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The weaker side of democracy

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Snake greeting the eagle from Lord Shiva’s neck

By: B Nimal Veerasingham

During my middle school days once a month on the last period of the last Friday we had a session called ‘Students club’. I was not sure whether it was part of the general curriculum or simply school specific, but it was a forum or meeting we all looked forward to. I somehow felt it has some connotations in conducting business collectively for a group of people, somewhat a practical extension of the subject ‘Civics’, which as we know is the study of rights and obligations of citizens in society.

Student’s Club

Now, to start with, the session was not exclusively for our class, but another class usually one grade higher or lower was added to the same session perhaps to encourage a variety of groups and not necessarily the people you usually interacted to get together and agree upon common goals. That was very evident right from the very beginning as an executive committee had to be elected. In other words, if you wanted to become a board member you needed the votes from across your familiar line as well. The process provided familiarity and opportunity to all in the art of convincing, negotiation, grandstanding, assertiveness, fairness, equality, likability etc.

Once the board was elected it had the responsibility for preparing the agenda for the upcoming sessions till the end of school year. The agenda primarily involved performances by individuals selected. The performances as far as I could remember though could be seen monotonous was hilarious and chaotic at times, pumping adrenaline. The segments or expected performances were mostly divided into general news section, sports news, cinema songs, songs in other languages, jokes, instant speech on a subject, scientific achievements, historical notes, etc… The assembly by popular vote assign or select the performers or presenters, the only guideline being not to assign the same for the same task repeatedly. Nobody has the right to refuse once assigned. The presentation would take place on the platform where usually the teacher’s desk and chair are but removed now.

Though this exercise seems fair and equitable we were ignorant to understand that all are not equipped with the same talents. There were classmates who hardly hum any music but were asked to sing a cinema song. For them songs mean the kind of classical couplets found in the school textbooks. There were others who struggle in their own language but were expected to sing in a language other than their own. Of course, some created their own gibberish versions and called it Hindi. There were others who thought they were telling jokes but hardly anyone laughed. In sports news once one did refer to Garfield Sobers but for many Sobers is no different from Sundaralingam. As per procedural order when a presenter is not up to the assembly’s least expectation, he was brought down from the platform in humiliation by high clapping ambush by the audience, most on feet.

We just wanted to have a good time at the expense of others. Welcome to our first taste of democracy in action.

Plato and manipulators

About 2,300 years ago the Greek philosopher Plato understood the gravity of democratic process. His ‘Republic’ is considered the cornerstone of Western thinking and ethics behind its political progress. But Plato looked at the democratic process’s darker side, considered by him as mere manipulators who lacked expertise performing circus to the ignorant by swinging popular opinion. His memory was fresh as to how his mentor and friend Socrates was put on trial by the so-called democratic citizen-prosecutors on charges he was corrupting younger minds, before being jailed and executed.

When democratic process allows popular spinsters to manipulate masses to acquire illicit benefits or abuse of power for their personal gain, the word corruption starts singing in high pitch from the rafters. As we know corruption erodes trust and weakens democratic institutions, hampers economic development, and further exacerbates inequality, poverty and social division. World bank lists how corruption impedes investment, with consequent effects on growth and jobs. It also categorises how countries capable of confronting corruption use their human and financial resources more efficiently, attract more investment, and grow more rapidly. It promotes transparency, open contracts and asset disclosure standards to counter corruption getting embedded.

IMF & UN

IMF goes one notch above as it explores a new approach framing corruption as an economic problem that staff must systematically assess, discuss, and address if it is distorting the economy. It is a grand experiment in the ability to pursue anti-corruption reform even in the absence of a government’s political will.

Corruption is often systematic and organised, a crime that crosses borders and betrays people and democracies, the UN Chief Antonio Guterres said recently at a special UN session addressing corruption. It steals trillions of dollars from people all over the world, usually from those most in need, as it siphons off resources for sustainable development, he added. When powerful people get away with corruption, citizens lose trust in their governing institutions and democracies become weakened by cynicism and hopelessness.

While all unanimously agree that corruption at any level steals the hope and future of ordinary citizens, democracy need to be strengthened by way of identifying weaker links, to prevent or identify culprits who mask themselves at times in nationalistic fervor. Arthur C Clarke once said that ‘you can’t have it both ways. You can’t have a free will and a benevolent higher power who protects you from yourself ‘. An educated or awakened public’s involvement is paramount in making the kind of society they want to live in.

Brexit and experts

In the name of open reflection of a democracy, we know how a popular vote in one of the strongest democracies UK, failed its people. It was one of the most famous quotes from one of the hardest fought political campaigns Britain has ever seen. “I think the people in this country have had enough of experts,” UK Cabinet minister Michael Cove said on prime-time TV before the Brexit referendum when questioned on advice of experts. His convoluted response did not do any justice but an injustice to the transparency badge, democracies should have been proud of. Now, six years later UK is trailing behind all the G7 countries in real wages, GDP, inflation, and projected growth, summarized in a popular headline ‘Yes, Mr. Cove, the experts were right about Brexit’.

Unchecked political authority

Nineteenth century author Robert Ingersoll once said ‘Most people can bear adversity. But if you want to know what a man really is, give him power’. During our school days in the 70s and 80s tutories were springing up and taking root as part of delivering education chain. For many of us at that time power means simply earning power and education and to some extent tutories provided a gateway. Nobody knew the margins but there was competition among the tuition centres. Word went out to an all-powerful politician that a particular tutory was influencing students more on maths and physics, notably on excesses by politicians. That is enough for the politician to raid the tutory along with his goons and demanded all to show allegiance to his leadership failing which he will get the centre shut for promoting subversion. He suggested that the management and students organise a generously advertised public meeting in front of the tutory at their expense to honour him, with a lavish dinner followed. He provided the menu and the music group that will entertain the evening.

As when the music group took the stage the politician made a request for the first song and the group readily agreed. It was a song from an old Tamil movie, lyrics analogising a scene where the snake that huddles the all-powerful Lord Shiva’s neck greets or queries the wellbeing of the Garuda or hawk/eagle. The eagle responded calmly saying that everything would be fine when everyone is in their respected place. Being at the opposite sides of the food chain, the Eagle’s response highlights the snake’s current unusual superior abode with the Lord of creation and destruction.

After the devilled prawns, mud-crab curry dinner and the clear liquid flowed, the politician and his inner circle went home singing praise to themselves, while the students went home empty stomach losing their parent’s hard-earned money, they pitched in.

To this day the politician’s choice of the first song that evening, continues to be a mystery. In reality, he could be juxtaposed to the snake, as protected and unaccountable political authority invigorate abuse of power and perpetuates corruption.

Plato and manipulators, UN and IMF, Brexit and experts, snake and eagle, politician and corruption?

These are all part of the relevance theory, processing relevant stimuli with little effort.

Abraham Lincoln once proudly proclaimed, ‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people shall not perish from the Earth’. It has not perished and will not perish but requires greater scrutiny with accountability and transparency at the forefront through active involvement by the people.



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Opinion

War with Iran and unravelling of the global order – II

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A US airstrike on Iran

Broader Strategic Consequences

One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.

Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.

The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.

A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system

The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.

The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.

The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.

Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.

Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.

However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.

Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon

History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.

European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.

by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)

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Opinion

University admission crisis: Academics must lead the way

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130,000 students are left out each year—academics hold the key

Each year, Sri Lanka’s G.C.E. Advanced Level examination produces a wave of hope—this year, nearly 175,000 students qualified for university entrance. Yet only 45,000 will be admitted to state universities. That leaves more than 130,000 young people stranded—qualified, ambitious, but excluded. This is not just a statistic; it is a national crisis. And while policymakers debate infrastructure and funding, the country’s academics must step forward as catalysts of change.

Beyond the Numbers: A National Responsibility

Education is the backbone of Sri Lanka’s development. Denying access to tens of thousands of qualified students risks wasting talent, fueling inequality, and undermining national progress. The gap is not simply about seats in lecture halls—it is about the future of a generation. Academics, as custodians of knowledge, cannot remain passive observers. They must reimagine the delivery of higher education to ensure opportunity is not a privilege for the few.

Expanding Pathways, Not Just Campuses

The traditional model of four-year degrees in brick-and-mortar universities cannot absorb the demand. Academics can design short-term diplomas and certificate programmes that provide immediate access to learning. These programmes, focused on employable skills, would allow thousands to continue their education while easing pressure on degree programmes. Equally important is the digital transformation of education. Online and blended learning modules can extend access to rural students, breaking the monopoly of physical campuses. With academic leadership, Sri Lanka can build a reliable system of credit transfers, enabling students to begin their studies at affiliated institutions and later transfer to state universities.

Partnerships That Protect Quality

Private universities and vocational institutes already absorb many students who miss out on state admissions. But concerns about quality and recognition persist. Academics can bridge this divide by providing quality assurance and standardised curricula, supervising joint degree programmes, and expanding the Open University system. These partnerships would ensure that students outside the state system receive affordable, credible, and internationally recognised education.

Research and Advocacy: Shaping Policy

Academics are not only teachers—they are researchers and thought leaders. By conducting labour market studies, they can align higher education expansion with employability. Evidence-based recommendations to the University Grants Commission (UGC) can guide strategic intake increases, regional university expansion, and government investment in digital infrastructure. In this way, academics can ensure reforms are not reactive, but visionary.

Industry Engagement: Learning Beyond the Classroom

Sri Lanka’s universities must become entrepreneurship hubs and innovation labs. Academics can design programmes that connect students directly with industries, offering internship-based learning and applied research opportunities. This approach reduces reliance on classroom capacity while equipping students with practical skills. It also reframes education as a partnership between universities and the economy, rather than a closed system.

Making the Most of What We Have

Even within existing constraints, academics can expand capacity. Training junior lecturers and adjunct faculty, sharing facilities across universities, and building international collaborations for joint programmes and scholarships are practical steps. These measures maximise resources while opening new avenues for students.

A Call to Action

Sri Lanka’s university admission crisis is not just about numbers—it is about fairness, opportunity, and national development. Academics must lead the way in transforming exclusion into empowerment. By expanding pathways, strengthening partnerships, advocating for policy reform, engaging with industry, and optimizing resources, they can ensure that qualified students are not left behind.

“Education for all, not just the fortunate few.”

Dr. Arosh Bandula (Ph.D. Nottingham), Senior Lecturer, Department of Agricultural Economics & Agribusiness, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ruhuna

by Dr. Arosh Bandula

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Opinion

Post-Easter Sri Lanka: Between memory, narrative, and National security

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As Sri Lanka approaches the seventh commemoration of the Easter Sunday attacks, the national mood is once again marked by grief, reflection, and an enduring sense of incompleteness. Nearly seven years later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow not only over the victims and their families, but over the institutions and narratives that have since emerged.

Commemoration, however, must go beyond ritual. It must be anchored in clarity, accountability, and restraint. What is increasingly evident in the post-Easter landscape is not merely a search for truth, but a contest over how that truth is framed, interpreted, and presented to the public.

In recent times, public discourse has been shaped by book launches, panel discussions, and media interventions that claim to offer new insights into the attacks. While such contributions are not inherently problematic, the manner in which certain narratives are advanced raises legitimate concerns. The selective disclosure of information particularly when it touches on intelligence operations demands careful scrutiny.

Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional framework is clear on the sensitivity of such matters. The Official Secrets Act (No. 32 of 1955) places strict obligations on the handling of information related to national security. Similarly, the Police Ordinance and internal administrative regulations governing intelligence units emphasize confidentiality, chain of command, and the responsible use of information. These are not mere formalities; they exist to safeguard both operational integrity and national interest.

When individual particularly those with prior access to intelligence structures enter the public domain with claims that are not subject to verification, it raises critical questions. Are these disclosures contributing to justice and accountability, or are they inadvertently compromising institutional credibility and future operational capacity?

The challenge lies in distinguishing between constructive transparency and selective exposure.

The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Attacks provided one of the most comprehensive official examinations of the attacks. Its findings highlighted a complex web of failures: lapses in intelligence sharing, breakdowns in inter-agency coordination, and serious deficiencies in political oversight. Importantly, it underscored that the attacks were not the result of a single point of failure, but a systemic collapse across multiple levels of governance.

Yet, despite the existence of such detailed institutional findings, public discourse often gravitates toward simplified narratives. There is a tendency to identify singular “masterminds” or to attribute responsibility in ways that align with prevailing political or ideological positions. While such narratives may be compelling, they risk obscuring the deeper structural issues that enabled the attacks to occur.

Equally significant is the broader socio-political context in which these narratives are unfolding. Sri Lanka today remains a society marked by fragile intercommunal relations. The aftermath of the Easter attacks saw heightened suspicion, polarisation, and, in some instances, collective blame directed at entire communities. Although there have been efforts toward reconciliation, these fault lines have not entirely disappeared.

In this environment, the language and tone of public discourse carry immense weight. The framing of terrorism whether as a localized phenomenon or as part of a broader ideological construct must be handled with precision and responsibility. Overgeneralization or the uncritical use of labels can have far-reaching consequences, including the marginalization of communities and the erosion of social cohesion.

At the same time, it is essential to acknowledge that the global discourse on terrorism is itself contested. Competing narratives, geopolitical interests, and selective historiography often shape how events are interpreted. For Sri Lanka, the challenge is to avoid becoming a passive recipient of external frameworks that may not fully reflect its own realities.

A professional and unbiased approach requires a commitment to evidence-based analysis. This includes:

· Engaging with primary sources, including official reports and judicial findings
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· Cross-referencing claims with verifiable data
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· Recognizing the limits of publicly available information, particularly in intelligence matters

It also requires intellectual discipline the willingness to question assumptions, to resist convenient conclusions, and to remain open to complexity.

The role of former officials and subject-matter experts in this discourse is particularly important. Their experience can provide valuable insights, but it also carries a responsibility. Public interventions must be guided by professional ethics, respect for institutional boundaries, and an awareness of the potential impact on national security.

There is a fine balance to be maintained. On one hand, democratic societies require transparency and accountability. On the other, the premature or uncontextualized release of sensitive information can undermine the very systems that are meant to protect the public.

As Sri Lanka reflects on the events of April 2019, it must resist the temptation to reduce a national tragedy into competing narratives or political instruments. The pursuit of truth must be methodical, inclusive, and grounded in law.

Easter is not only a moment of remembrance. It is a test of institutional maturity and societal resilience.

The real question is not whether new narratives will emerge they inevitably will. The question is whether Sri Lanka has the capacity to engage with them critically, responsibly, and in a manner that strengthens, rather than weakens, the foundations of its national security and social harmony.

In the end, justice is not served by noise or conjecture. It is served by patience, rigor, and an unwavering commitment to truth.

Mahil Dole is a former senior law enforcement officer and national security analyst, with over four decades of experience in policing and intelligence, including serving as Head of Counter-Intelligence at the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka and a graduate of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai, USA.

by Mahil Dole
Former Senior Law Enforcement Officer National Security Analyst; Former Head of Counter-Intelligence, State Intelligence Service)

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