Features
The JRJ Cabinet and Finance Minister Ronnie de Mel
It would be fair to say that JRJ had the most competent Cabinet of Ministers of modern times. As usual the new Prime Minster (he was elected PM in 1977 before he became president via a constitutional amendment a year later: ed) had been very thorough in his decision making. He first accommodated all the seniors who were Cabinet ministers in previous UNP governments. Premadasa, M.D.H. Jayawardene, Montague Jayawickreme, E.L. Senanayake, Mohamed and Hurulle were all thus accommodated.
He also brought in party seniors who had helped him like Mathew, Hameed, Festus Perera, Jayasuriya and Wijetunga. Having secured that flank he chose two technocrats Ronnie de Mel and Nissanka Wijeratne, both ex-CCS, to man key ministries – Finance for de Mel and Education for Wijeyaratne. Last, he inducted two young stars of the party, Gamini Dissanayake and Lalith Athulathmudali. They too were given plum portfolios. Everybody could see the logic of the leader’s decisions and there was little of the heartburn that usually follows the selection of cabinet ministers.
Another key factor was that JRJ was clearly ‘Primus inter pares’. While he acknowledged that the victory was a combined effort, ministers knew that he was supreme, having brought the UNP to a historic and unprecedented win which would have been unthinkable under the Senanayakes. He also made it known that he would not brook any underhand maneuvering which had been a regular feature of Sri Lankan party politics.
Later on, we will see that there was some dissatisfaction among his senior colleagues – M.D.H. Jayawardana, Gamini Jayasuriya and E.L. Senanayake. JRJ showed no mercy to them in asking for their resignation from their ministerial positions when disagreements came to the surface. But both sides stuck to the rules and the transitions took place in a civilized manner with JRJ writing to them to thank them for services rendered.
While the cabinet ministers were able and willing, several of them were highly ambitious and had no doubts about their fitness to succeed the Old Man who in his own words had “climbed to the top of the greasy pole” at the ripe age of 72. He was fighting fit and unfailingly followed every morning, a rigorous exercise regime tailored for the Canadian Air Force, but that did not prevent several of his Ministers nursing ambitions of succeeding him one day.
Their hopes were raised even before the 1977 election when JRJ, with no warning, held a straw poll to form a 10-man committee to manage the election campaign. Premadasa came first by a small margin. The surprise was Gamini Dissanayake’s performance coming a strong second, thus fueling his already vaulting ambition. Ronnie de Mel and Lalith Athulathmudali also made it to the group. It sent a clear signal to Premadasa and the party seniors that they would not have a cakewalk to the top. It also created a sense of competition among the front runners which simmered right through JRJ’s two terms and blew the party apart after Premadasa donned the mantle.
While this competition helped in running an efficient administration it must be recognized that it exacerbated tensions among the front runners. JRJ gave ear to them all and while not discouraging them did not overtly back any one of them either. He was a master at giving each of them hope, while not showing his hand in any way. To complicate matters there were two others outside this ring who believed that they had JRJ’s blessings to go to the top.
One was Anandatissa de Alwis, a party grandee who managed both the political and personal entanglements of Sir John Kotelawala. He was the kingpin of the UNP youth league in the early days and had been recruited by JRJ as his Permanent Secretary in the 1965 Dudley-led administration. They were close friends and the leader’s unilateral decision to make him Speaker of the House did not please Ananda who wanted to be a Minister, preferably in charge of the old ministry of JRJ’s (State) he was Permanent Secretary. The other was Upali Wijewardene, JRJ’s cousin who had emerged as a clever and ambitious business magnate.
He wrapped himself in the mantle of a hero of the south because his mother and the source of his wealth came from a prominent family in the southern heartland. ‘This was a direct affront to Ronnie de Mel, who also was burnishing his southern credentials as the representative for Devinuwara, the abode of Vishnu – the guardian god of the South. Vishnu is believed to be the only god who did not run away when the Buddha was threatened by Mara.
Ronnie de Mel
The JRJ administration of 1977 was chiefly marked by its radical change of the country’s economic policies. By 1977 the previous administration led by Mrs. B was hated by the general public.It was an era of shortages and stagnation. The inward looking policies of the PM and her Finance Minister N.M. Perera, had failed and had created immense difficulties for the public in its wake.
So much so that a wing of the SLFP led by Felix and Anura Bandaranaike, began to publicly criticize NMs socialist policies. They drew attention to the epochal changes that were shaking up western economies and driving hard bitten communist regimes in the USSR and Eastern Europe to extinction. The new free market economy which spelt doom for socialist economies was led by President Reagan in the US and Prime Minister Thatcher in the UK. Their USSR counterpart Gorbachev was also taking the first steps ‘along the capitalist road’ as the Chinese leaders described it.The world was entering a new economic cycle of free markets and globalisation. Who would be best to help JRJ to transform the moribund economy? The President unhesitatingly chose Ronnie de Mel. “Cometh the hour; cometh the man”.
Though the JRJ Cabinet had many clever Ministers, the crucial post of Minister of Finance was given to the best qualified person- Ronnie de Mel. In a sense this appointment was waiting for him since he entered politics late in life. The SLFP which was his first party of choice had many envious seniors who prevailed on Mrs. B not to offer him a portfolio. The SLFP was a one man or one woman show and it placed greater store on loyalty than on talent.
Ronnie was a brilliant scholar who had refused the offer of a research assignment in Cambridge or Oxford as a historian based on his examination performance. He chose the CCS and was ear-marked from the start as an outstanding public servant. He had socialist leanings and was a favourite official of Philip Gunawardena when he was Minister of Agriculture in 1956. As with many CCS colleagues of his time he married into a wealthy family. Like JRJ he was without money worries but did not show off like the new rich who were now coming into politics under the SLFP. His wife Mallika was a dynamic and capable lady who undertook the responsibility of nursing her husband’s electorate as he was not a “hail fellow well met” type of politician.
In that he shared many personality traits with JRJ who looked upon him as a very valuable colleague. Both had an abiding interest in looking after the poor and underprivileged though they did not resort to popular gimmicks. Both JRJ and Ronnie came from a strong Anglican background and had an intellectual approach to Buddhism which did not view popular Buddhism and ritual with favour. Even when Ronnie was a fierce critic of the UNP, JRJ decided to woo Ronnie and playing on Mrs. B’s inability to accommodate him, slowly won him over to his side.
Ronnie was so important to the President that when he lost the Devinuwara seat in 1983 when JR sought re-election and the Referendum that followed, he was brought in on the national list of the UNP. Ronnie was so well accommodated in the UNP that he also brought along his friend and CCS colleague Nissanka Wijeryaatne, who was smarting under Mrs. B’s rejection of him for daring to contest her uncle Paranagama for the post of Diyawadana Nilame and beating him. Nissanka contested the Dedigama seat and became the Minister of Education. The luring of this duo of talented SLFPers was a feather in JRJ’s cap and presaged the trouble that was in store for Mrs. B in the 1977 election.
The opening of the economy in 1977, under the directions of JRJ, was implemented by Ronnie. It was a ‘tour de force’ which showed great skill and intelligence. De Silva and Wriggins in their biography of JRJ summarize the reforms envisaged in Ronnie’s first budget of 1977. “He asserted that the principal objective of the Budget was the establishment of a free economy after more than 20 years of controls and restrictions which had hampered economic growth….The budget marked a fundamental shift in Sri Lanka’s monetary and fiscal perspectives, through liberalized economic policies which emphasized great reliance on the market mechanism, liberalization of trade and payments and a large increase in external finance.
Most direct controls on prices, imports and external payments were dismantled, government operations in processing and distribution of basic commodities were reduced if not removed, and attractive incentives were provided to producers. There was also the unification of the exchange rate at a depreciated level and the introduction of a flexible exchange rate policy.” [P335] The rupee exchange rate was brought to its market value. All governments before that had artificially kept the rupee below its real value thereby distorting the country’s economy. It led to a black economy and the energies of the Government was diverted to catching currency racketeers as in Felix’s time. The next step was to deal with subsidies, particularly the rice subsidy – a major factor in electoral politics. Under the JRJ regime the subsidy for rice was restricted to those who earned under 300 rupees a month.
In order to cushion this poor segment from rising food prices it was decided to give a cash allowance in lieu of the rice ration. We in the Ministry of Information under Anandatissa put our heads together to fashion an Information strategy to popularize the cash grant. Together with Irvin Weerakkody of Phoenix Advertising we created a ‘Salli Potha’ or cash book as an alternative to the ‘Ration book’. The poor citizen could use the cash coupon to buy commodities of his choice subject to the ceiling imposed on the grant. This became so popular that the opposition which was still licking its wounds could not respond. Later they printed fake rice ration books to show that they too provided relief in their time. This was clearly illegal and the “fake ration book” trial dragged on in the courts for a long time.
By that time Ossie Abeygunasekere, the main accused in the case, had crossed over to the Premadasa camp and the matter was hushed up. Another prong of the Government strategy was to create a welcoming approach to foreign investment. The Board of Investment (originally called the ‘Greater Colombo Economic Commission’) was set up under Upali Wijewardene and a special investment zone was established in Katunayake.
At the same time the modernization of the Colombo Port with Japanese aid and the Mahaweli scheme with multiple foreign assistance was launched. With so many of the projects off the ground it was Ronnie who kept a tight leash on the funding with JRJ’s support. This financial control was not to the liking particularly of the PM Premadasa and Lalith Athulathmudali but they had no option but to accept the overseeing functions of the Finance Ministry.
There were also turf wars regarding funding for the accelerated Mahaweli project. But JRJ backed Gamin Dissanayake’s efforts to seek funding and he and Ronnie worked together fairly cordially. Ronnie established the “Aid Sri Lanka Club” of donors under the umbrella of the World Bank. This donors’ meeting was held annually in the World Bank and OECD Office in Paris. A well prepared ‘laundry list’ of projects approved by the Finance Ministry were discussed with high level representatives of the donor countries as well as representatives of multilateral institutions.
Once agreement was reached on funding it was included in the national budget for the following year which was presented to Parliament. This meeting also reviewed progress of the foreign funded projects then underway. All in all, these arrangements which were coordinated by Ronnie smoothed the way for a rapid take off and was later copied by many developing countries at the urging of the World Bank.
Ronnie depended very much on his civil service colleagues like Chandi Chanmugam, J.V. Fonseka, Chandra Fonseka, Gaya Kumaratunga and Akiel Mohammed who formed the bedrock of the divisions of the Finance Ministry. He also reached out to the Central Bank and co-opted officials from there – which had become the practice by that time. Illangaratne as acting Finance Minister of the 1970 cabinet had earlier inducted the `Kandyan twins’ – Kelegama and Karandawela, from the Central Bank and the practice has persisted with all subsequent Finance Ministers.
In addition the President used the services of Raju Coomaraswamy who had retired from the UN and returned to Sri Lanka, as his special envoy. When relations with the World Bank deteriorated to such an extent that JRJ wanted to close down its Colombo Office it was Raju who urged caution and got the Bank to support the Mahaweli project. JR had a special affection for Raju as he was part of his team when he was Minister of Finance in the DS Cabinet. He was thinking of fielding Raju as a candidate for a seat in the North and a Cabinet assignment, when the latter died of a sudden heart attack.
Raju’s son – the popular and capable Indrajit was seconded from the Central Bank to be Ronnie’s assistant and dogsbody. It must be mentioned here that subsequent Ministers of Finance, particularly CBK did not handle the ‘Aid Club’ very well. Her trips to Paris were not so productive. In fact she took a number of her ministers along with her. They were clueless about the purpose of the meeting and concentrated on the social events including a farewell party at the Crillon.I can reveal that it was a misunderstanding between CBK and S.B. Dissanayake whom she had taken along to Paris, that began the rupture that led to SB’s defection and the fall of her Cabinet in 2001.
Right along Ronnie had a special concern for the underprivileged. He served for a long time as a senior official in Philip Gunawardena’s ministry and was held in high regard by Philip. Ronnie, then in the prime of his life, naturally harbored ambitions of advancement. Premadasa, Athulathmudali and Upali were suspicious of his motives as the latter two hankered to be Minister of Finance. This led to much tension in the Cabinet which sometimes flared out as criticisms of the Finance Ministry.
But JRJ, who had been a Finance Minister himself, backed Ronnie. Much later at the tail end of his career JRJ was disappointed when Ronnie offered him only lukewarm support for the Indo-Lanka agreement and remained in his Geekiyanakanda estate, not even returning the President’s telephone calls. I had a close relationship with Ronnie and facilitated his rapprochement with President Wijetunga in 1993.Later I played ‘broker’ in getting him into CBK’s Cabinet in 2000. CBK always had a good rapport with him and Ronnie returned as a senior Cabinet Minister for a short duration which I shall describe in volume three of my autobiography.
Features
Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience
iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk
As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.
The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.
The Current System’s Fatal Gaps
Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.
Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.
Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.
This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.
A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka
Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:
Science and Predictive Intelligence
We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:
AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events
Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)
High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities
Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat
The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.
This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.
Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure
Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.
Governance Overhaul
A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.
People Power and Community Preparedness
We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.
Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom
Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:
Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems
Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways
Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts
Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy
Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.
A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism
Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:
Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient
Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps
World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers
Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action
Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.
Resilience as a National Identity
This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.
Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.
Features
The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I
Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):
‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’
Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.
Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of this essay.
It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.
“Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.
“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.
The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).
Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.
Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.
The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.
Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000 in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.
Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras. They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.
These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.
(To be continued)
By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️
Features
US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world
‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.
Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.
Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.
If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.
Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.
It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result of this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.
If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.
Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.
Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.
However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.
What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.
Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.
Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.
Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.
For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.
The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.
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