Features
The relevance of institutions
By Uditha Devapriya
On Wednesday, August 9, the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute (LKI) unveiled its inaugural Foreign Policy Seminar. Titled “Changing Global Dynamics: Implications for Sri Lanka”, it sought to address, and resolve, the many dilemmas the country was, and is, facing in light of various global issues, including the drive towards de-dollarisation and multilateralism. Featuring four panellists, drawn from four different yet somewhat related fields, the event was chaired, one could say hosted, by the LKI’s new Executive Director, Ravinatha Aryasinha.
The event coincided with the death anniversary of Sri Lanka’s foremost Foreign Minister, Lakshman Kadirgamar. Although, as I have outlined in another essay, Kadirgamar’s vision was thwarted by the very political forces and loyalties he served, there is no denying the mark he left on our foreign relations, for a decade if not longer. When people talk about Chandrika Kumaratunga’s foreign policy, it is actually Lakshman Kadirgamar’s policies that they invoke. It is no doubt one of the biggest ironies out there that those who undermined his concern for Sri Lanka’s security and sovereignty abroad, and for peace and unity at home, during his lifetime, can speak highly of his principles 18 years after his death.
In that light, institutions like the LKI serve a pivotal, if crucial, role. They address one of the more pressing problems facing this country now, namely the reduction of its state capacity. At a time when every other Sri Lankan’s dream is to leave Sri Lanka, and the public sector is facing the prospect of a massive shrinkage, it is becoming increasingly impossible to attract top minds to the public service. But a country’s mainstay is its public service, and no arm of that service is more important than the diplomatic and foreign policy apparatus. To attract the best, the State should appoint the best and pay the best salaries. It should also facilitate research. In that light, the LKI’s purpose cannot be underrated.
For these reasons, I was more interested in what the LKI had done than in the contents of its foreign policy seminar. Patronised by the State – the Foreign Minister happens to be the Chairman – the LKI is one of the few think-tanks that belong to the public sector, and by extension to the people. At a time when civil society has become associated with the non-public sector, the role of public sector think-tanks has become more important than ever.
The BCIS (Bandaranaike Center for International Studies) serves an equally important role, as do universities and institutions of learning. They are repositories of research, relevant because research backed by official patronage can ultimately help minimise Sri Lanka’s human resource shortfalls.
I myself work at a foreign policy think-tank, and I am aware that the State cannot fund institutions for long. This was true even before the crisis. The crisis, in that sense, merely aggravated a long-term decline. Yet public funds are paid by the people, and institutions dedicated to research facilitate policymaking. This is a two-way street: ultimately it is the people who patronise these institutions through the arms of the State, and it is up to the State to deliver on the funds it receives. Private think-tanks are beholden to their donors. That is not to say that such setups constrain these organisations, but there is a link, and an indelible one, between their aims and the aims of their sponsors. This is true of the bigger think-tanks especially. But not of State think-tanks. The latter are, unlike the non-public-non-private sector civil society outfits, ultimately owned by the public.
To be sure, all institutions tend to sway between good times and bad, between capable heads and incompetent hands. The LKI, together with the BCIS, fulfils an important mandate. There must be a consistent commitment to that mandate. To sustain such commitment, the heads of these bodies will have to conduct seminars, publish journals, and resist the urge to interfere.
Recently an institution dedicated to teaching leadership was launched within the premises of another older institution. One should doubtless welcome such initiatives, yet at the same time one wonders, and often fears, whether newer organisations will be pushed to replace older ones, despite the continuing relevance of the latter.
Under Ravinatha Aryasinha, the LKI can steer clear of these developments and stick to its mandate. A former Ambassador and a seasoned diplomat, Aryasinha has experience in the field. Unlike many of his contemporaries, he also has had experience as a journalist and a writer, and as an original thinker. Anyone can pass exams and “become” a diplomat, it is no longer as tough as it used to be. But very few possess the intellectual curiosity to write, to reflect, to speak with substance. The problem with our foreign policy establishment is that it is manned by too many bureaucrats, and too few original thinkers. Initiative, in that sense, has become a rarity, and Aryasinha is one of very few people who has it. But initiative is not enough, there must also be an environment conducive to it. In that respect, it remains to be seen if the wheels he has set in motion will be allowed to continue.
At the Foreign Policy Seminar, Harinda Vidanage, of the Centre for Strategic Assessment at Kotelawala Defence University, reflected on a tribute he penned on Lakshman Kadirgamar after his assassination. Prefaced by a reference to Zizek, it struck a plaintive if elegiacal note. When Vidanage went abroad, he remembered, it was that article, more so than any other academic piece, which his colleagues associated with him.
The lesson here is clear enough. Ultimately, it is what we communicate with the public that matters. If our foreign policy is to improve, and if institutions like the LKI and the BCIS are to progress, they must hence be manned by those who are aware of such needs. In Aryasinha, the LKI has got that kind of head. But what of other institutions, including those tasked with nurturing our youth for leadership? The jury, I think, is still out there.
The writer is an international relations analyst, researcher, and columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.
Features
New US sanctions on ICC, a fillip to worldwide political repression
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s warning to the International Criminal Court (ICC) was stark: ‘Either the ICC will end its threats, or we will end the ICC.’ It followed US central administration accusations that the court was unfairly targeting Americans on the basis of trumped-up war crimes charges.
However, a new plethora of sanctions has been clamped on the ICC by the US, which in turn has spurred accusations by sections of the world that the latter has unleashed an ‘assault’ on the international legal order.
What some of the sanctions would mean for the ICC was outlined by Rubio: ‘We will ban transactions with this rogue court, cutting off their resources and crippling their ability to operate against us.’
The ICC has shown consistency of purpose over the years. Despite some operational constraints it has indicted a large number of political strongmen from around the world, accused of war crimes and other governance excesses that come under its purview. Two such recent figures are: Russian President Vladimir Putin and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Rather than enjoy a mere nominal presence in the world community, the ICC has proved its effectiveness by detaining and bringing to justice scores of VIP politicians and others of their ilk who have been found guilty of human rights abuses and kindred excesses that come within the terms of reference of the ICC.
Accordingly, the international justice system would be stymied considerably as a result of the ICC being dis-empowered, particularly financially. Needless to say, potential and real perpetrators of the species of crime coming under the jurisdiction of the ICC would stand to gain most from such anarchic tendencies. That is, political repression globally would be enabled to enjoy a new lease of life.
A detailing of the types of crime coming under the purview of the ICC provides an idea of what it would cost the international community if the ICC’s operations are gravely hampered. They are mainly: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and the crime of aggression.
That is, the part of the world to be worst affected would be the global South, since the latter is awash with the mentioned crimes. Needless to say, a chronically-disaffected South will sooner rather than later undermine the well being of the world dangerously. The world is already being put through these paces.
At the time of writing, ‘illegal migrants’ from the South, for example, are aggravating many a Western economy’s woes, besides creating for them acute law and order issues. The fact that these migrants’ presence goes on to become a virtual test of the migrant receiving states’ ability to forge domestic social inclusion in the face of jingoistic protests by mainly white supremacist groups is evidence of the latter. As is known, the US, to take just one example, has been up against this crisis for quite a while.
Accordingly, it will be in the best interests of the West if ‘illegal’ migrant arrivals on their shores are stemmed. If the socio-political and economic problems assailing the South are effectively managed through North-South collaborative, ‘trouble-shooting’ efforts the causes leading to ‘illegal’ migration and connected issues could be resolved at source as it were. For, it is the aggravation of the South’s material questions that lays the basis for the emergence of repressive and anti-democratic regimes in the hemisphere.
Until such time that the aforementioned issues in North-South relations are visited afresh and addressed urgently, a vibrantly functioning ICC would be needed. For, the latter would prove a deterrent to Southern political and military strongmen, highly prone to power abuse and like excesses, from coming into being in the wake of the South’s chronic material woes and the wars and conflicts that result from them.
It stands to reason then that the US would be acting in its own interests by enabling the ICC to perpetuate its mandate without hindrance. For a crop of issues that impinges negatively on internal law and order would be defused.
Meanwhile, there needs to be a meeting of minds among the rest of the West to put back in place a North-South dialogue process aimed at reducing some of the economic pressures that are weighing on the South.
Since economics usually drives politics it will be in the interests of the world community to scrutinizingly re-visit North-South issues of the past and put in place economic relief packages for Southern publics that would enable them to tide over their material hardships rather than permit the latter to aggravate into social disaffection and eventually armed militancy. It is the latter juncture that paves the way for the emergence of authoritarian rulers in the South who then go on to be a blight on their publics.
Accordingly, the Southern-based global development thinking of the past that envisaged a more equitable world economic order needs to be seen as an urgent need. That is, NAM’s international development paradigms need to be resuscitated to the extent possible.
It is unlikely that rightist governments of the West, such as the current Republican administration in the US, would find these projects feasible, but democratic states of Europe, led by perhaps the UK, are likely to think otherwise. For it would not be beneficial for the democratic world to be having on their hands repressive governments in the South who would be gravitating towards the major military and economic actors of the South, such as Iran and North Korea, who tend to be in constant power struggles with the West.
However, until such time that the mentioned, pro-people initiatives are given serious thought the ICC would need to be enabled by the international community to be in place comfortably and carry on with its mandate of bringing repressive rulers to book. Besides the ICC should pave the way for the peoples of the developing world to enjoy some substantial respite from the political repression and even terror which tend to be their lot.
Meanwhile, the wars of West Asia are relentlessly aggravating the economic hardships of people everywhere, driving the point home to enlightened sections that there is no alternative to peacemaking. A challenge is to convert the US under President Trump to this line of thinking.
Features
Clear, soft and shine-free skin
This week, I give you five simple, time-tested homemade remedies that help reduce the appearance of blemishes, control excess shine and leave your skin feeling softer and smoother.
The Honey and Lemon Brightening Dab:
For stubborn blemish marks, this is a classic. Mix one teaspoon of pure bee honey with three to four drops of fresh lemon juice. Apply gently, only on the affected spots, and leave for 10 minutes before rinsing with lukewarm water. While honey soothes and softens, lemon helps to brighten naturally. Use twice a week in the evening.
Besan and Rose Water Oil-Control Pack:
An ideal remedy to combat shine, especially on the T-zone. Take two teaspoons of besan (gram flour) and mix with sufficient rose water to form a smooth paste. Add a pinch of turmeric for its antiseptic goodness. Apply evenly, keep for 15 minutes and wash off. It absorbs excess oil without over-drying, leaving a beautiful matte finish.
Aloe Vera and Cucumber Ice Soother:
Blend fresh aloe vera gel with the juice of a grated cucumber and freeze the mixture in an ice tray. Each morning, wrap one cube in a soft muslin cloth and gently rub over a cleansed face for 30 seconds. It calms, tightens pores and imparts a baby-soft smoothness.
Oatmeal and Curd Gentle Polish:
Roughness and old blemish marks need gentle exfoliation. Combine one tablespoon of finely powdered oatmeal with one tablespoon of fresh curd (yoghurt). Massage very gently, in circular motions, for one minute, leave for five minutes and rinse. It removes dead cells and unveils softer, clearer skin.
Multani Mitti and Green Tea Magic Mask:
Brew some green tea and allow it to cool completely. Mix one and a half teaspoons of Multani Mitti (Fuller’s Earth) with the tea water to make a fine paste. Apply for 10 to 12 minutes – do not let it dry and crack completely – and wash off. It draws out impurities, fades blemishes and bestows a fresh, shine-free glow.
A Gentle Reminder:
As with any natural remedy, always do a patch test on your inner arm first. For those with oily or combination skin, avoid heavy coconut oil application and harsh scrubbing, as they tend to aggravate shine and blemishes.
Features
Compete, shine and be discovered at WCOPA 2027
Dream of performing on a world stage? Well, here is your unique, golden opportunity!
The World Championships of Performing Arts (WCOPA) — the one and only official “Talent Olympics” — is the world’s premier global platform for aspiring singers, dancers, actors, models, instrumentalists, etc., to compete, shine and be discovered!
And, yes, this world stage is open to YOU, Sri Lankans living in Sri Lanka and overseas!
Held annually in glittering Las Vegas, WCOPA brings together over 70 countries, all competing for Gold, Silver and Bronze Medals, just like the traditional Olympics.
Outstanding performers vie for the coveted titles of Junior and Senior Grand Champion Performer of the World, with winners and standout participants awarded over $500,000 in scholarships, cash awards and prizes to catapult their education and careers!
Sri Lanka is already making waves! At WCOPA 2026, Natharie Wickramasinghe, representing Team Sri Lanka, made the nation proud by winning a Bronze Medal in the Ethnic/Folklore Dance category!
Recruitment for this prestigious competition is handled through a system of scouts and licensed National Directors — and this is where our very own Chris Rajendra, now based in Las Vegas, and National Director for Team Sri Lanka, comes into the scene.
If you are a singer, dancer, actor, model, instrumentalist — if you have talent burning inside you — contact Chris Rajendra today for registration and, who knows, you may find yourself in Las Vegas, and proudly draped in the Sri Lankan flag, at WCOPA 2027!
The contact address is: Chris Rajendra, wcopa.nationaldirector.sl@gmail.com
or chris.rajendra@gmail.com
Meanwhile, a star is born for 2027, in the form of Lakisha Bernard who is all set to represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA 2027.
Originally hailing from the sun-drenched coastal city of Colombo and now carving out her creative career in Canada, 22-year-old Lakisha is stepping into the international spotlight.
This accomplished freelance Model and Fashion Design graduate has officially been appointed as the Team Sri Lanka Promoter for Canada as she prepares to represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA in Las Vegas.
Lakisha brings a unique blend of high-fashion sensibility, captivating camera presence and expert garment design to the Team.
Having built her career, from local college shoots to high-glamour concepts, Lakisha’s inspiring journey embodies the true spirit of cultural bridge-building and creative resilience, bringing immense pride and recognition to Sri Lanka on the global stage.
WCOPA 2027 will be held at the legendary Westgate Hotel & Casino, Las Vegas, from 12th to 20th July – the very same iconic arena where the late, great Elvis Presley himself performed!
Your moment is now. Your stage is Las Vegas, so hurry and contact Chris Rajendra.
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