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The US, Israel, Palestine, and Mahmoud Khalil

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Protestors rally in support of Mahmoud Khalil outside of the Thurgood Marshall Courthouse, during a hearing regarding Khalil's arrest, in New York City, Mar. 12, 2025.

By Uditha Devapriya

If last year proved anything, it was that given a choice between international law and domestic pressures, the US political establishment will give way to the latter. Hence the Democrats, led by Kamala Harris, articulated the need for a two-state solution for Palestine and Israel – Harris spoke vaguely of the Palestinians’ right to their own future and land – yet belied it all by promoting Israel’s right to self-defence.

One can argue that Joe Biden, easily the most pro-Israel of recent Democratic US presidents, set the stage for this situation. But it was taken to its logical conclusion by Harris and her campaign. Barring a few exceptions like Ilhan Omar and Rashida Tlaib, who were badmouthed by Democrats and demonised by Republicans, there was very little condemnation of Israel’s violations of international law in Gaza and the West Bank – violations which continue today and have accelerated because of the sense of impunity that Jerusalem was bound to receive under a hardcore, right-wing Republican administration.

The situation has worsened since then. But in trying to make sense of what has happened, I think we are trying to fit a square peg in a round hole.

The Trump administration operates on a logic of its own, and any attempt to make sense of it or rationalise it, to justify it or counter it, would be rather fruitless. For instance, it came to power on a platform of “absolute” free speech. Those who contend that this contradicts the government’s crackdown on pro-Palestinian students and intellectuals should realise that Trump and his supporters have reserved for themselves the power to define and set limits on such abstractions.

When Vice-President Vance, in his remarks in Munich last month, implied to his European audience that the region should be more tolerant of free speech, we need to understand that Vance’s, Trump’s, and the modern-day Republican Party’s framing of free speech differs from the ideals of the Enlightenment. This free speech is unquestionably right-wing and politically incorrect. Thus Trump, speaking to reporters during a meeting with the Irish Prime Minister, stated that Chuck Schumer, one of the most pro-Israel Senators and the highest-ranking elected US Jewish official, had “become a Palestinian.”

On the face of it, this was a slur, and Democrats and Jewish advocacy groups – including the Anti-Defamation League – were quick to point it out. Yet to try holding Trump to account over such remarks would be to hold him up to standards neither he nor his administration feel are applicable to them. When the White House, namely the President’s press secretary, speaks of USD 50 million of US foreign aid being diverted to “fund condoms in Gaza”, one is either outraged or intrigued enough to know more, particularly when someone like Elon Musk amplifies it on his platform. Yet when, weeks later, at a White House briefing attended by Elon Musk and his son, Musk backs away and admits that “some of the things that I say will be incorrect”, they are both investing themselves with a sense of invincibility and passing the onus of proving them wrong to the journalists and media that they themselves accuse of being biased against them.

In other words, the Trump administration is having the cake and eating it too – rather apt, considering how it prides itself on its disruptiveness, its sense of chaos. As far as Israel and Palestine is concerned, of course, there is no ambiguity: this is without a doubt the most pro-Israel administration in recent US history, and there is hardly any US official who would beg to differ with Israel’s actions.

While right-wing commentators like Tucker Carlson and Candace Owens have spoken sympathetically about Palestinians – with Carlson decrying Israel’s activities and Owens questioning why US policy is kowtowing to Israel and Zionism – they are the golden exception to the dismal rule. Even Ann Coulter, the grande dame of US conservative politics, who infamously told Vivek Ramasamy to his face that she would not vote for him because he was Indian, questioned whether arresting student activists without proof of crime would infringe on First Amendment rights.

That sentiment has been echoed elsewhere. The arrest in question, of Mahmoud Khalil, has provoked much disgust and revulsion. Set against the backdrop of its gutting of foreign aid, scholarship, and exchange programmes, the Trump administration is now framing citizenship in the US as a privilege, not right. One can counter this by stating that immigration to the US, and gaining citizenship there, was never easy. But beyond any other administration in recent memory, Trump and his fellow-travellers have succeeded in both accusing previous governments of relaxing immigration rules and letting criminal elements in and weaponizing immigration law to achieve its domestic and foreign policy agenda.

To their credit, the Democrats while in power never went beyond arresting protestors – though that in itself raised eyebrows and had implications for civil liberties and freedoms. Perhaps because they saw themselves as the “party of rights”, they were careful, even within the restricted space they were operating in, not to invoke every other law and interpretation of it in the way the Trump administration is doing now.

It is becoming clear that Donald Trump is aligning his foreign policy with his domestic agenda – and that Israel, which has since at least the 1970s become a crucial part of that agenda, has taken centre-stage in a way Ukraine and Russia have not. For better or worse, this will define the course of US domestic politics and foreign relations for the next five years, and it will meet with the resistance of US courts and judges, every time the administration invokes laws and legal provisions to achieve its America First agenda.

Uditha Devapriya is a regular commentator on history, art and culture, politics, and foreign policy who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com. Together with Uthpala Wijesuriya, he heads U & U, an informal art and culture research collective.



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Politics of Enforced Disappearances in Sri Lanka

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Image courtesy UNHRC

In 2016, I participated in research focused on gathering information about reconciliation mechanisms in post-war Sri Lanka. During one of the interviews, a Tamil mother, from the Eastern part of the country, broke into tears as she shared her story. Her son had disappeared, and, according to some of the neighbours, he was apparently abducted by a paramilitary group. Her story goes as follows: After hearing the news, she began searching for her son and went to the police station to file a case. However, police refused to file the case and directed her to a military camp. In the military camp, she was directed to an officer, who took her to a room with scattered flesh and blood stains. Then the officer, pointing to the room has told the lady that, ‘This is your son’.

In another instance, in the same year, while we were working in Kurunegala, an elderly mother, wearing a white saree, approached us and shared her story. She held a stained envelope, and when she carefully took out a piece of paper, related to her son, she broke into tears. She handled the paper with such tenderness, as though it were a part of her son himself. Her son was abducted by a para military group in 1989 and never returned.

These two stories have remained deeply etched in my mind for several years, leaving a lasting impact. Now, with the release of the Batalanda Commission Report, which sheds light on the atrocities committed during a dark chapter of Sri Lanka’s history, coupled with the release of the movie ‘Rani’, there is renewed attention on enforced disappearances. These disappearances, which were once shrouded in silence and denial, are now gaining significant traction among the public. Thus, it is timely to discuss the stories of enforced disappearances and the political dynamics surrounding them.

The Effect

Enforced disappearance is often employed as a strategy of terror, deliberately designed to instil fear and insecurity within a society. The tactic goes beyond the direct impact on the immediate family members of the disappeared individuals. The psychological and emotional toll on these families is profound, as they are left with uncertainty, grief, and often a sense of helplessness. However, the effects of enforced disappearance extend far beyond these immediate circles. It creates a pervasive atmosphere of fear that affects entire communities, undermining trust and cohesion. The mere threat of disappearance looms over the population, causing widespread anxiety and eroding the sense of safety that is essential for the social fabric to thrive. The fear it engenders forces people into silence, discourages activism, and ultimately weakens the collective spirit of resistance against injustice.

Absence of the body

For years, the families and loved ones of the disappeared hold on to a fragile hope, clinging to the belief that their loved ones may still be alive. The absence of a physical body leaves room for uncertainty and unresolved grief, creating a painful paradox where the possibility of closure remains out of reach. Without the tangible proof of death—such as a body to bury or mourn over—the search continues, driven by the hope that one day they will find answers. This absence extends beyond just the physical body; it symbolizes the void left in the lives of the families, as they are left in a perpetual state of waiting, unable to fully mourn or heal. The constant uncertainty fuels a never-ending cycle of searching, questioning, and longing.

Making a spectacle of unidentified bodies

In 1989, as a small child, I found myself surrounded by an atmosphere that was both suffocating and frightening, filled with sights and sounds that I couldn’t fully comprehend at the time, but that would forever leave a mark on my memory. I can still vividly recall the smell of burning rubber that hung thick in the air, mixing with the acrid scent of smoke that lingered long after the flames had died down. The piles of tyres, set ablaze, were a regular feature of the streets where I lived. Yet, it wasn’t just the sight of the burning tyres that etched itself into my consciousness. As the flames raged on, the shadows of bodies emerged—neither completely visible nor entirely hidden.

Though my parents tried their best to shield me from the horror outside our home, I would sneak a peek whenever I thought no one was watching, desperate to understand the meaning behind what was unfolding before me. It was as though I knew something important was happening—something I couldn’t yet comprehend but could feel in the very air I breathed. I understood that the flames, the smoke, and the bodies all signified something far greater than I could put into words.

The burning piles of tyres—and, of course, bodies—which people spoke of in hushed tones, served as a chilling spectacle, conveying the threatening message the government sent to the public, especially targeting the young rebels and anyone who dared to challenge the state

Unable to seek justice

The absence of the body makes justice seem like a distant, unreachable concept. In cases of disappearance, where no physical evidence of the victim’s fate exists, the path to justice is often blocked. Without the body, there is no concrete proof of the crime, no tangible evidence that can be presented in court, and no clear sign that a crime was even committed. This leaves families and loved ones of the disappeared in a state of uncertainty, with no clear answers about what happened to their dear ones. As a result, families are forced to live in a limbo, where their grief is ignored and their calls for justice are silenced.

Undemocratic actions under a Democratic Government

Governments are meant to serve and protect the people who elect them, not to subject them to violence, fear, or oppression. Irrespective of the situation, no government, under any circumstances, has the right to make its citizens disappear. A government is a democratically elected body that holds its power and authority through the consent of the governed, with the explicit responsibility to safeguard the rights, freedoms, and lives of its citizens. When a government starts to take actions that involve the arbitrary killing or disappearance of its own people, it betrays the very principles it was founded upon.

The act of making people disappear and killing represents a fundamental breach of human rights and the rule of law. These are not actions that belong to a legitimate government that is accountable to its people. Instead, they signal a state that has become corrupt and tyrannical, where those in power are no longer bound by any ethical or legal standards. When the government becomes the perpetrator of violence against its own citizens, it destroys the trust between the state and the people, undermining the core foundation of democracy.

In such a scenario, the authority of law collapses. Courts become powerless, and law enforcement agencies are either complicit in the wrongdoing or rendered ineffective. This breakdown in legal authority does not just mean a failure to protect the rights of individuals; it signals the descent of society into anarchy. When the government wields power in such a violent and oppressive way, it erodes the social contract. When this relationship is violated through actions like disappearances, those in power essentially declare that they are above the law, which leads to a breakdown of social order. It no longer becomes a state that works for its people but rather a regime that rules through fear, repression, and violence.

by Dr. Anushka Kahandagamage

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Hazard warning lights at Lotus Tower

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Lotus Tower enveloped in mist

Much has been written about the use of Hazard Warning Lights at Lotus Tower (LT)

Now it looks as if the authorities have got the day and night in a ‘twist’.

During the day time LT is in darkness. What should be ‘on’ during the day are the High Intensity Strobe Lights. It is observed that the authorities switch them ‘on’ in the night instead!

According to the ICAO recommendations what should be ‘on’ in the night are the low intensity strobe lights. High intensity in the night as is now, can momentarily blind the pilots.

At this time of the year the island experiences afternoon thunder showers which make the LT and the natural horizon invisible. (See picture) in a phenomenon known as ‘white out’ caused by fog (low cloud), mist and rain. However, the LT is kept dark and not lit up and that could be dangerous to air traffic.

In short what is needed are white strobe lights 24/7 (day and night). High Intensity by day and Low Intensity at night. They are known as ‘attention getters’.

The red lights must be ‘on’ at sunset and ‘off’ by sunrise (as correctly carried out currently).

I am aware that the Organisation of Professional Associations (OPA) has written to the LT authorities at the request of the Association of Airline Pilots, Sri Lanka, about three months ago but strangely the OPA has not even received an acknowledgement!

GUWAN SEEYA

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Ninth Iftar celebration organised by Police Buddhist and Religious Affairs Association, Wellawatte

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Islam is a peaceful religion that guides people to fulfil the five pillars of Islam, namely, Kalima, Prayer, Sakkath, Fasting and Hajj and through them to attain the grace of God.

The fact that the Holy Quran, the sacred book of Muslims, was revealed on one of the odd nights of the month of Ramadan, makes people realize the special importance of the month of Ramadan.

Fasting, the Holy Quran states, “0 you who believe, fasting is prescribed for you as it was prescribed for those before you, that you may become pure.” (2.183)

Muslims observe the first fast in the early hours of the evening when the first crescent of the month of Ramadan is sighted. The special feature of Ramadan fasting is to wake up early in the morning, eat before the sunrise (Sahur) and then fast for 14 hours until the evening prayer (Mahrib), remember the Creator and worship Him five times a day, break the fast at the time of Iftar (Mahrib), eat food with dates and spend the 30 days of Ramadan.

Ramadan fasting increases fear and faith in Allah, and it is not equal for the wealthy to live luxuriously without realizing the poverty of the poor and the poor to die of poverty. Therefore, fasting has been emphasized as the fourth Pillar in Islam to make the rich aware of the nature of poverty and to make the rich aware of the nature of hunger and to give charity.

Ramadan fasting is a shield for Muslims. The main objectives of fasting are the virtues, characteristics, morality and spiritual attraction of a person.

When approaching fasting from a medical perspective, it is said that ‘a disease-free life is an inexhaustible wealth’, so the good deed of fasting provides great benefits to the body.

Generally, it is a universal law to give rest to all the machines that have power. That is, it allows the machines to continue to function well. Similarly, it is necessary to give rest to our bodies. The fasting of the month of Ramadan explains this very simply.

“Historically, fasting has been proven to be very safe for most people,” says Babar Basir, a cardiologist at Henry Ford Health in Detroit, USA. “Ramadan fasting is a form of intermittent fasting that can help you lose fat without losing muscle, improve insulin levels, burn fat, and increase human growth hormone,” he says.

All wealthy. Muslims are required to give 2’/2 percent of their annual income to the poor in charity. This is why Muslims give more charity in the form of money, food, and clothing during Ramadan.

Anas (Kali) reported that the Prophet (Sal) said, “The best charity is to feed a hungry person.” This shows how great an act it is to feed a hungry person.

Fasting during the holy month of Ramadan, one of the most sacred duties of Muslims, is Providing facilities for fasting and breaking it is also a pious act that brings benefits. In that way, the Sri Lanka Police, as a way of receiving the blessings of Allah, have organized the Police Iftar ceremony to break the fast for the fasting people.

The Police Iftar ceremony, which is organized annually by the Sri Lanka Police Buddhist and Religious Affairs Association for Muslim police officers serving in the Sri Lanka Police, will be held for the 9th time this year on the 24th at the invitation of the Acting Inspector General of Police Mr. Priyantha Weerasooriya and will be held at the Marine Grand Reception Hall in Wellawatte under the participation of the Hon. Minister of Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Mr. K.M. Ananda Wijepala. Muslim members of Parliament, Foreign Ambassadors of Islamic countries, High-ranking Police officers and Muslim Police officers, as well as members of the public, are also expected to attend the Iftar ceremony.

a.f. fUARD
Chief Inspector of Police
International Affairs
Criminal Investigation Department

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