Editorial
The countdown begins

With the presidential election due next Saturday, campaigning is now reaching its peak and must end by Wednesday midnight leaving two clear days before the polling begins. Postal voting by public servants and others on election duty has already closed and the counting of these votes will only start when the counting proper begins upon the close of the poll. There is a widely held perception that, for the first time at a presidential election here, none of the contestants will clear the 50 percent plus one hurdle to be declared elected on the first round and the counting of preferential votes polled by all but the two front runners must follow. But all that remains to be seen.
Most commentators and observers agree that the front runners are President Ranil Wickremesinghe, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa and NPP/JVP Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake in no particular order. Wickremesinghe is running mainly on a platform of having restored a degree of stability after the post-Aragalaya chaos two years ago although he himself is freely on record that much more remains to be done.
Not having won even his own parliamentary seat in Colombo at the previous general election in August 2020, when the UNP was reduced to a single national list seat, Wickremesinghe was the surprise choice of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to succeed Mahinda Rajapaksa as prime minister when the latter quit days before his malli fled the country and resigned the presidency from Singapore.
According to the record, RW was not the first choice for prime minister when MR quit. Wickremesinghe himself has repeatedly said that the offer had been made earlier to Sajith Premadasa who funked taking it up. There have also been unconfirmed reports that Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, whom the Rajapaksas jailed, had also been approached.
But by GR’s account, Fonseka had sought the position. However that be, Wickremesinghe according to both himself and his supporters, bravely accepted the challenge, soon to become more challenging when Gotabaya resigned and the Rajapaksa party elected Wickremesinghe to succeed him as president for the balance term.
The miles long gas and fuel queues, the power cuts and accompanying blackouts, the unavailability of basic essentials, rocketing cost of living, plunging exchange rates and much more are too recent to be forgotten. No wonder then that Wickremesinghe, who has chosen the gas cylinder as his election symbol, has a lot going for him at this election as he ensured a degree of near normalcy.
Critics stress that much of this was possible thanks to the fact that most of the country’s debt servicing and loan repayment obligations have not been met. Nevertheless, Wickremesinghe doubtlessly made the lives of most Lankans easier during his current tenure.
As for Premadasa, when Wickremesinghe conceded the UNP ticket to him to run for the presidency against GR in 2019, he did not get the party leadership he considered his entitlement. History was repeating itself as in 1970, when Dudley Senanayake made JR Jayewardene the leader of the opposition, he (Dudley) retained the party leadership.
The recent parallel was the creation of the breakaway Samagi Jana Balavegaya that took away the vast majority of UNP MPs in the then parliament. Indisputably, the votes the SJB polled at the August 2020 election were UNP votes with party supporters like the UNP parliamentary group opting for Sajith rather than Ranil. Hence the UNP’s and RW’s sorry performance at that election.
Both Wickremesinghe and Premadasa have attracted the majority of the SLPP’s ministers and MPs, many of them bad eggs, to their camps; RW more so than Premadasa. The Rajapaksas, now out of hiding, have been left with the rump are running Namal, more with an eye on the next election than this one.
The question now is whether defectors can deliver votes to the ticket they are backing. The ‘frogs’ as the Jumping Jacks have been aptly labeled are looking more at their self-interest at the parliamentary election that will follow the presidential race.
Accommodating them in the various party lists can only be done at the sacrifice of serving organizers. As far at the runners in this presidential election are concerned, that problem is one for later resolution. Right now the objective is winning the forthcoming presidential contest.
As for the NPP/JVP, the party indisputably has the best organization among those running at this election. This has been clearly apparent during the current campaign. It has meticulously cultivated different constituencies of the electorate including the business community. Undoubtedly it has to live down its violent past but many of those voting next Saturday were not even born in 1971 when the Rohana Wijeweera-led first insurgency rocked the country. The violence of 1988-89 on both sides was much worse. But that was 35 years ago and the then JVP leaders are now history.
Having demonstrated a three percent share of the national vote at the most recent elections, they have a vast gap to bridge. Part of that has clearly been covered. But questions persist on whether the party has the capacity to run the country. There are those who believe that the NPP/JVP is more likely to attack corruption at the top with more gusto than other players who have in one way or another consorted with the corrupt. But totally ridding the country of pervasive corruption from top to bottom will be a very tall order.
Editorial
Dulling the pangs of hunger

Saturday 5th April, 2025
The government has, with the help of the National Food Promotion Board, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Agriculture, launched a programme to provide the public with nutritious food at reasonable prices as part of its Clean Sri Lanka initiative. The public, fleeced by private eatery owners ruthlessly, will surely benefit from this programme, which deserves praise. It will also help improve the government’s approval rating significantly. A way to a person’s heart is said to be through his or her stomach.
A widely-held misconception is that every prospect pleases in this country, and only politicians are vile. True, most politicians are thought to be bad, but it is not fair to single them out for castigation. There are many others who are either equally bad or even worse. The blame for people’s hardships due to the high cost of living should be apportioned to the business community, given to unconscionably exploitative practices; its members, from wayside eatery owners to corporate fat cats, jack up the prices of their products and services according to their whims and fancies, at the expense of the public. The rice millers have become a law unto themselves.
Why food inflation is high is not difficult to understand. A plain hopper is priced at Rs. 25, and an egg costs about Rs. 30 at present, but an egg hopper is sold at Rs. 100! Food prices that went into the stratosphere at the height of the economic crisis in 2022 have not come down significantly owing to the greed of the unscrupulous members of the business community.
The government initiative to make quality food available at reasonable prices to the public should continue, and it is hoped that the NPP leaders will also develop the Hela Bojun Hala (HBH) restaurant chain under the Ministry of Agriculture. These eating places not only sell nutritious food made from local ingredients at very reasonable prices but also economically empower women. All HBH outlets are run by women and do not sell wheat flour products or sugary drinks.
The NPP government can give a turbo boost to the HBH programme by expanding it across the country. That will help provide direct employment to many more women. Sri Lanka’s overall unemployment rate is 4.7%, and about 6.7% women are unemployed. Besides, during gluts, fruit and vegetable growers often dump their unsold produce on the roadside in protest. The government may be able to use the HBH network to help the farming community while generating employment opportunities and providing the public with quality food at affordable prices.
Minister of Agriculture K. D. Lalkantha, known for innovative thinking and hard work, was the chief guest at the recent launch of the aforesaid food programme. He should take time off from pursuits such as counting monkeys and give serious thought to developing the HBH network further so that more people will have access to reasonably-priced, hygienic, and nutritious foods, and more jobs can be created for women, and men as well if a home delivery service is set up at the HBH outlets.
Sri Lanka’s political culture is such that when a new government is elected it launches its own programmes and either scrap the ones introduced by its predecessor or let them wither on the vine. It is hoped that the NPP government will be different and develop the HBH programme, which has become a success.
Editorial
Trump’s pound of flesh and bleeding nations

Friday 4th April, 2025
US President Donald Trump has jacked up tariffs on imports in the name of making America wealthy again. Yesterday, he signed an executive order, with his usual melodrama, increasing tariffs on goods imported from many countries including Sri Lanka, which will now have to pay as much as 44% by way of tariff on its exports to the US. Claiming that the unprecedented tariff hike is a reciprocal measure, Trump has said the new 44% tariff is in response to Sri Lanka’s 88% trade barriers on American goods. It is a case of a giant competing with a dwarf!
Powerful nations are resilient enough to absorb the US tariff shocks, but the weaker economies like Sri Lanka are bound to reel and even go into a tailspin, causing further destabilisation of the developing world. The US tariff hike will deal a body blow to Sri Lanka’s export sector, especially its garment industry, which is showing signs of recovery. Sri Lankan goods, especially garments, will now be less competitive in the US market. Other Asian garment exporters, such as India, Bangladesh and Vietnam, also have higher US tariffs to contend with but not to the same extent as Sri Lanka. There’s the rub.
A drastic decline in export earnings due to the new US tariffs will invariably lead to a decrease in Sri Lanka’s foreign currency reserves, causing a further depreciation of the rupee, an increase in inflation, job losses, and even socio-political upheavals unless the US takes the fragile condition of the Sri Lankan economy and softens its stand.
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has appointed an expert committee to study the economic fallout of the US tariff hike and recommend remedial measures. This is a step in the right direction, and it is hoped that the government, together with all other stakeholders, will be able to formulate a mitigatory strategy to cushion the impact of the new US tariffs on the local industries and the ailing economy. Most of all, the government will have to manage the country’s foreign currency reserves frugally.
What the US can gain from the unprecedented hike in tariffs on Sri Lankan exports is negligible, and it will not give any significant boost to the US economy or industries. Is Washington trying to leverage Sri Lanka’s overdependence on the US as an export destination to further its geopolitical interests in a bigger way? Is the Trump administration goading Sri Lanka into a situation where the latter will be left with no alternative but to agree to anything including controversial agreements, owing to its sheer desperation to have the US tariffs on its exports reduced?
If what Trump said, while announcing the new tariffs is anything to go by, he wants to make America wealthy again by creating conditions for the domestic industries to be ‘reborn’. But he has apparently ignored factors like stringent environmental laws, higher cost of domestic labour, increases in raw material costs due to new tariffs, technological competition, etc., which will stand in the way of the US in achieving his dream.
Whether Trump will be able to realise his MAGA (Make America Great Again) goal by resorting to ruthless actions that weaken the economies in the developing world may be in doubt, but one possible outcome of his tariff war, as it were, is not difficult to predict. Extremely high tariffs the US has imposed on imports are at variance with the liberal economic principles and policies it has long championed. Such excessively protectionist measures could undermine America’s global dominance, driving smaller nations to gravitate towards its rivals in search of favourable trade terms. Russia lost no time in offering to help Sri Lanka’s export sector. Other powerful nations are likely to follow suit where the developing countries troubled by the US tariffs are concerned.
Editorial
A welcome judgment

Thursday 3rd April, 2025
Justice finally caught up with former North Central Province Chief Minister S. M. Ranjith and his sister-in-law Shanthi Chandrasena yesterday, when the Colombo High Court (HC), which heard a case filed by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) against them in 2021, sentenced them to 16 years RI for having misappropriated Rs. 2.6 million between 2012 and 2014. They were also fined Rs. 200,000 each. The HC judgment must have gladdened the hearts of all those who long for an end to corruption.
The criminal misappropriation of state funds at issue happened during the heyday of the Rajapaksa rule, which became a metaphor for corruption and abuse of power. When politicians are intoxicated with power, they become blind to the consequences of their actions, and enrich themselves as if there were no tomorrow. They usually cover their tracks, but the January 2015 regime change may have prevented CM Ranjith and his sister-in-law, who was his private secretary, from doing so. Their offence, however, pales into insignificance in comparison to what some other members of previous governments have been accused of. Unfortunately, most of those allegations have gone uninvestigated, or escape routes have been opened for the accused in some high-profile corruption cases, which were made to collapse, much to the dismay of anti-corruption campaigners and the public. Thankfully, most of those characters failed to get re-elected last year, and this is something the NPP government can flaunt as an achievement.
Another former Chief Minister––Chamara Sampath Dassanayake––has been remanded for causing a huge loss to the Uva Provincial Council by withdrawing six fixed deposits prematurely in 2016. It is hoped that all allegations of corruption, abuse of power and serious crimes such as murder against the members of previous administrations will be probed thoroughly and the culprits prosecuted expeditiously.
Corruption usually thrives under powerful governments in this country because huge majorities tend to nurture impunity. Integrity of most Sri Lankan politicians is a mere result of the unavailability of opportunities to line their pockets rather than an unwavering commitment to moral principles. Power tends to have a corrosive effect on scruples, and many self-proclaimed champions of good governance, who come to power, vowing to rid the country of corruption, end up being as corrupt as their predecessors. What we witnessed following the 2015 government change is a case in point. The ‘paragons of virtue’ in the UNP-led Yahapalana camp committed the first Treasury bond scam a few weeks after being voted into power. The present-day leaders who are campaigning hard against corruption were on a political honeymoon with the UNP at that time, and their alliance lasted until the end of the Yahapalana government in late 2019 despite very serious allegations of corruption against that administration.
There is nothing stupider than to rely on individual politicians to rid the country of bribery and corruption. They may have allegations of corruption against their political rivals probed, but it is doubtful whether they are serious about eliminating bribery and corruption. One may recall that having come to power by campaigning mainly on an anti-corruption platform, in 1994, the SLFP-led People’s Alliance government, ably assisted by several other political parties, including the UNP and the JVP, effectively deprived the national anti-graft commission of its suo motu powers, making it dependent on formal complaints to take action. Hence the need for anti-corruption laws with stronger teeth and robust institutional mechanisms to battle bribery and corruption. All existing anti-corruption mechanisms should be given a radical shake-up.
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