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The President’s Jaffna visit and its implications

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President Dissanayake in Jaffna

by Jehan Perera

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is showing the change for the better that a single individual can bring by challenging old ways of doing things by those who have traditionally governed the country.  According to the news media and first person accounts by reliable commentators contacted in Jaffna, the president’s visit to the Jaffna peninsula last week was a resounding success that is good for the unity of the country. It seems that the president timed his visit to the north in the context of forthcoming local government elections that are anticipated to be held in April.

The focus on Jaffna during his visit would have been the central place that Jaffna has as the civilisational seat of the Tamil people.  The president used the time he had allocated to Jaffna to pay his last respects to former parliamentarian and leader of ITAK (Federal Party) who had, for decades, been at the forefront of the Tamil struggle for regional self-government, devolution of power and equal rights.  He also had the confidence to go to Valvettithurai which was the birthplace of the late LTTE leader Velupillai Prabakaran and conduct a public meeting there.

 The president’s visit took place without the usual high security in which large numbers of soldiers would be placed at strategic locations not only in the areas that the president would be visiting but also on the approach roads to Jaffna.  Residents observed that the security presence appeared to be low in comparison to the past, when roads would be closed and security personnel stationed on a 24-hour basis on the roads in residential areas. The reduced level of security demonstrated the president’s trust in the goodwill of the people.  During his visit he mingled at close quarters with the people, being embraced and having his photographs taken with them.

 EVERYDAY FOCUS

 Addressing the people, President Dissanayake promised to bring development to Jaffna.  In the year prior to the onset of fierce fighting in Jaffna that destroyed its housing and factories, Jaffna had a handful of industries, chief amongst them being the salterns in Paranthan and the cement factory at Kankesanthurai.  The president pledged to rebuild these industries and to establish three new industrial zones in Paranthan, Mankulam, and Kankesanthurai to boost employment and economic growth. Sri Lankans who emigrated due to the war were invited to invest in these projects.

 The president also used the occasion of his visit to present an analysis of the reasons for the ethnic conflict the country had experienced.  He said that previous generations of politicians had used ethnic nationalism as a means to win elections and this had resulted in the division of people into different communities that did not trust each other.  However, the last general election that had brought the NPP to power had seen the people reject the traditional political leaders who came from elite families.  Instead, they had voted for the NPP regardless of ethnicity, religion or region.  The president pointed out that this was a new development.

 The general election in December last year saw the NPP win the majority of parliamentary seats in the north and east which have traditionally voted for Tamil political parties which take up an ethnic Tamil nationalist line.  The main issues they have canvassed have been Tamil equality and self-rule in the north and east.  However, those parties have never been able to deliver on the mandates they received at elections.  Some of the Tamil parties reached agreements with the ruling parties of those days, but were invariably let down.  The president’s focus on the everyday problems of the people would be important in inducing them to vote for the NPP at the forthcoming local government elections.

UNHRC RESOLUTION 

It is worth noting that President Dissanayake made a positive impact on the people of Jaffna even though he did not address the issues of Tamil nationalism and self-rule that have preoccupied them in the past.  The fact that the forthcoming elections are local level ones also reduces the significance of national issues.  Local government elections the world over are about local level issues rather than national ones.  In his public speeches the president spoke about providing jobs to unemployed university graduates from the 30,000 vacancies in state institutions.  He stated that Tamil speaking police officers would be recruited.  He also referred to improving the water supply schemes to the people of the north, making the observation that they had the lowest consumption of piped drinking water in the country

The president would be aware that whatever concession he makes to Tamil nationalism will be seized upon by his political opponents in the south of the country to fan Sinhalese nationalism. There are indications that the former ruling parties that got defeated at the last presidential and general elections are seeking to make a comeback by coalescing with one another. Their concern about the present political developments would have been increased by the president’s statements in Jaffna that the government would not permit the self-seeking traditional political elites to divide the people anymore and that they will be held accountable before the law for corruption they have engaged in.

 The president’s analysis in Jaffna that ethnic nationalism was used by rival political parties to obtain electoral support to prevail at elections is an accurate one.  However, the underlying issues that the ethnic nationalist politicians utilised to come to power need to be dealt with in a way that is mutually accepted by all communities.  Sri Lanka is still in a post-war situation where there is no more war. But the causes and consequences of the war still remain unresolved in the form of missing persons, long term prisoners, land that is under military occupation and the continuing high military presence in the north and east of the country.

Sri Lanka now needs to become a post-conflict society. This requires that the issues of the war that continue to unresolved be dealt with without further delay. This is what the UNHRC resolutions in Geneva that come up time and time again are about.  There have been 16 IMF agreements in the past but not a single government could implement them to the end. It appears that the present government is determined to go the course to get Sri Lanka onto a sound economic footing. In the case of the ethnic conflict there have been many political solutions proposed to politically resolve the ethnic conflict. But no government has had the strength or conviction to take them forward and ensure sustainable national unity.   Perhaps government led by President Dissanayake will.



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Recruiting academics to state universities – beset by archaic selection processes?

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by Kaushalya Perera

Time has, by and large, stood still in the business of academic staff recruitment to state universities. Qualifications have proliferated and evolved to be more interdisciplinary, but our selection processes and evaluation criteria are unchanged since at least the late 1990s. But before I delve into the problems, I will describe the existing processes and schemes of recruitment. The discussion is limited to UGC-governed state universities (and does not include recruitment to medical and engineering sectors) though the problems may be relevant to other higher education institutions (HEIs).

How recruitment happens currently in SL state universities

Academic ranks in Sri Lankan state universities can be divided into three tiers (subdivisions are not discussed).

* Lecturer (Probationary)

recruited with a four-year undergraduate degree. A tiny step higher is the Lecturer (Unconfirmed), recruited with a postgraduate degree but no teaching experience.

* A Senior Lecturer can be recruited with certain postgraduate qualifications and some number of years of teaching and research.

* Above this is the professor (of four types), which can be left out of this discussion since only one of those (Chair Professor) is by application.

State universities cannot hire permanent academic staff as and when they wish. Prior to advertising a vacancy, approval to recruit is obtained through a mind-numbing and time-consuming process (months!) ending at the Department of Management Services. The call for applications must list all ranks up to Senior Lecturer. All eligible candidates for Probationary to Senior Lecturer are interviewed, e.g., if a Department wants someone with a doctoral degree, they must still advertise for and interview candidates for all ranks, not only candidates with a doctoral degree. In the evaluation criteria, the first degree is more important than the doctoral degree (more on this strange phenomenon later). All of this is only possible when universities are not under a ‘hiring freeze’, which governments declare regularly and generally lasts several years.

Problem type 1

Archaic processes and evaluation criteria

Twenty-five years ago, as a probationary lecturer with a first degree, I was a typical hire. We would be recruited, work some years and obtain postgraduate degrees (ideally using the privilege of paid study leave to attend a reputed university in the first world). State universities are primarily undergraduate teaching spaces, and when doctoral degrees were scarce, hiring probationary lecturers may have been a practical solution. The path to a higher degree was through the academic job. Now, due to availability of candidates with postgraduate qualifications and the problems of retaining academics who find foreign postgraduate opportunities, preference for candidates applying with a postgraduate qualification is growing. The evaluation scheme, however, prioritises the first degree over the candidate’s postgraduate education. Were I to apply to a Faculty of Education, despite a PhD on language teaching and research in education, I may not even be interviewed since my undergraduate degree is not in education. The ‘first degree first’ phenomenon shows that universities essentially ignore the intellectual development of a person beyond their early twenties. It also ignores the breadth of disciplines and their overlap with other fields.

This can be helped (not solved) by a simple fix, which can also reduce brain drain: give precedence to the doctoral degree in the required field, regardless of the candidate’s first degree, effected by a UGC circular. The suggestion is not fool-proof. It is a first step, and offered with the understanding that any selection process, however well the evaluation criteria are articulated, will be beset by multiple issues, including that of bias. Like other Sri Lankan institutions, universities, too, have tribal tendencies, surfacing in the form of a preference for one’s own alumni. Nevertheless, there are other problems that are, arguably, more pressing as I discuss next. In relation to the evaluation criteria, a problem is the narrow interpretation of any regulation, e.g., deciding the degree’s suitability based on the title rather than considering courses in the transcript. Despite rhetoric promoting internationalising and inter-disciplinarity, decision-making administrative and academic bodies have very literal expectations of candidates’ qualifications, e.g., a candidate with knowledge of digital literacy should show this through the title of the degree!

Problem type 2 – The mess of badly regulated higher education

A direct consequence of the contemporary expansion of higher education is a large number of applicants with myriad qualifications. The diversity of degree programmes cited makes the responsibility of selecting a suitable candidate for the job a challenging but very important one. After all, the job is for life – it is very difficult to fire a permanent employer in the state sector.

Widely varying undergraduate degree programmes.

At present, Sri Lankan undergraduates bring qualifications (at times more than one) from multiple types of higher education institutions: a degree from a UGC-affiliated state university, a state university external to the UGC, a state institution that is not a university, a foreign university, or a private HEI aka ‘private university’. It could be a degree received by attending on-site, in Sri Lanka or abroad. It could be from a private HEI’s affiliated foreign university or an external degree from a state university or an online only degree from a private HEI that is ‘UGC-approved’ or ‘Ministry of Education approved’, i.e., never studied in a university setting. Needless to say, the diversity (and their differences in quality) are dizzying. Unfortunately, under the evaluation scheme all degrees ‘recognised’ by the UGC are assigned the same marks. The same goes for the candidates’ merits or distinctions, first classes, etc., regardless of how difficult or easy the degree programme may be and even when capabilities, exposure, input, etc are obviously different.

Similar issues are faced when we consider postgraduate qualifications, though to a lesser degree. In my discipline(s), at least, a postgraduate degree obtained on-site from a first-world university is preferable to one from a local university (which usually have weekend or evening classes similar to part-time study) or online from a foreign university. Elitist this may be, but even the best local postgraduate degrees cannot provide the experience and intellectual growth gained by being in a university that gives you access to six million books and teaching and supervision by internationally-recognised scholars. Unfortunately, in the evaluation schemes for recruitment, the worst postgraduate qualification you know of will receive the same marks as one from NUS, Harvard or Leiden.

The problem is clear but what about a solution?

Recruitment to state universities needs to change to meet contemporary needs. We need evaluation criteria that allows us to get rid of the dross as well as a more sophisticated institutional understanding of using them. Recruitment is key if we want our institutions (and our country) to progress. I reiterate here the recommendations proposed in ‘Considerations for Higher Education Reform’ circulated previously by Kuppi Collective:

* Change bond regulations to be more just, in order to retain better qualified academics.

* Update the schemes of recruitment to reflect present-day realities of inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary training in order to recruit suitably qualified candidates.

* Ensure recruitment processes are made transparent by university administrations.

Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.)

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Talento … oozing with talent

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Talento: Gained recognition as a leading wedding and dance band

This week, too, the spotlight is on an outfit that has gained popularity, mainly through social media.

Last week we had MISTER Band in our scene, and on 10th February, Yellow Beatz – both social media favourites.

Talento is a seven-piece band that plays all types of music, from the ‘60s to the modern tracks of today.

The band has reached many heights, since its inception in 2012, and has gained recognition as a leading wedding and dance band in the scene here.

The members that makeup the outfit have a solid musical background, which comes through years of hard work and dedication

Their portfolio of music contains a mix of both western and eastern songs and are carefully selected, they say, to match the requirements of the intended audience, occasion, or event.

Although the baila is a specialty, which is inherent to this group, that originates from Moratuwa, their repertoire is made up of a vast collection of love, classic, oldies and modern-day hits.

The musicians, who make up Talento, are:

Prabuddha Geetharuchi:

Geilee Fonseka: Dynamic and charismatic vocalist

Prabuddha Geetharuchi: The main man behind the band Talento

(Vocalist/ Frontman). He is an avid music enthusiast and was mentored by a lot of famous musicians, and trainers, since he was a child. Growing up with them influenced him to take on western songs, as well as other music styles. A Peterite, he is the main man behind the band Talento and is a versatile singer/entertainer who never fails to get the crowd going.

Geilee Fonseka (Vocals):

A dynamic and charismatic vocalist whose vibrant stage presence, and powerful voice, bring a fresh spark to every performance. Young, energetic, and musically refined, she is an artiste who effortlessly blends passion with precision – captivating audiences from the very first note. Blessed with an immense vocal range, Geilee is a truly versatile singer, confidently delivering Western and Eastern music across multiple languages and genres.

Chandana Perera (Drummer):

His expertise and exceptional skills have earned him recognition as one of the finest acoustic drummers in Sri Lanka. With over 40 tours under his belt, Chandana has demonstrated his dedication and passion for music, embodying the essential role of a drummer as the heartbeat of any band.

Harsha Soysa:

(Bassist/Vocalist). He a chorister of the western choir of St. Sebastian’s College, Moratuwa, who began his musical education under famous voice trainers, as well as bass guitar trainers in Sri Lanka. He has also performed at events overseas. He acts as the second singer of the band

Udara Jayakody:

(Keyboardist). He is also a qualified pianist, adding technical flavour to Talento’s music. His singing and harmonising skills are an extra asset to the band. From his childhood he has been a part of a number of orchestras as a pianist. He has also previously performed with several famous western bands.

Aruna Madushanka:

(Saxophonist). His proficiciency in playing various instruments, including the saxophone, soprano saxophone, and western flute, showcases his versatility as a musician, and his musical repertoire is further enhanced by his remarkable singing ability.

Prashan Pramuditha:

(Lead guitar). He has the ability to play different styles, both oriental and western music, and he also creates unique tones and patterns with the guitar..

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Special milestone for JJ Twins

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Twin brothers Julian and Jason Prins

The JJ Twins, the Sri Lankan musical duo, performing in the Maldives, and known for blending R&B, Hip Hop, and Sri Lankan rhythms, thereby creating a unique sound, have come out with a brand-new single ‘Me Mawathe.’

In fact, it’s a very special milestone for the twin brothers, Julian and Jason Prins, as ‘Me Mawathe’ is their first ever Sinhala song!

‘Me Mawathe’ showcases a fresh new sound, while staying true to the signature harmony and emotion that their fans love.

This heartfelt track captures the beauty of love, journey, and connection, brought to life through powerful vocals and captivating melodies.

It marks an exciting new chapter for the JJ Twins as they expand their musical journey and connect with audiences in a whole new way.

Their recent album, ‘CONCLUDED,’ explores themes of love, heartbreak, and healing, and include hits like ‘Can’t Get You Off My Mind’ and ‘You Left Me Here to Die’ which showcase their emotional intensity.

Readers could stay connected and follow JJ Twins on social media for exclusive updates, behind-the-scenes moments, and upcoming releases:

Instagram: http://instagram.com/jjtwinsofficial

TikTok: http://tiktok.com/@jjtwinsmusic

Facebook: http://facebook.com/jjtwinssingers

YouTube: http://youtube.com/jjtwins

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