Features
The Engine Room and Powerful Bureaucrats from JRJ years
Excerpted from volume two of Sarath Amunugama’s autobiography
While JRJ with his seniority and authority was skillfully overseeing his cabinet ministers, he also set up a coterie of officials and personal friends and relatives who became the real power behind the throne. What is significant is that this group were top class professionals who could interact freely but respectfully with the leader and his minsters. JRJ was comfortable with the popular appellation of Nayakathuma or ‘’The Leader’ in public, though it also had undertones of ‘Der Fuhrer’. Only close relatives or intimate friends could address him as ‘Dickie’. The exception were the long standing Marxists, NM, Colvin, Pieter and Bernard Soysa who got on well with him even though they were political opponents.
I remember some ministers grumbling that Bernard Soysa could get anything through the `Old Man’. The core triumvirate of officials was G.V.P. Samarasinghe, Menikdiwela and Sepala Attygalle. Associated with them were Colonel Dharmapala, Harry Jayewardene, Ranjan Wijeratne, Esmond Wickremesinghe, Roly Jayewardene and N.G.P. Panditaratne. This was a powerful clique which had the ear of the leader and together was more powerful than the Cabinet.
They had easy access to JRJ and their views often prevailed over that of ministers, though it never came to an open conflict. Ambitious young ministers sought to curry favour with these advisors as a way of getting into the good books of the leader. Samarasinghe and Menikdiwela’s influence was strong because they had immediate access to JRJ, having their offices close to that of the President. No public servant could see the President without Menik knowing about it.
GVP was the strategist while Menikdiwela was the enforcer. The latter was the President’s link to the public servants and the backbenchers. As Secretary to the President he managed his boss’s diary. In all Presidencies the diary keeper plays a crucial role as gate keeper, since he decides who will or will not meet the big man. Ministers, Diplomats, Permanent Secretaries and other high ups had to wait on him to get an appointment.
This was particularly so in JRJ’s case as he tended to interact with officials through Menikdiwela. He was a vintage political figure and had little personal contact with younger officials. JR was not a micro manager as many Presidents tend to be. As senior officials it was a pleasure to work with JRJ as he was precise, clear and willing to listen. Interviews with him on official matters were quite short. After listening to a narration of a problem he would invariably ask the official to indicate his solution.
On most occasions he would give his approval immediately endorsing the suggested solution and standing by it. He disliked officials who took a long time to explain a problem and was not ready with a solution. Most of his decisions were highly predictable because he had been advocating such measures over a long period of time. For instance he had spoken of changing the Constitution and introducing an executive Presidential system many years before he became President.
In power he carefully drafted a new republican constitution with the help of specialists like A.J. Wilson, Kingsley de Silva and lawyers J.A. Cooray and Harry Jayewardene. He had advocated the issue of free school books when he was in the State Council. As President he implemented it without counting the cost. He backed Ronnie to the hilt in liberalizing the economy, while strengthening the safety net for the poor. Both were not unreconstructed capitalists; they both had a streak of socialism and refused to follow the dictates of the multilateral organizations like the IMF and the World Bank. When the World Bank was imposing unacceptable conditions regarding the funding of the accelerated Mahaweli scheme, JRJ threatened its Vice President David Hopper that he would go to commercial banks.
Indeed, he undertook the building of all the Mahaweli dams on bilateral credit with friendly donors. Some were outright grants. This predictability may have had its drawbacks. He depended heavily on the US and the West, leading to disenchantment with him by India. This pained him because of all the local politicians he was the great ‘India lover’. In his own words he was “a lover of India and a follower of her greatest son.
The new economy became a liability when it came to managing ethnic relations in the country. India wielded the big stick and Sri Lanka got embroiled in an ethnic conflict which blighted JRJ’s achievements and spilt over to paralyze his successors. As I shall show later this was exacerbated by the inefficiency and lack of realism on the part of our Foreign Ministry which continuously gave him bad advice concerning India.
Hameed the Foreign Minister was not popular in India. De Silva and Wriggins refer to JRJ telling them that Morarji Desai asked him to have a Sinhalese as the Foreign Minister. Later on in this chapter there will be discussion on the role of the Foreign Ministry which exacerbated the Indo-Lanka conflict.
G.V.P. Samarasinghe
The lynch pin of JRJs ‘engine room’ was G.V.P. Samarasinghe, who was a top bureaucrat and a star of the CCS. He had joined the CCS in the halcyon days of that service and was proud of his achievements in it from the time of his cadetship in the forties. He was quite fond of me. It was probably because he too was a maverick official, who liked to work in the provinces and had a distinguished record as the Director of Rural Development when he was taken under the wing of DS Senanayake.
He was a supporter of the UNP because he liked its rural approaches under the Senanayakes. Though he graduated with a good degree in English he knew Pali and Sanskrit. His father had been a wellknown Ayurvedic physician in Colombo and was a member of the Vidyadhara Sabha which was the governing body of Vidyodaya Pirivena. Once when the seniormost priest at Maligakanda died, GVP asked me to accompany him and represent him on the funeral organizing committee.
He was a strong believer in the supremacy of the CCS and was contemptuous of the other services though he enjoyed the company of a few senior DROs like Stanley Maralande who had worked under him when he was GA Kegalle. He was proud of his role as the Chairman of the State Trading Corporation where he completely reorganized this commercial institution into a profit making national venture.
He told me that from his desk in Colombo he could instantly oversee all the operations of the STC. This was facilitated by his network of underlings from all over the country coming from the Rural Development field and the State Trading Corporation who would visit him in his Jawatte road home and provide him with information about what was going on in the countryside. He was fiercely loyal to these former employees and would help in getting their children into schools and into minor jobs in the Government service.
Once he explained his personnel policy to me in the following way. As a cadet in the CCS he had been trained in administration by Sir Velupillai Coomaraswamy, who was then Government Agent of a district which was of top priority to the British, Trincomalee. Coomaraswamy had told GVP, “Do not worry about a job; worry about the man you assign to do that job. If he is good he will do it. Even if he cannot, he will try his level best to succeed.”
GVP relished challenges and his political bosses came to depend heavily on him. He would invite a few of us to his house for a drink of his favourite ‘pol arrack’ and chain smoking “Three Rose” cigarettes reminisce about his days as a young civil servant in the provinces. While he had many friends among leftist leaders, he was a dedicated UNPer and a super-efficient implementer of the President’s decisions.
Another super-efficient administrator was my University friend Wickreme Weerasooria. He ran the Ministry of Plan Implementation and together with Planning Officers who adored him, took that Ministry to perform very efficiently in rural development much to the envy of the SLAS, which was losing its pre-eminent position due to the open market policies of the new government and the rise of a new phalanx of entrepreneurs who were supported by the Government and did not need to go behind bureaucrats.
Also large scale recruitment to the SLAS led to a rapid decline in quality which made it only one cut above the clerical service. While the new business elite was encouraged by JRJ they naturally were more comfortable with the younger Ministers like Gamini Dissanayake and Lalith Athulathmudali much to the suspicion of Premadasa who thought, perhaps rightly, that he was a crucial factor in winning the 1977 election and deserved to be treated as a special favourite.
To this must be added JRJs personal preference for an upper class westernized life style which had marked both him and Dudley. Having being dowered with a fortune which made his living comfortable, JRJ was never a spendthrift or a show off. But he liked to spend evenings in his house, or President’s House, with his friends enjoying a brandy and a quality cigar after a western meal with wine.
Being very methodical and forthright, while being very democratic in the public arena – with no inhibitions about food and companionship – he was very choosy when it came to his personal life and associates. After he wrapped up his busy official duties during the day, in the evenings he was a private person and meetings were by invitation only. He was not a workaholic like Premadasa who was politicking day and night.
JRJ had time for his wife and family, especially his grandchildren to whom he was a tolerant ‘Seeya’ being both guardian and companion. Only a few favourites like Gamini, Wickreme, Esmond and Ranil Wickremesinghe, Upali Wijewardene, Ranjan Wijeratne, Menikdiwela and Bodinagoda could see him without prior appointment. This led to much heartburn among senior ministers like EL Senanayake and Hameed who felt that their activities were put under the scanner at these informal meetings.Ronnie and Lalith on the other hand were more relaxed about these cabals because the leader went out of his way to consult them on technical matters. All in all while there was a creative tension and Premadasa was surreptitiously building up his forces, the towering personality of JRJ and his proven success of delivering a five sixth majority in Parliament, held the party together.
The Opposition was in tatters and the old left leaders were in the wilderness though everybody knew that JRJ would bend backwards to humor them. When they complained about some decisions regarding Mahaweli settlements on the instigation of Ernest Abeyratne, the Director of Agriculture, he sent NM and Colvin with Gamini Dissanayake by helicopter to visit the site and solve the problem. In the Information Ministry, Minister Wijetunga and I worked closely with Esmond Wickremesinghe who at that time had left Lake House management to his brother-in-law Ranjit Wijewardene, and was managing a News Agency called Lankapuwath. It was a pleasure to work with this legendary ‘backroom operator’ of the UNP who had pulled the strings of its leaders from the time of Sir John onwards, and had masterminded the defeat of the Bill to nationalize Lake House which led to the fall of the Sirimavo government in 1965.
GVP was instrumental in setting up the Development Secretaries Committee. He presided over a weekly meeting of selected Secretaries. To the best of my recollection it included Finance, Trade and Shipping, Food and Agriculture, Public Administration and Home Affairs, Plan Implementation, Industries and Tourism as well as Information that I represented. We would meet every Tuesday and go over the agenda for the Cabinet meeting which was scheduled to be held every Wednesday morning.
Observations sent by line ministries were studied and a common position was ironed out with the concurrence of the secretaries concerned. Once this meeting was concluded GVP and Menikdiwela would brief the President who would therefore be fully aware of the consensus of views of Secretaries and could add whatever he wanted to the proposals before him. Needless to say it gave GVP almost dictatorial powers and many a minister discussed their proposals with him before preparing their Cabinet papers. Since GVP was a workaholic and a master draftsman this system worked very well. I have participated in many Cabinet meetings but none have had the comprehensiveness and usefulness of GVP’s background briefings on the issues discussed.
Menikdiwela
Another important person in the new administration was W.M.P.B. Menikdiwela who kept the wheels of the administration moving. He was a DRO who had caught Dudley’s eye when he served in Dedigama. During the Dudley administration of 1965-70 he was assistan secretary to the PM and had been a fanatical Senanayake loyalist. In 1970 he had been transferred to the boondocks, but had managed to remain in Colombo as a Secretary to the Leader of the Opposition which then was an SLAS position.After Dudley’s death both he and GVP were recruited by JRJ to be his advisors. When Felix Bandaranaike tried to arrest JRJ on his return from Australia, on the eve of the 1977 election, Menikdiwela was able to mobilize his public service links to frustrate that effort. This made JRJ a great believer in his Secretary’s competence and made him his chief point man in interacting with Government officials.
These innovations made the Secretary of the Ministry of Public Administration DBIPS Siriwardhana somewhat redundant but he soldiered on unhappily. In effect this was the end of DBIPS’ career. Though much praised, I found him to be an eccentric and something of a showoff. Whenever he took a decision DBIPS made sure that his journalist sycophants were well briefed about it. He died a disappointed man a few years later.
Many senior ex- CCS officers like Balasuriya, Elkaduwe and Premawardene, who had no charges served on them, were discontinued from service in mid career and Siriwardene made no attempt to stand up for them. He never went out of his way even when he could help a fellow officer to get his entitlement. All these officials who were cut off in their mid-career from the Civil Service were unjustly treated by the Government but DBI would not lift a finger on their behalf. Since the UNP rule lasted for 17 years these victimized officers could not get redress from a successor Government. All three officers were liberal but not politically partisan. Their dismissal was a blot on the Ministry of Public Administration as well as the JRJ regime.
On the contrary Menik would help many public servants, particularly former DROs, by briefing JRJ who generally went along with his recommendations. During this period the public service was greatly improved by the rise of the Planning Service which came directly under the President and was managed by Wickreme Weerasooria as Permanent Secretary. Most of the rural development work was transferred to the Planning Service.
Radical changes came only in JRJ’s second term when the Provincial Council system was introduced and the monopoly of the central government was undermined. I found it very easy to work with Menik as I had known him as my neighbour in the Kynsey road housing complex during the Dudley era. Later when I was a minister under CBK, I made an effort to get him an appointment as an Ambassador. But many who had benefited from his kindness refused to support him and Menik died a disillusioned man.
Features
Universities, as centres of learning, must not be politicised
“They must foster the abiding values of freedom of thought and expression, respect and tolerance for viewpoint difference …”
Address recently delivered by Professor Savitri Goonesekere,
former Vice-Chancellor and emeritus Professor of Law of the university of Colombo,
at the establishment of the Prof. G.L. Peiris Trust for Legal Education and Research.
Thank you, Professor Peiris, for inviting me to speak this evening at an event to announce the endowment that is being made to the University of Colombo and the Sri Lanka Law College as the G. L. Peiris Trust for Legal Education and Research.
You and I have walked the corridors of this beautiful building as Vice Chancellors of this university. The walls of the Senate Room carry our portraits, but do not reflect the experiences that we have had in that capacity. We worked in this institution and chaired Senates and Councils. These fora were places that gave us an opportunity to respect viewpoint differences that were shared in an environment of collegiate connectivity, often in challenging times, when violence in armed conflict was a lived experience for all Sri Lankans.
This is also an occasion to share with this audience a day in this building when you had to confront the horror of the assassination of your predecessor, Professor Stanley Wijesundere, just across from your office. This was summary justice by the then JVP for taking decisions in academic bodies of the university in medical education. I was at the time Dean of the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences at the Open University in Nawala. Yet we connected across Universities, supported each other to cope with those dark times. You, as Vice-Chancellor of this University, and my Vice-Chancellor, the late Professor Dayantha Wijesekere, collaborated to network and respond to violence against staff and students from non-state and state actors. University Teachers for Human Rights was born at this time with the support of both Vice-Chancellors.
Some years later, as I walked up the stairs of College House, on what I expected to be a routine day, a colleague ran down that staircase to say that a former student and cherished friend, Dr. Neelan Tiruchelvam, had just been assassinated. Devastated as I felt, I had no inhibitions in speaking later at his funeral, in what had been a political assassination. I did not have to ask for permission from the University Council to do so.
Today, freedom of thought and speech in academic institutions is being challenged in the United States and our own country in restrictive norms on governance of public institutions. These events of the past and that history are an eloquent reminder that Universities, as centres of learning, must not be politicised. Rather, they must foster the abiding values of freedom of thought and expression, respect and tolerance for viewpoint difference, and bring that voice to both University fora and the public domain. In those times, professors and law teachers did not have to explain to Vice-Chancellors and Deans why they expressed views within and outside Universities on issues of public concern.
Today is a day to also recall Professor Peiris’s own scholarship in the area of public law and particularly on freedom of speech and expression that preceded the dramatically different career path he chose to take. That scholarship will now be available to generations of law students, teachers and lawyers, as well as others, hopefully inspiring an understanding and reflection on fundamental legal principles and concepts that can contribute to the wellbeing and sustainable development of a nation.
The literature and your scholarship that will be shared through the G.L. Peiris Trust will also hopefully be a reminder that “one must know the law as it is, to comment on what it should be”. For your early scholarship is very much in the tradition of analytical positivism that you and I were immersed in as students of the one and only Law Department in Peradeniya and later in this university. We pulled what are called “all-nighters”, as students and teachers, reading in our rooms or in that wonderful library in Peradeniya, referring cases, statutes, Grotius and Voet, the jurists of Civil Law, and of course the great Common Law and Civil Law scholars like Ivor Jennings, H. L. A. Hart, and R.W. Lee.
Professor Peiris, as you all know, came into the University with a stellar record from that institution near the Indian Ocean, where, (as loyal Royalists would have it), scholar students were not the norm. Coming into a University with a scholar’s record does not necessarily translate to a stellar University career. Professor Peiris, with his prodigious capacity for academic work, clarity of thought and writing, thrived in that new learning and teaching environment. He made history in the Law Department, winning every scholarship awarded and graduating at that time with the much prized first-class honours degree. I myself was a young law teacher at the time, and recall that it was impossible to grade GL’s papers with any grade but an A. The length of those contributions, of course, required exhausting attention, and I think taught his teachers to learn how to read carefully. My young grandchildren cannot read a long email from me today without missing a lot of its content!
The G. L. Peiris Trust will provide readers with a rich range of literature on a phenomenal diversity of laws in this country, with comparative jurisprudence from Civil and Common Law countries. If the Rule of Law in a democracy is to be maintained and strengthened, we must reflect on the fact that analytical positivist scholarship is not irrelevant in our times. It is that University tradition that was nurtured in the early post-independence and post-colonial era in Sri Lanka and Civil and Common Law countries that created the foundation for the great later jurisprudence in our own courts and in India. This is especially evident in important areas of public law, including constitutional law and human rights. Justices like A. R. B. Amerasinghe and Mark Fernando and lawyers like Mr. H.L.de Silva and my late husband, R. K. W. Goonesekere, were all alumni connected to this University. Their contribution to jurisprudence and legal reform in this country was nurtured in halls of learning that recognised that we must learn the law as it is, to understand what it ought to be. Professor Peiris himself demonstrates that heritage in his later work on public law and in contributing with another distinguished alumnus, the late Neelan Tiruchelvam, to the draft Constitution of 2000. I hope that the G. L. Peiris Trust will also include papers relating to that work, the best draft Constitution to date, abandoned in what has now become the norm of adversarial politics.
The long overdue institutional connection between university academia and the Law College that is made through the G .L. Peiris Trust is welcome. The Principal of the Law College, Prasantha Lal de Alwis, PC, an alumnus of our Law Faculty, has given leadership in creating a new path that must benefit both institutions.
In my time, students and teachers did not connect outside the halls of learning in later life as Sirs/Madams in perpetuity. They became and interacted as colleagues. As a former teacher, colleague, and Vice-Chancellor of this University, thank you, GL, for this generous endowment. May it be a valued institutional legacy that will inspire commitment to, and understanding of, the Rule of Law in a country that will always be a Democracy.
Features
The silent hunters: Why Sri Lanka’s spiders matter
By Ifham Nizam
They are everywhere, yet most of us hardly notice them. In the corner of a garden, beneath a leaf, across a paddy field, inside a forest or quietly occupying an old tree, spiders are constantly at work.
They may be tiny enough to escape the human eye or large enough to command attention, but beneath their often-misunderstood appearance lies an ecological workforce that performs one of nature’s most important jobs.
They hunt
And in doing so, spiders help keep insect populations under control, strengthen food webs and contribute to the delicate ecological balance upon which both natural ecosystems and agriculture depend.
For Sri Lanka, a country celebrated for its extraordinary biodiversity and high degree of endemism, the world of spiders is particularly fascinating. Yet it remains one of the lesser-known chapters of the island’s natural history.
Field biologist and researcher Dr. Ranil Nanayakkara has spent years helping to open that chapter.
His work on Sri Lanka’s spiders, including the spectacular tiger spiders of the genus Poecilotheria, has demonstrated that there is much more to these creatures than the fear and suspicion with which they are often regarded.
Nanayakkara has been involved in the description and documentation of several remarkable Sri Lankan tarantulas, including Poecilotheria rajaei and Poecilotheria srilankensis, as well as Chilobrachys jonitriantisvansickleae. His research has also taken him into the less-studied corners of Sri Lanka’s biodiversity.
His approach is significant because the story of Sri Lanka’s spiders is not simply a story about unusual or frightening creatures. It is a story about ecosystems.
Nature’s pest controllers
A spider sitting motionless in a web may appear inactive, but its ecological role can be anything but passive.
Spiders are predators, feeding predominantly on insects and other arthropods. Across an agricultural landscape, this makes them natural allies of farmers.
Moths, beetles, flies, grasshoppers, leafhoppers, planthoppers and many other insects become part of the prey base of different spider species.
Some spiders wait patiently in intricately constructed webs. Others actively hunt across leaves, vegetation and the soil surface. Jumping spiders stalk their prey with remarkable precision, while wolf spiders move across the ground rather than depending on webs to capture food.
Different species therefore occupy different ecological niches.
Together, they form an army of natural predators.
This is why the presence of spiders in a paddy field or vegetable plot should not automatically be interpreted as something undesirable. On the contrary, their presence may be an indication that a functioning predator community is at work.
Nanayakkara’s own publication, An Introduction to Common Spiders of Sri Lanka, was designed partly to introduce the public and research community to these frequently overlooked animals.
The book covers spider morphology, natural history and Sri Lankan spider families, while highlighting their importance as biological control agents and bioindicators.
- Genus -Sason
- Chilobrachy jonitriantisvansickelei
The invisible service
There is an important ecological service taking place every day that does not appear on an agricultural balance sheet.
A spider catches an insect.
Then another.
And another.
Multiply that interaction by thousands of spiders across thousands of hectares and the ecological significance becomes enormous.
Unlike a pesticide, a spider does not need to be manufactured, transported, mixed or sprayed. It does not require a farmer to purchase another container or return to the field with a spray machine.
It simply performs its ecological role.
That does not mean spiders can replace all forms of pest management. Rather, they can form one component of integrated pest management, in which natural predators, parasites, cultural practices and carefully targeted interventions work together.
The objective should not necessarily be to create an agricultural landscape in which every insect disappears.
It should be to create one in which pest populations are kept below damaging levels through a functioning ecological system.
When pesticides kill the allies
This is where the story takes a darker turn.
Broad-spectrum insecticides are designed to kill insects, but the ecological world does not always recognise the distinction between a farmer’s target species and a beneficial predator.
When chemicals are applied indiscriminately, spiders and other predatory arthropods can also be affected.
The consequences can be surprisingly complex.
A pesticide application may reduce a crop pest rapidly. But if it simultaneously reduces the predators that feed on that pest, the field may lose part of its natural defence system.
As surviving pest populations recover, farmers may again reach for the sprayer.
The result can become a vicious circle: fewer natural predators, greater reliance on chemicals and repeated disruption of the ecological relationships that once helped regulate pest populations.
Pesticides can also move beyond the field through runoff, spray drift and other pathways, potentially affecting surrounding vegetation, wetlands and waterways.
The real cost of chemical-intensive agriculture, therefore, cannot always be measured simply by the price of a bottle of pesticide.
There can be an ecological cost that remains invisible.
A paddy field is more than a crop
Sri Lanka’s paddy fields are often viewed through the lens of production: acreage, yield, irrigation, fertiliser and harvest.
But look more closely and another world emerges.
Between the rice plants are insects. In the water are aquatic organisms. Along the bunds are grasses and other vegetation. Amphibians move through the landscape. Birds forage. Reptiles pass through.
Microorganisms work beneath the surface.
And somewhere among the vegetation, spiders wait.
The paddy field is therefore not simply a food-production unit. It is an ecosystem.
Field margins, bunds, grasses and neighbouring vegetation can provide shelter and alternative habitat for spiders and other beneficial organisms. Maintaining this ecological complexity can help predator populations persist and recolonise cultivated areas.
Destroying those refuges or exposing them repeatedly to chemicals can simplify the ecosystem and weaken its natural resilience.
The spectacular world of tiger spiders
If ordinary garden spiders are largely invisible to the public, Sri Lanka’s tarantulas are impossible to ignore.
The genus Poecilotheria, commonly known as tiger spiders or ornamental tarantulas, includes some of the island’s most spectacular arachnids.
Their intricate patterns, extraordinary size and specialised lifestyles have made them subjects of scientific fascination.
Nanayakkara’s work brought international attention to this hidden world.
One of the best-known examples is Poecilotheria rajaei, a tarantula described from northern Sri Lanka after specimens were encountered during field surveys. The species was formally described in 2012 by Ranil Nanayakkara and co-authors.
The story illustrates something important about biodiversity research: discovery does not necessarily begin in a sophisticated laboratory.
Sometimes it begins in a forest.
Sometimes it begins with a local observation.
And sometimes it begins when a field researcher is willing to look closely at something that most people would rather avoid.
Another remarkable chapter came with Poecilotheria srilankensis, described from Belihuloya in 2019. The research documented another arboreal tarantula from Sri Lanka and added to understanding of the island’s highly distinctive Poecilotheria fauna.
Nanayakkara and his collaborators have also documented Chilobrachys jonitriantisvansickleae, a tarantula associated with a fragmented forest patch in Sri Lanka’s wet zone.
These discoveries are not merely additions to a scientific list.
Each species raises questions.
Where does it live?
What does it eat?
How large is its population?
What habitat does it require?
How isolated are its populations?
What happens when its forest disappears?
The blue surprise in the forest
Perhaps nothing illustrates the richness of this hidden world better than the discovery of a striking blue tarantula in Sri Lanka’s rainforests.
The species, Chilobrachys jonitriantisvansickleae, was found in an isolated patch of southwestern rainforest surrounded by tea and rubber plantations. Its vivid blue colouring helped attract attention to an animal living in a highly fragmented landscape.
It is an important reminder that biodiversity does not always survive in vast wildernesses.
Sometimes it survives in small fragments.
And when a species is closely associated with a particular habitat, the destruction of even a relatively small area can have disproportionate consequences.
Beyond fear
One of Nanayakkara’s important contributions has been to make spiders accessible to people who may otherwise never look beyond their reputation.
His books, including An Introduction to Common Spiders of Sri Lanka and Poecilotheria – “Tiger Spiders” of Sri Lanka, have helped bring information about these animals to a wider audience. His Tiger Spiders of Sri Lanka focuses on the identification, habitats, behaviour and conservation of Poecilotheria.
The challenge is not simply scientific.
It is cultural.
For generations, spiders have often been associated with fear, danger and something that should immediately be killed.
But understanding changes attitudes.
Once a spider is seen as a predator rather than a pest, its role begins to look different.
Once a tarantula is understood as a specialised inhabitant of a particular forest habitat, destroying that habitat becomes a conservation issue rather than merely a matter of removing an unpleasant creature.
Small predators, enormous consequences
Spiders are also prey.
Birds, amphibians, reptiles and other animals depend on arthropods as part of their diets. Spiders consequently occupy several positions in food webs: they are predators of insects and, in turn, food for other animals.
Their disappearance can therefore create effects that travel through an ecosystem.
This is why biodiversity conservation cannot focus exclusively on elephants, leopards, birds or other charismatic wildlife.
The ecological machinery of a forest is also made up of creatures that are small, obscure and rarely photographed.
Some may never make the headlines.
But remove enough of them and the system changes.
A call to look closer
Sri Lanka still has much to learn about its spiders.
Taxonomy remains fundamental. Before conservationists can determine how a species is faring, they need to know what species exist, where they occur and how they differ from one another.
Field research is equally important because many species cannot be understood simply by examining specimens in collections.
Their habitats, behaviour, prey, reproduction and relationships with other organisms all matter.
Nanayakkara’s research illustrates the value of this patient field-based approach. His work has contributed to the documentation of Sri Lanka’s lesser-known biodiversity and to the scientific understanding of spiders that had previously received little attention.
But perhaps the larger lesson is even simpler.
Nature does not waste species.
The spider spinning a web beside a paddy field, the hunter moving through the undergrowth and the spectacular tarantula hidden in a forest tree are all pieces of a much larger ecological puzzle.
Protect the predators
Conserving spiders does not mean protecting every individual spider from every natural threat.
It means protecting the ecosystems that allow spider populations to survive.
It means reducing unnecessary pesticide use.
It means encouraging integrated pest management.
It means maintaining vegetation around agricultural fields, protecting forest fragments and conserving wetlands and streams.
It means giving farmers the knowledge to recognise that some of the creatures living among their crops are not enemies at all.
They are allies.
For Sri Lanka, there is another urgent reason to look more closely.
The island’s biodiversity is exceptional, but its habitats are increasingly fragmented and altered. The loss of specialised habitat can be particularly serious for species with narrow ecological requirements.
The work of researchers such as Dr. Ranil Nanayakkara reminds us that discovery and conservation are inseparable.
We cannot protect what we do not know.
And we cannot appreciate what we have never learned to see.
The next time a spider appears in a garden, on a paddy bund or quietly beneath a leaf, perhaps it deserves something more than a broom or a spray can.
It may be doing what nature designed it to do—hunting, regulating and maintaining balance.
For millions of years, spiders have been doing this work without asking for recognition.
Perhaps it is time we gave them some.
When we protect the predators, we protect the balance.
Features
West Asian conflict undergoing manifold complications
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s message to Israel’s enemies was blunt and stark.‘We’re going to win; we have no choice.’ He said so while the majority of attendees at a recent UN General Assembly session walked out of the conference hall when the Israeli Prime Minister took the podium; many of them booing in derision.
Those commentators who have been studying Israel’s handling of her enemy states over the decades are unlikely to dismiss the entirety of Netanyahu’s address as rhetoric. The general pattern has been for the Israeli state to stand up firmly against its enemies in the battle field. On most occasions, these adversaries have been beaten back.
It is also little realized in particularly the Southern hemisphere that Israel, for the most part, could defend herself without much US assistance. The history of the conflict bears this out.
However, from the viewpoint of working towards a just and equitable peace in the Middle East the Israeli hard line stance has proved and will prove incalculably detrimental. The sworn enemies of Israel are not going to be in any way deterred by Netanyahu’s stark warnings. On the other hand, they would be only further provoked into taking on Israel by conventional or unconventional military means and seek its destruction.
The recent aborted mid-air hijacking of a Flydubai flight, consisting mainly of Israeli passengers, by an Omani extremist drives home the point. Israel’s enemies are bound to redouble their efforts to annihilate Israel rather than be deterred by the latter’s warnings about standing firm against them. This too history has proved.
It would be in the fitness of things at this juncture to pay a tribute to the professionalism, courage and humanity of the relevant airline pilot, Captain Machchhar, whose timely action proved decisive in botching the hijack attempt. His intervention averted what could very well have been another 9/11 type tragedy. History is not going to forget his daring and resourcefulness.
Meanwhile, the ground realities in West Asia are undergoing further complications that portend increasing regional instability. For example at the time of writing Turkiye, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia have agreed under the recently established ‘Mecca Alliance for Defence’ to deploy ‘deterrence measures’ collectively in the event of any member of the alliance coming under military strikes from a non-member state.
The agreement is modeled on the NATO collective defence pact and should help in defusing any threat perceptions experienced by the alliance members in the short term. However, the group would need to be cognizant of the major and potentially divisive role Iran could play in the interstate politics of the Middle East region going forward.
Iran’s reported support, for example, for Yemen’s Houthi rebels, who are engaged in attacking Saudi national assets, could at some point in time compel the alliance, under the terms of the pact, to initiate deterrent military measures against Iran.
The implications for regional peace from such a turn of events hardly require elaboration. A full blown regional war emerges as a distinct possibility if Iran sees itself as being excessively antagonized by the alliance. A further complication is that antagonistic sectarian identities of an Islamic kind could come to play hugely divisive roles in it. Shiite Islamic states would be inclined to back Iran while those countries seen as Sunni Islamic in orientation are bound to support Saudi Arabia.
Accordingly, West Asia is a region rife with manifold aggravated insecurities. If the latter are not defused dexterously they could escalate into a conflict of extra regional dimensions. The latter development would render the world a collective loser.
Unfortunately, no constructive help could be expected from the US at this juncture by way of working towards regional and international peace even of short durance. Its war against Iran has only aggravated the world’s current insecurities.
For example, the world has been compelled to face the possibility of compounded economic woes as a consequence of the Hormuz crisis remaining unresolved. The world is currently experiencing what could be seen as a ‘winter of economic discontent’ of unprecedented proportions.
Unfortunately, the international community is to all intents and purposes helpless in the face of this multifaceted crisis. Substantial intervention is expected of the UN but since it has failed to reform itself over the years it is compelled to stand idly by while the world’s insecurities heighten and multiply.
Yet, it is the seemingly paralyzed UN system that has some potential to contain the current tide of international disorder to even a small measure. Given the persisting divergent and conflicting interests among the world’s principal power blocs, the G7 and BRICS for instance, it is mainly the UN and its principal agencies that could carry some credibility as peace brokers and mediators.
However, as an initial step towards bringing the principal protagonists to the negotiating table the UN would need to convince the principal powers of the UN Security Council of the need for a substantive broad-basing of the membership of the Council so as to reflect more accurately the current global political and economic realities. Such reforms would render the Council more representative and help in strengthening its credibility and effectiveness.
The above reforms call for years of dynamism, hard work and resourcefulness on the part of the international community, read the UN. Yet the aims are not impossible to achieve if strong leadership is brought to bear by the UN.
Meanwhile, the UN agencies and allied organizations need to pay stepped-up attention to the West Asian theatre and its wasting conflicts and wars. Here too there is immense hard work to be put in.
There is, for instance, identity politics and its issues that need to be managed urgently. While internal political matters of countries could not be addressed directly by UN agencies, awareness-raising programs and projects could be energetically carried out by them to blunt the appeal of identity-based slogans, relating to, for instance, religion and race.
Besides, values at the heart of democratic politics need to be freshly and enthusiastically propagated. Vast reserves of energy and resources are needed, to be sure, to consistently champion and implement these crucial projects but they need to be pursued single-mindedly if even a dent is to be made in the current runaway global disorder.
The aborted hijacking of the Flydubai flight pointed to the dehumanizing impact of identity politics on the human consciousness. It was also an indication that those sections endowed with humanity cannot stand idly by while identity politics continues to destroy civilizational values. The time to act is ‘now’.
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