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TISL challenges Anti-Corruption Bill
Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL) has filed a petition in the Supreme Court challenging the constitutionality of the proposed Anti-Corruption (Amendment) Bill, arguing that several provisions could weaken anti-corruption safeguards, restrict civic space and infringe fundamental rights.
The petition was filed on August 31 in the public interest, challenging the Bill placed on Parliament’s Order Paper on August 19. The proposed legislation seeks to amend the Anti-Corruption Act No. 9 of 2023, TISL said in a statement yesterday.
The TISL statement: Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL) filed a petition on 31st of August 2026, in the Supreme Court challenging the proposed
“Anti-Corruption (Amendment)” Bill placed on the Order Paper of Parliament on the 19th of August 2026. The Bill proposes concerning amendments to the Anti-Corruption Act No. 9 of 2023. The petition has been filed in the public interest.
The principal Anti-Corruption Act No. 9 of 2023 was a landmark reform designed to strengthen Sri Lanka’s anti-corruption enforcement framework in line with international standards. However, TISL warns that the proposed amendments introduce severe policy regressions, create major loopholes, restrict civic space and violate Fundamental Rights. Far from strengthening anti-corruption efforts, they threaten transparency, accountability, and public trust by undermining the asset declaration regime, meaningful right to information and stripping off judicial oversight on the Authority’s discretion to refrain from prosecuting.
TISL’s petition outlines several key areas of constitutional challenge against the proposed Bill:
Clause 4 – Removing Judicial Oversight on Accomplice Prosecutions
The proposed amendment to Section 70 of the principal enactment authorizes the Commission to empower the Director-General of Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) to decide whether to refrain from prosecutions of accomplices in exchange for full disclosure, completely bypassing the requirement for Magistrate authorization. This proposed amendment concentrates discretionary decision-making authority in the position of the Director-General without judicial oversight and accountability, exposing the office to potential manipulation, external threats, political pressure and corruption vulnerabilities. Eliminating judicial oversight threatens the integrity of corruption prosecution and the credibility of the Commission’s enforcement mandate.
Clauses 6 and 18 – Raising the State Shareholding Threshold to 50%
The Bill proposes to amend Section 80(1)(x) of the principal enactment by raising the threshold of State or public-corporation shareholding from 25% to 50% for officers to be required to submit asset declarations. This change would exempt senior officers of state-linked companies where the State holds less than 50% shares. These entities exercise public functions and manage substantial public assets and contracts. A fixed 50% threshold ignores the reality of effective control through board appointments or voting rights and directly conflicts with the Right to Information (RTI) Act, which uses a 25% ownership threshold.
Clause 7 – Creating a Loophole by Excluding Cohabitants
The proposed amendment seeks to repeal Section 81(e) of the principal enactment, removing the requirement for public officials to declare the assets and liabilities of cohabitants who share their common household for at least six months prior to the declaration. Repealing this provision with no justification allows corrupt officials to conceal illicit wealth by registering assets in the names of cohabiting household members who are not spouses or dependents, hampering effective verification and cross-checking.
Clause 11 – Broad Redaction Powers and the Criminalizing the exercise of Freedom of Expression
Alarmingly, the Bill proposes to amend Section 88 of the principal enactment:
a. It grants the CIABOC broad, undefined and arbitrary discretion to redact “any other information” it considers violating an individual’s privacy. This open-ended power risks excessive redaction of key financial details that are vital for identifying conflicts of interest or unexplained wealth.
b. It inserts a new subsection that criminalises citizens from using redacted asset declarations for any purpose other than making formal submissions under Section 86. It criminalises any other use of public information, making it an offence punishable by summary trial with a fine up to Rs. 100,000, imprisonment for up to one year, or both.
Policing what the public can do with public information creates a severe chilling effect on civic space, journalism, and free media. The freedom of expression guaranteed under Article 14(1)(a) of the Constitution includes the right to receive and impart information.
The Bill also proposes to repeal and replace Section 149 of the principal enactment, making bail the exception and remand the norm. The petition highlights that this provision is vague, constitutionally overbroad, lacks clarity, and fails to provide adequate guidelines, violating the principles of proportionality and fundamental rights.
TISL’s petition asserts that the said amendments represent a major policy regression and violate Sri Lanka’s international commitments and that the challenged clauses are inconsistent with Articles 1, 3, 4, 12, 13, 14(1)(a), 14A, 126, 140, and 156A(1)(c) of the Constitution. They infringe upon the Sovereignty of the People and fundamental rights, restrict the Right to Information Act, and impinge on the judicial power of the People.
Accordingly, TISL’s petition urges the Supreme Court to determine that the relevant clauses of the Bill are inconsistent with key provisions of the Constitution and requests the Court to determine that these provisions cannot become law unless they are passed by a two-thirds majority in Parliament and approved by the People at a Referendum.
News
Civil society activist accuses govt. of favouring Ven. Gnanasara
Court of Appeal issues warrant for monk’s arrest
by Shamindra Ferdinando
Civil society activist Gamini Viyangoda on Monday (28) lambasted the NPP government for its failure to act promptly on the Supreme Court cancelling the presidential pardon granted to the General Secretary of Bodu Bala Sena (BBS) Galagodaatte Gnanasara.
Addressing a gathering at the Sri Lanka Foundation to mark the launch of ‘Rajapaksha Samagama’ and ‘Pasku Praharaye Thoththa Babala’ by Lasantha Ruhununuge and Tharindu Uduwaragedara and M.F.M., Faseer, Viyangoda alleged that President Dissanayake’s government was also acting in a manner partial to Gnanasara Thera, the way all previous governments had done.
The NPP should be ashamed of its pathetic failure to act swiftly and decisively, immediately after the Supreme Court revoked President Maithripala Sirisena’s pardon. Viyangoda said that the government owed an explanation as to why law enforcement authorities couldn’t apprehend Gnanasara, following the announcement made on 14 Sept. “For two weeks what were they doing,” he asked.
Ven. Gnanasara was sentenced, in 2018, for a six-year period for contempt of court and intimidating Sandya Eknaligoda, the wife of Prageeth Eknaligoda who disappeared in 2010. But, President Sirisena pardoned him before the convicted monk completed one year of his six-year term.
Viyangoda said that Ven. Gnanasara had openly moved about freely, launched a book and acted as if the Supreme Court ruling didn’t have any impact. Every minute Gnanasara stayed in the open it was an affront to the Supreme Court, Viyangoda said, accusing the government of shielding a wrongdoer.
Referring to certain incidents during the Yahapalana time, Viyangoda revealed that he personally sought the then Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s direct intervention to have Ven. Gnanasara, hiding at a faraway temple, apprehended. “I met Wickremesinghe at Temple Trees. When I raised the failure on the part of police to apprehend Gnanasara, Wickremasinghe immediately called Sagala Ratnayake, who was in charge of public security at that time. Ratnayake promised to take the monk to custody the following day. The next day, Gnanasara surrendered through a lawyer.”
Viyangoda alleged that the Wickremesinghe government had shielded Vem. Gnanasara. The Wickremesinghe-Sagala Ratnayaka duo did that in style, he said, accusing the present government, too, of doing the same.
The Court of Appeal yesterday (29) issued a warrant for the arrest of Gnanasara Thera and ordered that he be produced before the court on 1 Oct.
The court further directed that the warrant be executed through the Inspector General of Police.
This happened when a motion filed by the Attorney General, seeking an order to enforce the prison sentence imposed on Gnanasara Thera, was taken up before the Court of Appeal.
The motion was heard before a Court of Appeal bench, comprising Justices Mayadunne Corea and Lakmali Karunanayake.
President’s Counsel Anura Meddegoda, appearing for Gnanasara Thera, told the court that his client was resting due to illness and requested a date to study the motion and make submissions.
But State Counsel Sajith Bandara declared that the matter concerned a criminal case and requested that the court issue a warrant if the accused failed to appear before the court.
News
More cops than cones
Colombo’s bus priority lane rule returned today, 29 September, as a pilot programme across the city and nearby areas. It applies from 6 a.m. to 9 a.m. and from 4 p.m. to 7 p.m. daily. The renewed operation covers seven designated lanes, meant to cut delays and make public transport more predictable.
Transport Minister Bimal Rathnayake said officials would monitor the trial to assess its effect on congestion and public transport efficiency. Police have told all officers to take legal action against violators. Drivers may enter a lane only in unavoidable cases, such as emergencies, exceptionally heavy traffic, or to cross it when turning.
The Lanka Private Bus Owners’ Association has welcomed the move, and Metro Bus is adding five new routes.
The rule has been revived before, and past efforts struggled with enforcement, so the pilot project’s results will matter.
(Image courtesy Hiru)
News
Sajith accuses govt. of using data selectively in crucial report
Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa has said the government is attempting to paint a falsely beautiful picture of the country’s situation through the Socio-Economic Data report issued together with the Census and Statistics and the Central Bank. “They have selectively included certain information while intentionally omitting other vital facts,” Premadasa has said in a media statement. When presenting data, there must be chronological consistency and integrity. The Central Bank and the Department of Census and Statistics have no right to present outdated data to formulate a conclusion, thereby marginalising an entire segment of the population, Premadasa has argued, pointing out that their primary duty is to report accurate information to the public.
Premadasa says that up to page 18 of the report, recent data from 2023 to 2025 have been used. For main economic indicators, macroeconomic indicators, demographic data, and life expectancy, 2024 data have been used. Indicators such as external trade finance, consumer price indices, Real GDP, imports and exports, prosperity indices, and human development indices have also been compared with Asian and SAARC countries using recent data. However, for the section detailing socio-economic conditions from page 19 to page 34, the data used are exclusively from the outdated 2016–2019 period.
When discussing socio-economic conditions, the data used for household income and expenditure surveys, provincial-level conditions, housing facilities, energy consumption, cooking, and population distribution are entirely from 2016 to 2019, the Opposition Leader has said. Specifically, the data on poverty mentioned on page 33, and even the data on per capita daily food consumption capacity on page 34, belong to this old 2016–2019 timeframe. Formulating a report for the year 2026 using such outdated data is a deliberate attempt to mislead the country and its people.
Premadasa says that from page 35 onwards, fresh 2025 data have been used for sections on prosperity, demographics, the labour force, and employment. Recent data based on current market conditions have also been provided for Gross National Income (GNI) by industrial sources, food prices, imports and exports, tourism, government revenue, state debt, and interest rates.
“If the authorities can present recent data (for 2023, 2024, and 2025) for foreign debt, financial activities, financial sector trends, and money supply, why are they using 2016 and 2019 data for poverty to mislead the country?” the Opposition Leader has asked, pointing out that the main report and its summary prove that while the government uses updated data for macroeconomic aspects, it uses obsolete data regarding poverty, inequality, income distribution, and living standards. The Opposition Leader has called this a historic deception regarding the country’s poverty, asking whether the 12.11.2026 Budget will be on these false data?
Premadasa has said that the government claims that a person can survive for 30 days on Rs. 17,315, which is an absolute lie and a deception. “This Government lacks updated data or definitions for poverty. Since the country went bankrupt, a proper household income and expenditure survey has not been conducted, nor has the poverty line been accurately identified.” He questioned whether the upcoming budget, scheduled for 12.11.2026, will be based on these false and flawed data.
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