commander of the US Pacific Fleet, visited New Delhi and Colombo, less than 10 days before the outbreak of war, and here he met both Minister Jayasekera and Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal (retd) Sampath Thuyakontha. It was Koehler’s second visit after the change of government in Sept. 2024. Don’t forget that it was Koehler’s command that alerted Sri Lanka, on the morning of 4 March, on the sinking of the unarmed Iranian frigate Dena.

The meticulously planned assassination of Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on 28 February was meant to bring about a swift regime change and a victorious end to the war. The joint Israeli-US war machine assumed that such a high profile decapitation strike would pave the way for swift public uprising and capitulation of the Iranian government.

The aggressors, quite wrongly, assumed that those who launched the costly protest campaign in Iran, in late December last year, against the unbearable cost of living, would be able to exploit Khamenei’s assassination.

Unpredictable US President Donald Trump was so confident, on the first day of the offensive, that he urged the Iranian military to lay down their arms and its people to take over their government. International media quoted the Republican Chief as having said: “It will be yours to take”.

Trump disregarded his top military adviser, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Air Force General Dan Caine’s warning against attacking Iran. US media reported that Caine, who succeeded Air Force General C.Q. Brown, sacked by Trump in February 2021, warned that war could be risky, potentially drawing the US into a prolonged conflict.

Over two weeks into the war, the Israeli-US assumption seems utterly wrong with those, who genuinely believed in the sure collapse of the Iranian administration following the decapitating strike, are struggling to cope up with the spirited Iranian counter attacks. While enduring a much larger devastating bombing campaign, compared to the 12-day war in June last year, Iran overwhelmed Israel and Gulf countries where powerful US forces were stationed. Their costly missile defences seemed ineffective against Iranian missile and drone salvos that caused unprecedented chaos in the region.

But, what really astonished the Gulf states was Iran’s blockade of the Strait of Hormuz – the only maritime passage between the Gulf and the Gulf of Oman and the route for about a quarter of the global liquefied natural gas and seaborne trade from Gulf countries. This stunned the aggressors and those who blindly backed their despicable strategy.

Iran has categorically denied missile and drone attacks on Cyprus, Azerbaijan and Turkey. If Iran didn’t target them, who did? Whoever staged those attacks, their intention is clear. They want to involve NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organisation) in the Israeli-US misadventure by hitting NATO members Cyprus and Turkey. Why would Iran attack Turkey against the backdrop of Ankara’s condemnation of Khamenei’s assassination, and also denied the use of its airspace, territory, and territorial waters to the US armed forces for the ongoing war?

The US announcement on March 12 that curbs on Russian oil would be lifted till April 11 underscored the gravity of the situation. Having failed to achieve a swift ‘regime change,’ their much touted primary objective in Operation ‘Epic Fury,’ the US has no option but to swallow its pride and seek Vladimir Putin’s intervention. The US ended with egg on face. It would be pertinent to mention the US sanctioned Russian oil immediately after the launch of Moscow’s Special Operation against Ukraine in February 2022. That ban had been based on the assumption that oil revenue enabled Russia to prolong the war in Ukraine.

Does the 11 April deadline mean that the Israel-US combine seriously believed that Iran could be defeated by that time? Intense media coverage of the conflict indicated that Israel and US objectives in Iran weren’t the same. Regardless of repeatedly vowing to achieve regime change in Iran, the aggressors ended up examining ways and means of exiting the conflict triggered by them. The way Iran has been responding to Israeli-US attacks, the West cannot fully restore Hormuz by the second week of April. Prolong war may force US to extend waiver on sanctioned Russian oil, thereby further strengtheing Putin.

The US-Israeli strategy has suffered in the absence of an anticipated large scale public uprising, in Iran, immediately after the decapitation strike. When that failed to materialise, as expected, the overall picture of the largest ever combined Israeli-US offensive changed.

Unilateral US decision to lift the ban on Russian oil, even temporarily, divided the western grouping backing Ukraine. In spite of the US being a critical member of that grouping, the Iranian action left Trump with no alternative but to ease pressure on global oil markets at Ukraine’s expense. The Europeans realise that the failure to effect regime change may compel Trump to extend waiver on oil sanctions on Russia.

What really went wrong? President Trump has been so confident of Iranian surrender he mocked British preparations for the deployment of aircraft carriers to the Middle East.

“The United Kingdom, our once Great Ally, maybe the Greatest of them all, is finally giving serious thought to sending two aircraft carriers to the Middle East,” President Trump declared on March 8. The humiliating Truth Social post appeared to be influenced by rash thinking.

“That’s OK, Prime Minister Starmer, we don’t need them any longer — But we will remember. We don’t need people that join Wars after we’ve already won!” President Trump ridiculed the British. Reference to the UK as a ‘once great ally,’ underscored the US-UK rift.

But several days later, Trump sought deployment of other navies, including that of the UK to break the Iranian blockade on Hormuz Strait.

Modi phones Pezeshkian

Had the Israeli-US project achieved its primary objective, namely regime change, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi wouldn’t have had to eat humble pie after declaring solidarity with Israel, just a few days before the unprovoked war. Prime Minister Modi, on March 12, nearly two weeks after the killing of Supreme Leader Khamenei, phoned Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian.

Modi had no option but to get in touch with the post Khamenei Iranian leadership amidst growing turmoil in the country over disruption of vital gas and fuel supplies. India made its move as the US declared that New Delhi could turn to Russia for the time being. India desperately needed oil and required them as quickly as possible.

Having elevated India-Israel partnership to the highest level in the wake of Modi’s late February 2026 visit to Tel Aviv, on the eve of the unprovoked attack to decapitate the Iranian leadership, India found itself in an unenviable situation. The two-day visit led to what the two governments called “Special Strategic Partnership for Peace, Innovation and Prosperity.” In other words, the Israelis must have been working overtime on war preparations while Modi and Indian External Affairs Minister Dr. Jaishankar were visiting the Jewish State.

Modi’s call and a couple of calls from Dr. Jaishankar to his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araghchi facilitated the passage of fuel carriers. The US must have been deeply upset by the Indian move but that ensured the BJP, in power since 2014, brought the situation under control for the time being. The truth is India had been compelled to negotiate with Iran and the latter wouldn’t have given assurance regarding safe passage for vessels carrying fuel for India without being adequately compensated.

After rushing to Israel to show their servile loyalty on the eve of launching the unprovoked attack on Iranians, the Indian-Iran deal, in the aftermath of that folly, for safe passage for New Delhi’s vessels, proved that there were limits to the world’s solitary superpower. In the run-up to Modi’s call to President Pezeshkian, the Indian leader came under heavy Congress fire over India’s failure to promptly condemn the assassination of the Iranian Supreme Leader. Initially, the Indian government acted as if Congress criticism were irrelevant but it had to appeal to Iran in the wake of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

Iran appeared to have exploited India’s difficulties. Having overlooked India-Israel/US partnership and the sinking of the unarmed Iranian frigate ‘Dena’ on 4 March, Iran’s Ambassador to India, Mohammad Fathali, on 13 March declared their readiness to grant safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz for vessels on their way to India.

Responding to a question from an RT India correspondent, the envoy highlighted that Tehran considered New Delhi as a friend and that there were converging interests between the two countries.

Asked directly whether India would receive safe passage through the Strait, he replied: “Yes, because India is our friend. You will see it within two or three hours.” (RT India is a New Delhi-based, English-language television news channel officially launched in December 2025 by Russian President Vladimir Putin).

At the time Israel-US unleashed war on Iran, India wouldn’t have anticipated such a scenario-direct negotiation with Iran to secure energy supplies and the US having to waive the ban on Russian oil sales. How would India-Iran deal on safe passage for energy carriers impact on India-Israel/US relations?

Sri Lanka, rattled by the developing situation, swiftly followed suit to explore the possibility of securing Russian oil. Russian Ambassador in Colombo Levan Dzhagaryan, on the invitation of the government, met Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, at the Foreign Ministry, and assured the Minister Moscow would be informed. However, whether that meeting would produce results, as desired by Sri Lanka, is not yet known. But, Sri Lanka, trapped in the US Indo-Pacific strategy, seems utterly helpless as President Trump’s unprovoked gangster-type actions roiled the world. Ambassador Dzhagaryan, who had served as Russia’s top envoy in Iran, from 2011 to 2022, during a recent interview with the writer explained how the West sought to defeat Russia in Ukraine and the events leading to the Special Military operation in February 2022.

Gulf States in turmoil

Dzhagaryan

The stepped-up US naval build-up against Iran made it clear that a combined Israel-US offensive was inevitable. Against that background, the significance of an invitation received by the Colombo-based media to meet UAE Ambassador in Colombo, Khaled Nasser Al Ameri, in late February, this year, was realised only after the eruption of the war.

Ambassador Al Ameri, who had been here since February 2022, never called such a meeting before during 25 February dinner meeting at Cinnamon Life at City of Dreams discussed issues amidst rising tensions. The writer was among the invited along with Kesara Abeywardena, Editor, Daily News, and Nisthar Cassim, Editor, Daily FT. Perhaps the Ambassador felt the need to comprehend the pulse of the Colombo media due to the presence of a significant Sri Lankan community employed in his country.

The Gulf countries that accommodated US forces arrayed against Iran never expected Tehran to go the whole hog. Both the US and Gulf countries obviously miscalculated Iranian determination in the face of unprovoked aggression. They had to pay a very heavy price but none more so than the UAE. The Iranians shattered the myth of their invincibility due to the deployment of costly US armaments.

Paula Hancocks reported for CNN on 10 March that more than 1,700 missiles and drones had been fired towards the UAE since the war began. Quoting the UAE Defence Ministry, Hancocks said that more than 90% of them had been downed by interceptors, fighter jets and helicopters.

President Trump admitted in an interview with CNN’s Jake Tapper recently that Iran’s willingness to strike its Arab neighbours had been his biggest surprise of the war. But, faced with relentless Israeli-US offensive, Iran couldn’t have endured the pain without inflicting losses on all those arrayed against the country. The Iranian reaction must be examined taking into consideration the killing of the country’s Supreme Leader, some of his family as well as top military leaders.

The US-led coalition will eventually overwhelm Iran but the rapidity with which that country hit back even after losing the top leadership may embolden those opposed to US strategies. That is the undeniable truth. The latest Israeli and US claims of targets taken out in Iran cannot be discussed without taking into account their claims last June. During the 12-day war against Iran, Israel and US launched massive attacks but the retaliatory campaign launched by Iran after 28 February onslaught proved that debilitating losses couldn’t be inflicted by air campaigns alone.

UAE and others had learnt a bitter lesson by being part of Israeli-US strategy meant to overwhelm Iran. They had proved that Iran couldn’t be subdued the way the US succeeded in Venezuela in January this year. Venezuela appeared to have reached a consensus with the US following the abduction of its President Nicolas Maduro. The speed the new Venezuela leadership switched its allegiance to the US is not surprising though disappointing.

“I thank President Donald Trump for the kind willingness of his government to work together,” Rodríguez posted on X on 5 March, in perhaps her most shameless act of kneeling since Maduro’s abduction. But, in Iran, the attempted regime change operation in spite of it being overwhelming with superior firepower had been thwarted by that country. Their retaliation has exposed the weakness in the overall US-led defence of what can be termed Gulf Arab countries.

The recent relocation of a significant part of the US anti-missile system deployed in South Korea, particularly to meet the nuclear armed North Korean threat underscored the inadequacy of overall defence of the region at the time Israel-US attacked Iran. Foreign media reported South Korea protesting against the US move though it couldn’t interfere in the US action.

Status of Iranian proxies

The Lebanese armed group Hezbollah reached a ceasefire agreement with Israel in November 2024, following year-long clashes. In spite of the ceasefire, according to international media, Israel continued military presence in that country and there were numerous ceasefire violations. However, Hezbollah largely abided by the ceasefire until the assassination of the Iranian Supreme Leader.

Hezbollah resumed large scale attacks on Israel following the 28 February attacks. Combined Iran-Hezbollah attacks on Israel caused significant trouble. Israel launched retaliatory strikes and expanded ground operations in Lebanon where over a million people were displaced amidst massive destruction of infrastructure.

The French offer to arrange direct talks between Israel and Lebanon to find a lasting solution to the developing crisis seems irrelevant as long as Israel-US action continues against Iran. The issue at hand is the Israel’s desire to obliterate Iran with US support. US media, particularly CNN, reported how the American public resented the expanding US role in the conflict, with Trump issuing contradictory statements regarding US objectives.

Hamas, whose October 2023 raid on Israel resulted in the ongoing conflict, appeared to have surprised Iran with its recent plea to Tehran not to attack Gulf Arab countries in retaliation for Israeli-US aggression. Iran simply ignored Hamas appeal.

Iran should be held responsible for pursuing destructive strategy in the region by sponsoring Hamas in Gaza, Hezbollah in Lebanon and Houthis in Yemen. The Israeli military action that followed the unprecedented October 2023 Hamas raid that caused well over 1,000 Israeli deaths weakened all Iran backed groups. Iran, in a way, used these groups as a buffer against the Jewish State. Lebanon, too, is a victim of Iranian strategy that empowered Hezbollah to take on Israel. US backed Israeli actions cannot be discussed under any circumstances turning a blind eye to Iranian funding of Hamas, Hezbollah and Houthis fought back in whatever way possible. People have forgotten President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s ridiculous declaration in late December 2023 that he would deploy an Offshore Patrol Vessel (OPV) in the Red Sea in support of US-led efforts to counter Houthi attacks on the vital shipping lane.

In spite of reports and claims of the Sri Lanka Navy sending an OPV there, actual deployment never took place. Sri Lankan vessels are not equipped to face possible missile and drone threats and in case of deployment would have been vulnerable to Houthi such attacks.

 

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

Digital Transformation in the Global South: Understanding Sri Lanka through India AI Impact Summit 2026

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Artificial Intelligence has rapidly moved from being a specialised technological field into a major social force that shapes economies, cultures, governance, and everyday human life. The India AI Impact Summit 2026, held in New Delhi, symbolised a significant moment for the Global South, especially South Asia, because it demonstrated that artificial intelligence is no longer limited to advanced Western economies however can also become a development tool for emerging societies. The summit gathered governments, researchers, technology companies, and international organizations to discuss how AI can support social welfare, public services, and economic growth. Its central message was that artificial intelligence should be human centered and socially useful. Instead of focusing only on powerful computing systems, the summit emphasised affordable technologies, open collaboration, and ethical responsibility so that ordinary citizens can benefit from digital transformation. For South Asia, where large populations live in rural areas and resources are unevenly distributed, this idea is particularly important.

One of the most important concepts promoted at the summit was the idea of “people friendly AI.” This means that artificial intelligence should be accessible, understandable, and helpful in daily activities. In South Asia, language diversity and economic inequality often prevent people from using advanced technology. Therefore, systems designed for local languages and smartphones play a crucial role. When a farmer can speak to a digital assistant in Sinhala, Tamil, or Hindi and receive advice about weather patterns or crop diseases, technology becomes practical rather than distant. Similarly, voice based interfaces allow elderly people and individuals with limited literacy to use digital services. Affordable mobile based AI tools reduce the digital divide between urban and rural populations. As a result, artificial intelligence stops being an elite instrument and becomes a social assistant that supports ordinary life.

Transformation

The influence of this transformation is visible in education. AI based learning platforms can analyse student performance and provide personalized lessons. Instead of all students following the same pace, weaker learners receive additional practice while advanced learners explore deeper material. Teachers are able to focus on mentoring and explanation rather than repetitive instruction. In many South Asian societies, including Sri Lanka, education has long depended on memorisation and private tuition classes. AI tutoring systems could reduce educational inequality by giving rural students access to learning resources similar to those available in cities. A student who struggles with mathematics, for example, can practice step by step exercises automatically generated according to individual mistakes. This reduces pressure, improves confidence, and gradually changes the educational culture from rote learning toward understanding and problem solving.

Healthcare is another area where AI is becoming people friendly. Many rural communities face shortages of doctors and medical facilities. AI-assisted diagnostic tools can analyse symptoms or medical images and provide early warnings about diseases. Patients can receive preliminary advice through mobile applications, which helps them decide whether hospital visits are necessary. This reduces overcrowding in hospitals and saves travel costs. Public health authorities can also analyse large datasets to monitor disease outbreaks and allocate resources efficiently. In this way, artificial intelligence supports not only individual patients but also the entire health system.

Agriculture, which remains a primary livelihood for millions in South Asia, is also undergoing transformation. Farmers traditionally rely on seasonal experience, but climate change has made weather patterns unpredictable. AI systems that analyze rainfall data, soil conditions, and satellite images can predict crop performance and recommend irrigation schedules. Early detection of plant diseases prevents large-scale crop losses. For a small farmer, accurate information can mean the difference between profit and debt. Thus, AI directly influences economic stability at the household level.

Employment and communication

Artificial intelligence is also reshaping employment and communication. Routine clerical and repetitive tasks are increasingly automated, while demand grows for digital skills such as data management, programming, and online services. Many young people in South Asia are beginning to participate in remote work, freelancing, and digital entrepreneurship. AI translation tools allow communication across languages, enabling businesses to reach international customers. Knowledge becomes more accessible because information can be summarised, translated, and explained instantly. This leads to a broader sociological shift: authority moves from tradition and hierarchy toward information and analytical reasoning. Individuals rely more on data when making decisions about education, finance, and career planning.

Shared conditions

The impact on Sri Lanka is especially significant because the country shares many social and economic conditions with India and often adopts regional technological innovations. Sri Lanka has already begun integrating artificial intelligence into education, agriculture, and public administration. In schools and universities, AI learning tools may reduce the heavy dependence on private tuition and help students in rural districts receive equal academic support. In agriculture, predictive analytics can help farmers manage climate variability, improving productivity and food security. In public administration, digital systems can speed up document processing, licensing, and public service delivery. Smart transportation systems may reduce congestion in urban areas, saving time and fuel.

Economic opportunities are also expanding. Sri Lanka’s service based economy and IT outsourcing sector can benefit from increased global demand for digital skills. AI-assisted software development, data annotation, and online service platforms can create new employment pathways, especially for educated youth. Small and medium entrepreneurs can use AI tools to design products, manage finances, and market services internationally at low cost. In tourism, personalized digital assistants and recommendation systems can improve visitor experiences and help small businesses connect with travelers directly.

However, the integration of artificial intelligence also raises serious concerns. Digital inequality may widen if only educated urban populations gain access to technological skills. Some routine jobs may disappear, requiring workers to retrain. There are also risks of misinformation, surveillance, and misuse of personal data. Ethical regulation and transparency are therefore essential. Governments must develop policies that protect privacy, ensure accountability, and encourage responsible innovation. Public awareness and digital literacy programs are necessary so that citizens understand both the benefits and limitations of AI systems.

Beyond economics and services

Beyond economics and services, AI is gradually influencing social relationships and cultural patterns. South Asian societies have traditionally relied on hierarchy and personal authority, but data-driven decision making changes this structure. Agricultural planning may depend on predictive models rather than ancestral practice, and educational evaluation may rely on learning analytics instead of examination rankings alone. This does not eliminate human judgment, but it alters its basis. Societies increasingly value analytical thinking, creativity, and adaptability. Educational systems must therefore move beyond memorization toward critical thinking and interdisciplinary learning.

In Sri Lanka, these changes may contribute to national development if implemented carefully. AI-supported financial monitoring can improve transparency and reduce corruption. Smart infrastructure systems can help manage transportation and urban planning. Communication technologies can support interaction among Sinhala, Tamil, and English speakers, promoting social inclusion in a multilingual society. Assistive technologies can improve accessibility for persons with disabilities, enabling broader participation in education and employment. These developments show that artificial intelligence is not merely a technological innovation but a social instrument capable of strengthening equality when guided by ethical policy.

Ultimately, the India AI Impact Summit 2026 represents a symbolic shift in the global technological landscape. It indicates that developing nations are beginning to shape the future of artificial intelligence according to their own social needs rather than passively importing technology. For South Asia and Sri Lanka, the challenge is not whether AI will arrive but how it will be used. If education systems prepare citizens, if governments establish responsible regulations, and if access remains inclusive, AI can become a partner in development rather than a source of inequality. The future will likely involve close collaboration between humans and intelligent systems, where machines assist decision making while human values guide outcomes. In this sense, artificial intelligence does not replace human society however transforms it, offering Sri Lanka an opportunity to build a more knowledge based, efficient, and equitable social order in the decades ahead.

by Milinda Mayadunna

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Midweek Review

‘Conversational reading’ with children

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Enhancing Sensibility

In our contemporary culture, we have lost our age-old tradition of intergenerational transmission of stories through spoken word, and our children have lost their romance with the printed word. These were the observations made by several learned contributors to this journal in recent times. In this context, I was interested in reading the informative article titled, ‘The Art and Science of Communicating with Your Little Child’ [The Island, March 5, 2026] by senior Paediatrician Dr. B. J. C. Perera, in which he underscores the significance of meaningful communication of children, mostly with their parents, in designing the ‘architecture of their minds’, a task which cannot be served by apps, vocabulary flashcards, or educational television. Dr. Perera, has drawn a consilience between science and sensibility.

While acknowledging the developmental benefits of appropriate social interactions, stories listened to and read by children in their formative years, I wish to address the allied topic of conversational reading [also known as dialogic or interactive reading] which provides a wider area of growth and sensibility. Not pretending it to be a novel idea, I write with the hope of raising the awareness of parents, grandparents and teachers alike, of the wider scope of the topic, in view of recent research of its developmental benefits for children,

Nowadays, children spend countless hours immersed in electronic media [e. g. smart phones, social media, gaming etc.] without guidance from parents who are occupied with busy work schedules. Children have less time for reading outside the school curriculum and to have a meaningful dialogue. While not denying the immense benefits of technological advances, social media mainly provide sensation and impression, offering less depth and complexity of thought. They also provide an escape from a ruthlessly competitive education system with tuition outside school hours and burdensome homework. It is now becoming increasingly evident that overindulgence in social media use has the potential to cause pervasive detrimental effects on children relating to their emotional stability, impulse control, sleep pattern and interpersonal skill.

Before embarking on the subject of Conversational Reading and its developmental benefits, I wish to briefly address the topics of intergenerational storytelling and reading.

Intergenerational Story-telling

The tradition of intergenerational storytelling is a universal exercise, perhaps dating back to the development of language itself. Typically, stories are told for transferring information or education or for entertainment. Early humans such as the Aboriginal People of Australia, who lived before the development of the written word, story-telling by tribal elders [‘knowledge keepers’] was the primary mode of transmission of knowledge, values and life lessons. It was a powerful tool for education, intertwined with art, songs and dances, fostering beliefs about creation, ancestral spirits, and connection to the land. The stories helped to pass down generations, a sense of cultural identity and the need to live in harmony with each other and with the environment.

Story-telling through Printed Word

Following the development of the written word by Sumerians in Mesopotamia around 3500 – 3200 BCE and printing on paper by the Chinese in 868 CE, stories were delivered to some extent through the printed word. The first printed children’s story on paper, ‘Orbis Sensualium Pictus’ [The World of Things Obvious to the Senses drawn in Pictures’] published in 1658 by John Amos Comenius, the Czech educator, was an educational book with illustrations that inspired joyful learning in children. Since then illustrated story books were marketed for pleasure reading. Combining pictures with words became a delightful way to tell a story, as in the fairy tales by Hans Christian Andersen, Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland by Lewis Carroll and The Tale of Peter Rabbit by Beatrix Potter. Stories were presented in both prose and verse.

We Sri Lankans are endowed with a wealth of children’s literature pioneered by such literary figures as Kumaratunga Munidasa, Ananda Rajakaruna, Tibetan [Sikkimese] monk Rev. S. Mahinda, V. D. De Lanarolle, Piyadasa Sirisena, G.H. Perera and others. They transformed folk tales into prose and poetry for supplementary reading. Edwin Ranawaka translated children’s stories from English to Sinhala with modifications to suit the local readership. They were men of vision who inspired the young with their literary work aimed at enhancing their creativity, sensitivity and tranquillity to prepare them for the challenges of the future. Our literary icon, Martin Wickremasinghe, was ahead of his time in recognising the importance of children’s literature and its positive impact on their psychosocial and intellectual development. In his book ‘Apey Lama Sahithyaya’ [Our Children’s Literature] in the immediate post-independent era he made the astute observation that a nation without children’s literature rooted in its heritage may face intellectual and moral decline. Wickremasinge regretted that despite the above contributions, we have been slow in developing a children’s literature of our own, although such a literary genre has long been established in the west.

I apologise for not being able to add to the above any Tamil authors of children’s stories due to my lack of knowledge.

Regular exposure to reading books has a long list of benefits for children: reading expands exposure to language and new vocabulary, builds foundational skills such as prediction, sequencing, and summarising, and introduces characters and worlds far beyond a child’s family or neighbourhood. Reading is a powerful technique in broadening social, emotional and cognitive development of children.

Conversational Reading

Recent research in childhood education and psychology has shown that conversational reading with children in their early formative years [in the main the pre-primary and primary school years] can both broaden and deepen the already known developmental benefits of the reading experience.

Conversational reading is the art of reading to and reading with children of an age appropriate piece of prose or verse by an adult, in a two way interactive process, exploring their thoughts and feelings about what is read and helping them to articulate their views within their capacity. It is fundamentally different from simply reading the words in a book to a child. It promotes the use of open-ended questions to create conversations while reading. In this dynamic, the child and the adult [parent, grand-parent, or teacher] contribute to the conversation in equal parts. Conversational reading in the school setting with a group of children offers greater benefits as it encourages discussion amongst them.

Research findings on conversational reading shows a wide range of developmental benefits – cognitive, emotional, and social.

Significant improvements in language development, especially in the areas of expressive vocabulary, word acquisition and sentence structure through modelling and meaningful conversations.

Such meaningful conversations enhance reading comprehension by reflection on characters and events and encourage critical thinking by looking beyond the narrative. Their active participation increases their imagination and creativity and their motivation to read.

Children being active participants, rather than passive listeners, improve their communication skills and encourage respectful discourse and help raise their self-esteem.

It enhances social and emotional understanding through exploration of feelings and relationships, being insightful of others’ perspectives and the development of empathy.

It enables strengthening of emotional bonds with adults through meaningful dialogue.

It is a joyful exercise that facilitates learning.

Reading with children and talking with them about what matters is more important than ever before. Reading fluency, comprehension, and ability to relate the ideas in a story to yourself and the wider world are the building blocks of imagination, empathy, critical thinking, and creativity—all crucial qualities which give children the ability to better understand themselves and others and to find their place in the world.

by Dr Siri Galhenage,
MBBS, DPM, MRCPsych, FRANZCP
Psychiatrist [Retd]

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