Features

The need for more Left voices

Published

3 years ago

2023/07/2

By Uditha Devapriya

I agree with Dayan Jayatilleka (“’Sinhala Buddhist nationalism vs. liberal civil society’ debate on the left”) that the Sri Lankan leftwing intelligentsia is making a very thin contribution to debates over the crisis in the country. This is in stark contrast not merely to the 1980s, which he takes up as his point of reference and comparison, but also as recent as 10 years ago. The immediate postwar period unleashed a flurry of commentaries and analysis from the Left. We no longer see those kinds of interventions now. Except for a handful of commentators, in fact, there’s hardly any written contribution from the Left, though the few who are writing – Devaka Gunawardena and Ahilan Kadirgamar in particular – are prolific not just in how often they are writing but also what they are writing about.

Compared with the great debates that animated the Left in Russia, China, Latin and Central America, and France in May 1968, Sri Lanka has turned into an intellectual desert. This is utterly worrying and concerning, because in the absence of such debates and interventions there can be no real strategic focus for the Left. There is a new generation of bilingual and bicultural radical writers, including Ramindu Perera and Dhanuka Bandara, who are far, far removed from Colombo’s insular, cosmopolitan circles. They are more aware of the situation on the ground and are deeply aware of what’s unfolding around them. They do write to the press, local and sometimes international, but not as frequently as one would expect them to. In the 1980s there was only one Qadri Ismail, but all these writers have the potential of being his successor today. So why the deafening silence?

One can posit several reasons, though they are all really excuses, which simply will not do. One can contend that the Old Left and the earlier avatars of the New Left did not focus on producing intellectual successors. This in turn is linked to another issue, an omission on the part of the Old Left: the fact that, as Regi Siriwardena notes in Working Underground, they did not leave behind “a single Marxist work of enduring value.

” To this it can legitimately be argued that the Old Left were “immersed in day-to-day political activity”, but as Siriwardena again notes, that is hardly a good excuse. Three LSSPers did produce original work: Colvin R. de Silva (Ceylon Under the British Occupation), Leslie Goonewardena (a summary of Trotsky’s History of the Russian Revolution), and N. M. Perera (“The Case for Free Education”). Two of them – Colvin and N. M. – in fact wrote or redrafted from prison.

But these were few and far in-between. In that sense, not until the Lanka Guardian came into being in the late 1970s did the intellectual voices of the Left emerge properly. Until then the Left limited itself mostly to party publications, in itself not a bad thing, except that this limited the Left to petty polemics. By the time Lanka Guardian wrapped up several other Left journals had come into being, but none contained the kind of diversity of opinion the Guardian enjoyed. From then on there has been, for the lack of a better way of putting it, an intellectual descent: a phenomenon not limited to the realm of political commentary, but very much part and parcel of it. Today, therefore, one hardly comes across a political piece of enduring value. This failure is, in many ways, a legacy of the Old Left.

This too, in itself, is not a valid excuse. The fact of the matter is that there are several outlets for the voices on the Left or progressive centre today, from newspapers to journals to blogs, from the most exclusive to the most accessible platforms. That is elementary knowledge. Moreover, the crisis has turned Sri Lanka into a hotbed of political analysis. And yet, it’s the liberal intelligentsia, from Colombo’s NGO-sphere, that dominates the headlines, here and abroad. Left commentators like Ahilan and Devaka have made indelible contributions, and they have been far more prolific than most. But I can’t see other commentators as prolific as they. Political analysis should never be the preserve of a specific ideological group. The Sri Lankan Left’s biggest weakness has, in that sense, been its inability to reconcile its immense activist appeal with its incredibly diverse intellectual potential.

This is particularly worrying given the phase Sri Lanka is entering. The buzzword or rather buzz-tag today is TINA: there is no alternative. There is a consensus within the Opposition, and of course the government, that austerity is the way forward. Influential think-tanks and Western economists based in those think-tanks are peddling these narratives.

There has been a pushback from Left academic-activists, but as I mentioned in my piece on the Marga Institute seminar weeks ago, that pushback has been met with hostility, ironically by the same people who rally against government corruption. The latter in all likelihood will not call out on private sector corruption, which is to be blamed for the crisis as well. Against such a backdrop, it is incumbent on Left voices, particularly from the current generation, to stand in solidarity with those opposing the country’s austerity overdrive.

The New Left has a very important task to fulfil here. After a long time, it is refreshing to see JVP-NPP MPs talk about issues like production, industrialisation, and the need to resolve our deficits in favour of domestic economic activity. When the establishment consensus is that the island’s economy will grow only if more and more imports swamp the domestic market, one urgently requires a counter narrative, because more and more imports will simply not be sustainable in the longer term.

That counter narrative should come from the Left, especially the New Left, which alone has the potential to rally young voters around such issues. In that regard, why can’t the JVP-NPP do what the CPSL is doing, and invite economists like Howard Nicholas to their forums? Such activities can and will provide an intellectual ballast to their work: an imperative that has become more urgent than ever, given that we are entering the most decisive phase in Sri Lanka’s modern political-economic history.

The writer is an international relations analyst, researcher, and columnist who can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com.

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Related Topics:Colvin R. de Silva DR.N._M._Perera Leslie Goonewardena Regi Siriwardena

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Features

New US sanctions on ICC, a fillip to worldwide political repression

Published

18 hours ago

2026/10/15

Thilina Walpola

The International Criminal Court in session. UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s warning to the International Criminal Court (ICC) was stark: ‘Either the ICC will end its threats, or we will end the ICC.’ It followed US central administration accusations that the court was unfairly targeting Americans on the basis of trumped-up war crimes charges.

However, a new plethora of sanctions has been clamped on the ICC by the US, which in turn has spurred accusations by sections of the world that the latter has unleashed an ‘assault’ on the international legal order.

What some of the sanctions would mean for the ICC was outlined by Rubio: ‘We will ban transactions with this rogue court, cutting off their resources and crippling their ability to operate against us.’

The ICC has shown consistency of purpose over the years. Despite some operational constraints it has indicted a large number of political strongmen from around the world, accused of war crimes and other governance excesses that come under its purview. Two such recent figures are: Russian President Vladimir Putin and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Rather than enjoy a mere nominal presence in the world community, the ICC has proved its effectiveness by detaining and bringing to justice scores of VIP politicians and others of their ilk who have been found guilty of human rights abuses and kindred excesses that come within the terms of reference of the ICC.

Accordingly, the international justice system would be stymied considerably as a result of the ICC being dis-empowered, particularly financially. Needless to say, potential and real perpetrators of the species of crime coming under the jurisdiction of the ICC would stand to gain most from such anarchic tendencies. That is, political repression globally would be enabled to enjoy a new lease of life.

A detailing of the types of crime coming under the purview of the ICC provides an idea of what it would cost the international community if the ICC’s operations are gravely hampered. They are mainly: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and the crime of aggression.

That is, the part of the world to be worst affected would be the global South, since the latter is awash with the mentioned crimes. Needless to say, a chronically-disaffected South will sooner rather than later undermine the well being of the world dangerously. The world is already being put through these paces.

At the time of writing, ‘illegal migrants’ from the South, for example, are aggravating many a Western economy’s woes, besides creating for them acute law and order issues. The fact that these migrants’ presence goes on to become a virtual test of the migrant receiving states’ ability to forge domestic social inclusion in the face of jingoistic protests by mainly white supremacist groups is evidence of the latter. As is known, the US, to take just one example, has been up against this crisis for quite a while.

Accordingly, it will be in the best interests of the West if ‘illegal’ migrant arrivals on their shores are stemmed. If the socio-political and economic problems assailing the South are effectively managed through North-South collaborative, ‘trouble-shooting’ efforts the causes leading to ‘illegal’ migration and connected issues could be resolved at source as it were. For, it is the aggravation of the South’s material questions that lays the basis for the emergence of repressive and anti-democratic regimes in the hemisphere.

Until such time that the aforementioned issues in North-South relations are visited afresh and addressed urgently, a vibrantly functioning ICC would be needed. For, the latter would prove a deterrent to Southern political and military strongmen, highly prone to power abuse and like excesses, from coming into being in the wake of the South’s chronic material woes and the wars and conflicts that result from them.

It stands to reason then that the US would be acting in its own interests by enabling the ICC to perpetuate its mandate without hindrance. For a crop of issues that impinges negatively on internal law and order would be defused.

Meanwhile, there needs to be a meeting of minds among the rest of the West to put back in place a North-South dialogue process aimed at reducing some of the economic pressures that are weighing on the South.

Since economics usually drives politics it will be in the interests of the world community to scrutinizingly re-visit North-South issues of the past and put in place economic relief packages for Southern publics that would enable them to tide over their material hardships rather than permit the latter to aggravate into social disaffection and eventually armed militancy. It is the latter juncture that paves the way for the emergence of authoritarian rulers in the South who then go on to be a blight on their publics.

Accordingly, the Southern-based global development thinking of the past that envisaged a more equitable world economic order needs to be seen as an urgent need. That is, NAM’s international development paradigms need to be resuscitated to the extent possible.

It is unlikely that rightist governments of the West, such as the current Republican administration in the US, would find these projects feasible, but democratic states of Europe, led by perhaps the UK, are likely to think otherwise. For it would not be beneficial for the democratic world to be having on their hands repressive governments in the South who would be gravitating towards the major military and economic actors of the South, such as Iran and North Korea, who tend to be in constant power struggles with the West.

However, until such time that the mentioned, pro-people initiatives are given serious thought the ICC would need to be enabled by the international community to be in place comfortably and carry on with its mandate of bringing repressive rulers to book. Besides the ICC should pave the way for the peoples of the developing world to enjoy some substantial respite from the political repression and even terror which tend to be their lot.

Meanwhile, the wars of West Asia are relentlessly aggravating the economic hardships of people everywhere, driving the point home to enlightened sections that there is no alternative to peacemaking. A challenge is to convert the US under President Trump to this line of thinking.

Features

Clear, soft and shine-free skin

Published

18 hours ago

2026/10/15

Thilina Walpola

This week, I give you five simple, time-tested homemade remedies that help reduce the appearance of blemishes, control excess shine and leave your skin feeling softer and smoother.

The Honey and Lemon Brightening Dab:

For stubborn blemish marks, this is a classic. Mix one teaspoon of pure bee honey with three to four drops of fresh lemon juice. Apply gently, only on the affected spots, and leave for 10 minutes before rinsing with lukewarm water. While honey soothes and softens, lemon helps to brighten naturally. Use twice a week in the evening.

Besan and Rose Water Oil-Control Pack:

An ideal remedy to combat shine, especially on the T-zone. Take two teaspoons of besan (gram flour) and mix with sufficient rose water to form a smooth paste. Add a pinch of turmeric for its antiseptic goodness. Apply evenly, keep for 15 minutes and wash off. It absorbs excess oil without over-drying, leaving a beautiful matte finish.

Aloe Vera and Cucumber Ice Soother:

Blend fresh aloe vera gel with the juice of a grated cucumber and freeze the mixture in an ice tray. Each morning, wrap one cube in a soft muslin cloth and gently rub over a cleansed face for 30 seconds. It calms, tightens pores and imparts a baby-soft smoothness.

Oatmeal and Curd Gentle Polish:

Roughness and old blemish marks need gentle exfoliation. Combine one tablespoon of finely powdered oatmeal with one tablespoon of fresh curd (yoghurt). Massage very gently, in circular motions, for one minute, leave for five minutes and rinse. It removes dead cells and unveils softer, clearer skin.

Multani Mitti and Green Tea Magic Mask:

Brew some green tea and allow it to cool completely. Mix one and a half teaspoons of Multani Mitti (Fuller’s Earth) with the tea water to make a fine paste. Apply for 10 to 12 minutes – do not let it dry and crack completely – and wash off. It draws out impurities, fades blemishes and bestows a fresh, shine-free glow.

A Gentle Reminder:

As with any natural remedy, always do a patch test on your inner arm first. For those with oily or combination skin, avoid heavy coconut oil application and harsh scrubbing, as they tend to aggravate shine and blemishes.

Features

Compete, shine and be discovered at WCOPA 2027

Published

18 hours ago

2026/10/15

Thilina Walpola

Dream of performing on a world stage? Well, here is your unique, golden opportunity!

The World Championships of Performing Arts (WCOPA) — the one and only official “Talent Olympics” — is the world’s premier global platform for aspiring singers, dancers, actors, models, instrumentalists, etc., to compete, shine and be discovered!

And, yes, this world stage is open to YOU, Sri Lankans living in Sri Lanka and overseas!

Held annually in glittering Las Vegas, WCOPA brings together over 70 countries, all competing for Gold, Silver and Bronze Medals, just like the traditional Olympics.

Lakisha Bernard: Will represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA 2027

Outstanding performers vie for the coveted titles of Junior and Senior Grand Champion Performer of the World, with winners and standout participants awarded over $500,000 in scholarships, cash awards and prizes to catapult their education and careers!

Sri Lanka is already making waves! At WCOPA 2026, Natharie Wickramasinghe, representing Team Sri Lanka, made the nation proud by winning a Bronze Medal in the Ethnic/Folklore Dance category!

Lakisha: Accomplished freelance Model and Fashion Design graduate

Recruitment for this prestigious competition is handled through a system of scouts and licensed National Directors — and this is where our very own Chris Rajendra, now based in Las Vegas, and National Director for Team Sri Lanka, comes into the scene.

If you are a singer, dancer, actor, model, instrumentalist — if you have talent burning inside you — contact Chris Rajendra today for registration and, who knows, you may find yourself in Las Vegas, and proudly draped in the Sri Lankan flag, at WCOPA 2027!

The contact address is: Chris Rajendra, wcopa.nationaldirector.sl@gmail.com

or chris.rajendra@gmail.com

Meanwhile, a star is born for 2027, in the form of Lakisha Bernard who is all set to represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA 2027.

Originally hailing from the sun-drenched coastal city of Colombo and now carving out her creative career in Canada, 22-year-old Lakisha is stepping into the international spotlight.

This accomplished freelance Model and Fashion Design graduate has officially been appointed as the Team Sri Lanka Promoter for Canada as she prepares to represent Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA in Las Vegas.

Lakisha brings a unique blend of high-fashion sensibility, captivating camera presence and expert garment design to the Team.

Having built her career, from local college shoots to high-glamour concepts, Lakisha’s inspiring journey embodies the true spirit of cultural bridge-building and creative resilience, bringing immense pride and recognition to Sri Lanka on the global stage.

WCOPA 2027 will be held at the legendary Westgate Hotel & Casino, Las Vegas, from 12th to 20th July – the very same iconic arena where the late, great Elvis Presley himself performed!

Your moment is now. Your stage is Las Vegas, so hurry and contact Chris Rajendra.