Opinion
Towards a united front against repression and dictatorship
Reply to ‘The Wickremesinghe Presidency’
by Dr. Mahim Mendis
“The man of character is the persistent man, the man who is faithful to his own word, his own convictions, his own affections”.
Maria Montessori
The analysis by Anura Gunasekere in The Island Newspaper, of 22nd July, 2022, is a reflection of a segment of the English-speaking middle class in Sri Lanka, confused and burdened by the state of flux, or the terrible uncertainty that engulfs the nation at large. They often confine their criticism to private gatherings, while a few others express themselves through newspaper columns with hard hearted sentiments against politicians like Sajith Premadasa, whom they love to undermine. Ironically, these distractors themselves are not principled on they look at national level problems.
OVERWHELMED BY ACTION TO OUST RANIL/RAJAPAKSAS
Members of this social class, going by the contents of Mr. Gunasekeras column, never believed in ousting Rajapaksas or Wickremesinghe, as they easily embrace the status quo; unlike hapless masses who courageously resist without running away when fired by the State armed forces or the goons employed by the Ranil/Rajapaksa regime. They also resent the militant outlook of University students affiliated to the Inter-University Student Federation, as they know that they are tougher in heart and mind than their own sons and daughters.
Anura Gunasekere has remembered to grant some fatherly advice to these militant youth that revived the Aragalaya consistently as follows: “Also a word to unemployed graduates; the State provides you with an education, but is not obliged to provide you with sinecure employment of your choice. You need to work at becoming employable and learn to accept what is available”.
Probably, Gunasekere did not understand that these boys and girls are concerned about the massive disparity in educational standards in Sri Lanka, with approximately 9% completing tertiary literacy with absolutely poor human and physical infrastructure rooted in major socio-economic incompatibilities in 25 Districts.
Anura Gunasekere probably did not realize that youth leaders, like Wasantha Mudalige and Lahiru Weerasekere, of the IUSF, or Duminda Nagamuwa of the Frontline Socialist Party, constantly battle against the prevailing system, demanding decisive changes in the system, even risking imprisonment. Anura Gunasekere, won’t even remember that these militant girls and boys have been fighting in recent times against militarization of vital institutions of the State, including, public administration, health, education, agriculture, etc., warning all of us about the effects of the militarization project, if pursued to a logical conclusion.
ARAGALAYA DID NOT CHANGE; THOUGH SOME AT GALLE FACE CHANGED
IUSF, just as much as academics, farmers, fishermen and school reachers, had already started their Aragalaya, long before committed and passionate youth started the GOTAGOGAMA. I say this as Anura Gunasekere has taken the typically conservative position often repeated by the English-speaking elites, as follows:
“The Aragalaya itself appears to have changed, in both complexion and composition. Ordinary citizens of all social and economic classes have withdrawn and the Aragalaya is now represented by more militant, professional agitators, seemingly drawn largely from the Frontline Socialist Party and the Inter-University Federation, with some assistance from habitual malcontents who occupy the fringe of all strife, irrespective of political belief”.
The Aragalaya. that Gunasekere talks about. was abandoned not by ordinary people but by those of higher social echelons, probably the day Mahinda Rajapaksa’s goons attacked unarmed youth near Temple Trees and at Galle Face Green. Probably the members of the bourgeoisie suffered from major withdrawal tendencies with the SJB leader and Leader of the Opposition Sajith Premadasa nearly getting assaulted by a few disgruntled JVP/JJB activists.
SAJITH EXPRESSED TRUE SOLIDARITY WITH THE ARAGALAYA IN A HOLISTIC SENSE
Whilst Anura Gunasekere confers status to the Aragalaya from the time Gotagogama emerged, Sajith Premadasa was sensitive to different segments of the suffering people, long before Gotagogama emerged. Having established a viable political alternative, inspired by Social Democracy, to the Rajapaksa-led and Military blessed Pohottuwa, the neo-liberal and neo-feudal Ranil Wickremesinghe-led UNP, and the Communist inspired JVP/JJB, Sajith was also concerned about acute militarization of society and the misery that could befall the nation through anti-people economic policies with special tax concessions to the most affluent.
When the IUSF and the FUTA opposed the KDU Bill, Sajith Premadasa worked with the anti-militarization lobby, as he knew that the Rajapaksas would cause havoc with this power, sooner or later.
FRIVOLOUS ASSUMPTION THAT SAJITH BLUNDERED BY REJECTING P. M. OR PRESIDENT POST
Sajith Premadasa, who had a mind and a spine to challenge the UNP, led by Ranil Wickremesinghe, the JVP, led by Anura Kumara Dissanayake, and the Pohottuwa, led by the Rajapakses, at the 2020 General Elections, with his own party, emerged as the leader of the most formidable Opposition, with both the UNP and the JJB trailing far behind, with a voter base that did not reach 5%.
Now, it is such a leader that Anura Gunasekere advocates should be changed, knowing that this is Sri Lanka’s newest party with an unprecedented electoral performance, politically annihilating the RW-led UNP in every district in Sri Lanka.
PRINCIPLED LEADER PROJECTED AS A COWARD
Is Anura Gunasekere an appeaser of the Ranil-Rajapaksa regime to have a serious grouse with Sajith Premadasa for not accepting the Prime Ministerial post under Gotabaya? Is he incapable of understanding that such a step would have been most dishonourable for anyone who expressed solidarity with the peoples’ struggle? Anura Gunasekere also seems to be thinking that the ousting of the Rajapaksas; Mahinda, Basil and Gotabaya created a massive dilemma in the mind of Sajith Premadasa as he was not confident enough to accept high office.
As stated by him: “Why was a relative nonentity, like Dulles, until very recently a Rajapaksa faithful, chosen to oppose RW? The most obvious answer would be that Sajith Premadasa, who faced a second career challenge within weeks, again showed no stomach for the fight. In this situation the most obvious candidate to oppose RW would have been the Leader of the Opposition”.
UNITING ENTIRE OPPOSITION AGAINST RANIL /RAJAPAKSA WAS PREMADASA’S PRIORITY
Anura Gunasekere should know better that it was not a matter of Sajith proving the strength of the SJB which had 50 members, like what was done by the Anura Kumara-led three member JJB/JVP combine, against the Rajapakses 2/3rds in Parliament. He should realize that this was at a time the TNA and the SLFP had already decided to abstain from voting.
The Statesman like position of Sajith Premadasa only helped to galvanize the Opposition with a few more supporting the second major demand of the Aragalaya for an Interim all-party consensus that will honour constitutional and socio-economic reforms proposed to ensure dignity of life for the majority of our citizens.
I see Anura Gunasekara’s frustration that Sajith did not play Ranil’s politically vulgar trick. But that is unacceptable to democratic minded people, although Anura Gunasekere states that: Today, he (Ranil) is the elected leader of the country, ironically, enthusiastically sponsored by the very members of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) which, in August 2020, consigned him to political oblivion”. Now, if Gunasekere had a value centered democratic political perception, will he in any way perceive that Wickremesinghe is the elected Leader of the country, when he was in fact rejected in every electorate?
FRIVOLOUS THINKING OF SO CALLED RESPECTABLE
Let us accept that the Sri Lankan nation is in a perilous state not because of the formally untrained, poverty–stricken majority, but because of the privileged, educated, so called cosmopolitan minority, who are confused and attitudinally poverty-stricken. Even in Parliament they have never been a source of inspiration for the lesser mortals.
The challenge for the English-speaking middle class is to be more inspiring than Wickremasinghe types who have proved with actions that they have not really read any decent books in their own libraries.
Lacking in pro-people ideological convictions, they are not sure about what they believe in, like for example, the way some opt to worship in any religious shrine under the sun. They criticize Sajith Premadasa, who in fact has the charisma and the backbone to form his own party, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya, which is today working towards a new political culture to refrain from grabbing political power at whatever cost.
SAJITH’S MISSION TO FORM A NATIONAL MOVEMENT TO RESIST FASCISM
As pointed out by the eminent Political Scientist and former Sri Lankan Ambassador to the United Nation, Dr. Dayan Jayatilleke, in an article in the Colombo Telegraph of 22 July 2022, the highest priority right now is to ensure the formation of an anti-fascist united front, leading to a united front against repression and dictatorship.
As a strong leader with a heart and mind for the ordinary people, Sajith has already created the foundation for this broad coalition, to unite all, as prescribed wisely by Dr. Jayatilleke. This is to unite the JVP, the FSP, the SLFP and the 10 smaller parties and the Dullas faction to fight the Ranil-Rajapaksa civilian-military junta.
Sajith becomes a strong leader since he tirelessly and selflessly worked to unite the entire Parliamentary opposition, while the Aragalaya united the people. He is strong enough to understand that Aragalaya believes in a Peoples’ Council to engage in farsighted deliberations, while his distractors are busy aligning themselves with Ranil’s anti- people regime. Proposal for a Peoples’ Council is not a Pol-Potish tendency on the part of Youth leaders.
Premadasa respects the three Cs in governance: Consultation, Consensus and Compromise, that his own father Ransinghe Premadasa was committed to practising when he even appointed an All-Party Parliamentary Select Committee, under the SLFP MP Mangala Samaraweera to resolve the ethno-political crisis. Hence, let me remind Anura Gunasekere:
“Partisan rancor and party politics and ideology have got in the way of compromise – and compromise is the only thing that has ever made politics successful”.
– Kevin Spacey, American Film Producer and Political Activist
Opinion
Open letter to PUCSL on proposed electricity tariff revision
Although the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL) has appropriately invited public consultation on the proposed electricity tariff revision from 27 February to 18 March, the online submission portal appears to contain a non-functioning submission tab. If this technical issue persists, it risks undermining the integrity and effectiveness of the entire consultation process. Consequently, I have chosen to present this letter openly for public consideration, including by the PUCSL.
Current geopolitical tensions in the Middle East underscore the urgent need for Sri Lanka to minimise its dependence on imported fossil fuels and prioritise the development of domestic renewable energy resources, including solar, hydro, and wind power. Such a transition is essential to securing a stable and independent energy supply. Regrettably, the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) appears to be moving in the opposite direction.
Promoting solar-powered electric vehicles supported by home-based renewable charging systems would strengthen national energy security and reduce pressure on imported fuel supplies. The fuel queues witnessed during periods of crisis, most notably in 2022, serve as a stark reminder of the risks associated with excessive dependence on external energy sources and the national anarchy that can follow.
As a small nation operating within a volatile global economy, Sri Lanka must remain as non-aligned and self-reliant as possible. Strengthening self-sufficiency in strategic sectors is critical to avoiding collateral damage amid escalating geopolitical rivalries among major powers. India has made steady progress along this path; Sri Lanka would be well-advised to do the same.
Raising electricity tariffs — a measure repeatedly adopted over the past decades to offset the high cost of fossil-fuel-based power generation — places an unfair burden on debt-ridden households and struggling businesses. Resorting once again to tariff increases, rather than addressing structural inefficiencies and fuel dependency, reflects a failure of long-term planning. The nation must instead pursue sustainable energy solutions that reduce costs over time.
As a debt-burdened country, Sri Lanka urgently requires pragmatic, forward-looking strategies that ease the pressure on citizens while strengthening resilience in times of geopolitical instability. Energy pricing is not a peripheral issue; it is a central pillar of economic stability and national security, demanding serious and immediate attention.
Established on 1 November 1969, the CEB was entrusted with the responsibility of generating and distributing electricity across the island while promoting social and economic development through the optimal use of national resources.
Recent developments suggest that the Ceylon Electricity Board has fallen short of these foundational objectives. Over the past two decades, electricity tariffs have been increased repeatedly under various justifications yet supply reliability has not consistently improved. The current proposed revision appears to perpetuate the same pattern: continued dependence on imported fossil fuels, directly contradicting the principle of optimally utilising national resources. This trajectory risks returning the country to recurring crises, including the prolonged fuel shortages and power cuts experienced in recent years.
Energy is not an ordinary commodity confined to a single sector; it affects every dimension of national life. High energy costs increase the cost of living by inflating expenses related to food production, transportation, manufacturing, and consumer goods. Ultimately, these costs are borne by citizens.
Moreover, elevated energy prices undermine national competitiveness by discouraging foreign investment and constraining local entrepreneurship, technological advancement, industrial expansion, and job creation. High-cost energy impedes national development.
Low-cost energy should therefore be formally adopted as a national policy objective. The CEB must adhere to its original mandate of optimising national resources for cost-effective electricity generation. Any deviation from this principle must be fully transparent and supported by clear, evidence-based justification.
Even in the sphere of renewable energy, concerns arise about the apparent preference for large-scale solar and battery storage projects that require substantial public funding. Previous claims of “grid instability” attributed to household rooftop solar generation were used to justify policy shifts. If electricity generated by rooftop solar during daylight hours was considered problematic, how would significantly larger solar installations differ in principle? Without systematic and transparent grid modernisation, such projects risk becoming costly stopgap measures rather than sustainable long-term solutions.
Poorly planned initiatives could once again expose the country to high delivery costs, reflected in elevated tariffs. They may also increase the risk of power disruptions due to battery limitations, spare-part shortages, infrastructure weaknesses, or maintenance failures. Sri Lanka has previously endured six- to ten-hour power outages, with severe economic and social consequences. The nation cannot afford a return to such instability.
It must also be recognised that rooftop solar installations, financed by homeowners — often through personal loans — have provided a crucial safety net for many families. By purchasing surplus energy from these “prosumers,” the system has functioned in a mutually beneficial manner for both households and the nation. Rather than discouraging decentralised generation, Sri Lanka should modernise its grid and meaningfully integrate citizen-led energy production. Short- and medium-term grid improvements could be facilitated through structured private-sector participation, including by prosumers themselves.
Globally, affordable energy underpins economic growth. Countries such as China, the United States, Norway, Brazil, and Canada have leveraged domestic energy resources to produce cost-effective power and accelerate development.
Sri Lanka must adopt a clear national policy centred on low-cost energy, fully utilising its natural endowments — solar, hydro, wind, and emerging technologies. Proposals prioritising imported fuels should be considered secondary and strictly transitional.
A nation that endures long queues for essential energy supplies cannot reasonably expect its citizens and businesses to remain productive and resilient. These realities are fundamentally incompatible.
Encouraging decentralised energy production would:
* Reduce the cost of living
* Improve national resilience
* Attract foreign investment
* Create employment
* Enhance export competitiveness
The people have entrusted the government with this responsibility. The time has come for a decisive, transparent, and forward-looking policy shift.
Chula Goonasekera
(cgoonase@sltnet.lk)
A concerned citizen
Opinion
Need for well-designed contracts and their implementation
The purchase of substandard coal using a faulty tendering process has become news lately. This enormous financial loss to the country indicates the urgent need for the Government to pass stronger contract laws and have their proper implementation in Sri Lanka by professionals. It is recommended that “Model” contracts need to be drawn up as typical examples and these made available to governmental departments who may need to enter into similar contracts. Do not ask a busy manager to design a contract, a legal document from scratch! Perhaps a whole department should be set up to monitor (police?) government and local government administration of contracts under English Contract Law and contracts under the United Nations Convention for International Sale of Goods (CISG). Perhaps now, it seems that anyone in government can draw up a contract and design it to suit his own whims and fancies!
I suggest here models of typical contracts, useable for different cases are made available for anyone or any department required to enter into a contract to enable them, or at least assist them to first formulate, and draw up an effective contract which must have certain important clauses. Contract administrators and supervisors need to be well trained, motivated and independent in order to administer Government contracts as the law of Sri Lanka should demand.
Contract Management
In the West, mutually agreed contracts are considered legal agreements enforceable by law under a given jurisdiction. There is the initiator of the contract named the Owner and a Main Contractor who agrees to implement the work for a price consideration, and who may delegate part, or all of the work to sub-contractors.
Contracts must provide all the information required by a contractor to complete the work. Contract clauses must incorporate all foreseeable eventualities. For example, the acceptance, as agreed and signed between the contacting parties by the supplier or lead contractor, needs to have clauses that allow for design changes (change orders), additional time and the formulation of related costs and profit accordingly. Such ‘in progress’ changes have procedures which are given in clauses dealing with ‘change orders’ which require assessing the cost of the change order implementation. Change order management may best be done by a firm of Quantity Surveyors.
The main contractor agrees with the owner to supply labour, materials and specialist equipment to fulfil the terms of the agreement or contract for a price. Special tax concessions, customs clearances and other legal requirements can fall on the shoulders of the Owner, or as negotiated from the outset. All these matters need to be clarified from the outset of any contract.
Time is of the essence. The time value of money is always at the forefront of the contract manager’s mind. The work is usually expected to be carried out to a time frame set by the owner. Therefore, the implementation of an agreement should be set in an agreed time frame with easily defined milestones marking progress and marking when appropriate payments become due.
Of course, contract administrators must make payments only when the work is verified as satisfactorily completed at each of previously agreed stages of the contract. Usually, there are time limitations, with penalties for time overruns. Owners want their goods delivered on time and to meet all contractual specifications on quality and performance. There should be clauses stipulating quality and quantity guarantees and guarantees of remedial repairs, continuing service agreements to be settled before an official handover and signing on completion of a contract. Final payment should be withheld until the guarantee period has expired. Preparing for these events needs computers, foresight and experience.
Small contracts are usually managed by the owner, but large, multimillion dollar contracts may be administered by an independent organisation. A contract is enforceable by law, with stated financial penalties for failures to abide by the terms of the contract, but all is subject to “Force Majeure.” This is when progress of the work is seriously impeded or impossible due to events totally outside the control of the Subcontractor.
Contract implementation is a large area, well catered for by laws in the English language. This letter can only raise questions about the quality of contract administration in Sri Lanka. Unfortunately, so few legislators have sufficient knowledge of English, resulting in loopholes allowing manipulation which may result in Sri Lankan public having to pay through the nose, pay dearly for incompetent practice.
I can suggest these improvements, but my actual experience is that all my letters, in English, to officialdom go unanswered and ignored.
Roger. O. Smith
Opinion
Sri Lanka Cricket needs a bitter pill
A systemic diagnosis of a fading legacy
The outcome of the 2026 T20 World Cup, coupled with the trajectory of the sport in recent years, provides harrowing evidence that Sri Lankan cricket is suffering from a terminal malignancy.The Doomsday clock for Sri Lankan cricket has not just started ticking—it has reached its final hour.
Therefore this note is written to call the attention of the cricketing elite who love the sport.
The current state of affairs suggests a pathology so deep-seated that conventional remedies—be it revolving-door coaching changes or fleeting, opportunistic victories—can no longer arrest its spread.
What we are witnessing is not a mere slump in form or a temporary lapse in rhythm; it is a profound systemic collapse that threatens the very foundation of our national pastime.
The Illusion of Recovery: The “Sanath Factor” as Palliative Care:
Since late 2024, the appointment of Sanath Jayasuriya as Head Coach injected a much-needed surge of adrenaline into the national side.
Statistically, the highlights were historic: a first ODI series win against India in 27 years, a Test victory at The Oval after a decade, and a clinical 2-0 whitewash of New Zealand.
However, a data-driven autopsy reveals that these will be “palliative” successes rather than a cure.
Under Jayasuriya’s tenure, the team maintained a win rate of approximately 50 percent (29 wins in 60 matches).
While analysts optimistically labeled this a “transitional phase,” the recent T20 series against England and Pakistan exposed the raw truth: in high-pressure “crunch” moments, the team’s performance metrics—specifically Strike Rate (SR) and Fielding Efficiency—regress to amateur levels.
We are not transitioning; we are stagnating in a professional abyss.
The Scientific Gap:
Why India and Australia Lead
The disparity between Sri Lanka and global giants such as the BCCI and Cricket Australia (CA) is now rooted in High-Performance Science and Algorithmic Management.
Predictive Analytics & Biometrics
In Australia, fast bowlers utilise wearable sensors to monitor workload and biomechanical stress.
AI models analyse this data to predict stress fractures before they occur.
Sri Lanka, conversely, continues to cycle through injured pacemen with no predictive oversight.
Virtual Reality (VR) Training
While Australian batters use VR to simulate the trajectories of elite global bowlers, Sri Lankan players remain tethered to traditional net sessions on deteriorating domestic tracks.
Data-Driven Talent Identification:
India’s “transmission system” utilises automated data analysis across thousands of domestic matches to identify players who thrive under specific pressure indices.
In Sri Lanka, 85 percent of national talent still originates from just four districts—a statistical failure in talent scouting and geographic expansion.
Infrastructure vs. Intellect:
A Misallocation of Capital
Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) boasts massive reserves, yet its investment strategy is fundamentally flawed.
Capital is funneled into “bricks and mortar”—grand stadiums and administrative buildings—rather than the human capital of the sport.
We build colosseums but fail to train the gladiators.
The domestic structure remains a “spin trap.”
By producing “rank turners” to suit club politics, we have effectively de-skilled our batters against elite pace and rendered our spinners ineffective on the flat, true wickets required for international success.
The Leadership Deficit:
A Failure of Succession Planning
The crisis of leadership post-Sangakkara and Mahela is a byproduct of poor “Succession Science.”
Australia maintains a “Culture of Continuity,” backing leadership even through lean periods to ensure stability.
India employs a rigid “Succession Roadmap,” ensuring the next generation is integrated into the system long before the veterans depart.
In contrast, SLC operates on a “carousel of convenience,” changing captains and coaches to distract from administrative failures.
This lack of imaginative management stems from a low literacy in modern Sports Governance.
From a philosophical perspective, our established cricketing traditions have failed to absorb the antithesis of the modern, hyper-professionalized global game.
As a result, a truly modern Sri Lankan brand of cricket has failed to materialise.
Instead, we are trapped in what is called a “Static Synthesis,” where the administration clings to the glories of 1996 and 2014 as a shield against the necessity of change.
This is not a transition; it is a refusal to evolve
We are witnessing the alienation of the sport from its people, where the “Master” (the administration) has become detached from the “Slave” (the grassroots talent and the fans).
The Verdict:
A National Emergency
The “cancer” in Sri Lankan cricket is a trifecta of political interference, irrational management, and a refusal to embrace the Fourth Industrial Revolution (AI, VR, and Big Data).
As someone who contributed to the formation of the Sri Lankan Professional Cricketers’ Association, I see the current trajectory as a betrayal of the players’ potential and the nation’s heritage.
Sri Lanka Cricket does not need another “review committee” or a new coach to act as a human shield for the board.
It needs a “Bitter Pill”—an aggressive, independent restructuring that prioritises scientific professionalisation over cronyism.
Without this, our cricket will remain at the bottom of the well, looking up at a world that has moved light-years ahead.
Shiral Lakthilaka
LLB, LLM/MA
Attorney-at-Law
Former Advisor to H.E. the President of Sri Lanka
Former Member of the Western Provincial Council
Executive Committee member of the Asian Social Democratic Political Parities
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