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The Buddha on politics and governance

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by Dr. Justice Chandradasa Nanayakkara

Buddha Dhamma does not seek to propagate any political ideology. Its primary purpose is the liberation of individuals from pervasive suffering, as enunciated in the Four Noble Truths. The Buddha saw all beings in the universe being born, living, dying and being reborn over and over again without end, all trapped in a web spun by their past actions kamma. The fundamentals of the Buddha’s teachings, based on purity, morality and faith, can be summed up by the following stanza, “Sabbapapassa akaranam, kusalassa upsammpada, sacittapariyodapanam, etam Buddhana sasanam” which means avoidance of evil, cultivation of good and purifying of one’s mind. The Buddha has preached that man’s desire is insatiable and his excessive craving is the cause of all dukkha.

In the realm of political practice, since the time of Buddha, his teachings have both influenced governments and been identified by governments as a source of their authority and legitimacy. Buddhist monarchs have ruled many Asian and Southeastern countries at various times over the past two thousand years and even today many nations in Asia believe that their governments have a duty to rule in conformity with Dhamma (truth) and its ethical values. Buddhism has remained the leading religious force and continued to exert a strong influence on political, economic, and social life in many parts of Asia, including Sri Lanka, because it is closely associated with cultural norms of these nations it cannot be isolated from politics.

Although the primary purpose of Buddha’s teachings is the liberation of individuals from pervasive suffering, his they acknowledge the interdependence of the individual with society, polity, and economy. The Buddha saw politics not as an end in itself but as an instrument by means of which favourable conditions could be created for the amelioration of the people’s suffering. He recognized that some form of government was necessary to provide social order and welfare and that it values, content and processes should be consistent with Dhamma (truth). Dhamma is the fundamental concept that should underlie any Buddhist approach to economic, social and political development. It is only when economic and social system is grounded in sound ethical principles that it conduces to real human welfare. Therefore, the Buddha saw a political system, organised and consistent with these truths, could minimise the manifest form of suffering and destitution, human beings are subject to. Basically, it seeks to approach the problems of society by reforming individuals constituting that society in conformity with Dhamma and by suggesting some general principles through which equitable sharing of resources.

Bikku Bodhi has stated that the Buddha was “a compassionate and pragmatic teacher who was intent on promoting a social order in which people can live together, peacefully, in accordance with ethical guidelines. In Buddhist philosophy and practice “each person rises above the demands of narrow self-interest and develops a sincere, large hearted concern for the welfare of others and the greater good of the whole”. While the Buddha principally aimed at guiding people towards moral and spiritual progress, he was fully aware that their capacity for moral and spiritual development depends upon the material conditions of the society in which they live. He acutely realized that when people mired in poverty and oppressed hunger and want, they would find it hard to hold to a path of moral rectitude. Thus, he saw that the provision of economic justice is integral to social harmony and political stability.

Modern democracy is based on the principle that all human beings are essentially equal and that each of us has an equal right to life, liberty and happiness. Buddhism too recognises that human beings are entitled to dignity, and all members of the human family have an equal and inalienable right to liberty. Whether we are rich or poor educated or uneducated, belonging to one nation or another, to one region or another, adhering to this ideology or that, each of us is just a human being like everyone else. Not only do we all desire happiness and seek to avoid suffering, but each of us has an equal right to pursue these goals.

The Buddha was the first political philosopher who taught the basic requirements for true democracy and peaceful coexistence of humanity. He liberated Shudras (low caste) from slavery and treated and practised equality between genders and treated women on equal footing as men bestowing on them the right to be ordained, dispelling misogynous prejudice.

Monarchy, which was the dominant form of government in Buddha’s time, was also formed voluntarily and the people elected the most righteous and capable person, which implied a democratic concept. However, the Buddha stated that the monarch was regarded worthy not because of his divine right but due to his righteousness in deeds.

The Buddha was less concerned about the form of government than its consequences. He refrained from making any pronouncement on the relative merits of the political systems or the political ideologies that existed in his time. For him whether it is monarchy, aristocracy, democracy or any combination thereof irrelevant as long as it served the people, and led to their wellbeing and benevolence. The Buddha proffered advice to many kings. The Sangha was asked to go forth as ambassadors of the Dhamma, for the greater good of the greater whole.

The Buddha discoursed to a diverse community, and in doing so pulled-down social barriers. In a drastic departure from the cultural norm, he challenged the existing dominant social structure of his time. In his society, only those born into brahmin caste were eligible to become priests. He insisted on inclusion of outcast to priesthood and challenged the entrenched systems of privilege by asserting mere circumstances of birth do not make one Brahmin. It is one’s actions and conduct that determine whether one is Brahmin or not. According to Vasala Sutta” Not by birth is one an outcast, not by birth is one a Brahmin by deed one becomes an outcast, by deed one becomes a Brahman. (Ete kho vasala vutta, maya vo ye pakasita. Na jacca vasalo hoti, na jacca hoti, brahmano, Kammana vasalohoti, kammana hoti brahmano).

Although the overriding goal of the Buddha’s teachings is the liberation of individuals from suffering, some references to the Suttas help us to gain an insight into the political power, authority and duties of a temporal ruler. The myth prevailing at the time of the Buddha was that kingship was of divine origin. But the Buddhist concept as given in Aggana Sutta (Digha Nikaya) is that kinship originated as a genuine political need of the society as opposed to Brahmin theory of divine origin.

According to this Sutta, at a certain juncture of evolution, logical need to show what Nature offered to arrest the diminishing of natural resources due to greed, to stop stealing and other vices, prompted a genuine social need for charismatic leader to arbitrate whenever such a situation arose. Hence the king was a figure chosen and approved by the People Mahasammata, a logical outcome of a social need. (Sita Arunthavanathan).

Definition of a king as given Agganna Sutta is one who makes others happy by righteousness dhammena param ranjeti ti raja). The king feels the weal and the woe of his subjects as his own (jatakamala).

The Buddha said that the moral character of a ruler determines the moral character of society. The importance of morality in politics is illustrated in Buddhist philosophical literature. In the Anguttara Nikaya, the Buddha stresses the importance of giving valuable moral lessons by means of a collection of fables and anecdotes (Jataka stories) through human and animal incarnations. In Khuddakanikaya jataka, the Buddha expounds the principles of an ideal ruler by setting out the obligations of a ruler in the form of (Dasa raja dhamma) as including personal integrity moral character a concern for the welfare of all beings, nonviolence and non-opposition to the will of people. In the C akkavatti sihananda sutta (Diga Nikaya) says moral character of ruler determines the moral character of society and decline in a ruler’s moral character results in society’s moral decline.

The Buddha preached non-violence and peace as a universal message. He did not approve of violence or the destruction of life. The Buddha declared “the victor breeds hatred, the defeated lives in misery. He who renounces both victory and defeat, is happy and peaceful.” He prevented the outbreak of war and diffused tension between Sakyas and Koliya who were about unleash war over the waters of Rohini. He also dissuaded King Ajasattu from attacking the Kingdom Vajjis.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar the father of the Indian Constitution and pioneer of India’s democracy, believed Buddhism to be democratic religion, which led to his conversion. He declared, “Positively, my social philosophy, may be said to be enshrined in three words; Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. Let no one, however, say that I have borrowed my philosophy from the French Revolution. I have not. My philosophy has roots in religion and not in political science. I have derived them from the teachings of my master, the Buddha, in his philosophy, liberty, and equality had a place. He accorded highest place to fraternity as the only real safeguard against the denial of liberty or equality or fraternity, which was another name for brotherhood or humanity, which was again another name for religion because Buddhism is closely associated with cultural norms of these nations it cannot be isolated from politics.

The Buddha discussed the importance and the prerequisites for a good government. He showed how the country could become corrupt, degenerate and unhappy when the head of the government becomes corrupt and unjust. He spoke against corruption and how a government should act based on humanitarian principles.

The Buddha declared, “When the ruler of a country is just and good, the ministers become just and good; when the ministers are just and good, the higher officials become just and good; when the higher officials are just and good, the rank and file become just and good; when the rank and file become just and good, the people become just and good (Anguttara Nikaya).

The Chakravarty Sihananda Sutta, which gives us an insight into the Buddhist view of kingship and governance, especially how moral virtue is closely bound with socioeconomic conditions. Sutta talks about how social decline happens when a king does not rule virtuously. It says when the ruler or authorities fail to remove and prevent widespread poverty, or introduce reforms too late, the cumulative effect will be a general moral and social decline. It further states that crime such as theft, falsehood, violence, hatred, cruelty, could arise from poverty, and any attempt by Kings and governments to suppress crime through punishment or force, will prove futile.

A good ruler must possess a clear understanding of the law to be enforced. It should not be enforced just because the ruler has the authority to enforce the law. It must be done in a reasonable manner and with common sense.

In the Milinda Panha, it is stated: ‘If a man, who is unfit, incompetent, immoral, improper, unable and unworthy of kingship, has enthroned himself a king or a ruler with great authority, he is to be subject to a variety of punishment by the people, because, being unfit and unworthy, he has placed himself unrighteous in the seat of sovereignty. The ruler, like others who violate and transgress moral codes and basic rules of all social laws of mankind, is equally subject to punishment; and moreover, to be censured is the ruler who conducts himself as a robber of the public.’ In a Jataka story, it is mentioned that a ruler who punishes innocent people and does not punish the culprit is not suitable to rule a country.

The king should always improve himself and carefully examines his own conduct in deeds, words and thoughts, trying to discover and listen to public opinion as to whether or not he had been guilty of any faults and mistakes in ruling the kingdom.

If it is found that he rules unrighteous, the public will complain that they are ruined by the wicked ruler with unjust treatment, punishment, taxation, or other oppressions including corruption of any kind, and they will react against him in one way or another. On the contrary, if he rules righteously they will bless him: ‘Long live His Majesty.’ (Majjhima Nikaya).

In the Kutadanta Sutta, the Buddha suggested economic development instead of force to reduce crime. The government should use the country’s resources to improve the economic conditions of the country. It could embark on agricultural and rural development, provide financial support to entrepreneurs and business, provide adequate wages for workers to maintain a decent life with human dignity.

In sutta, Khuddakanikaya Jataka, the Buddha set out certain rules for Good Government, known as ‘Dasa Raja Dharma’. These ten rules would be relevant even today for any government which wishes to rule the country peacefully and ethically in accordance with dhamma Danaŋ sīlaŋ pariccāgaŋ ājjavaŋ maddavaŋ tapaŋ akkodaŋ avihimsañca khantiñca avi.

Dasavidha-rājadhamma consists of:

Dāna

 (charity) – being prepared to sacrifice one’s own pleasure for the well-being of the public, such as giving away one’s belongings or other things to support or assist others, including giving knowledge and serving public interests.

Sīla

 (morality) – practicing physical and mental morals, and being a good example of others.

Pariccāga

 (altruism), being generous and avoiding selfishness, practicing altruism.

Ājjava (honesty) – being honest and sincere towards others, performing one’s duties with loyalty and sincerity to others.

Maddava

 (gentleness) having gentle temperament, avoiding arrogance and never defaming others.

Tapa

 (self-control) – destroying passion and performing duties without indolence.

Akkodha

 (non-anger) – being free from hatred and remaining calm in the midst of confusion.

Avihimsa

 (non-violence) – exercising non-violence, not being vengeful.

Khanti

(forbearance) – practicing patience, and trembling to serve public interests.

Avirodhana

 (uprightness) — respecting opinions of other persons, avoiding prejudice and promoting public peace and order.

There has been a ruler who exemplified the tenfold virtue of the ruler. He was King Asoka (304-232 BCE), who ruled India for 41 years.

Initially, the King was a great warrior general, winning many battles, and continued to expand the Indian empire during the first eight years of his reign. After one particularly bloody, but victorious, campaign, the King took in the sight of the battleground, and seeing the carnage all around him, famously cried out, “What have I done?” Thereafter, he embraced Buddhism, establishing a just kingdom along Buddhist lines and was known as ‘Dhammasoka’ or “Asoka, the holder of Dhamma”. He promoted wildlife protection, banning hunting for sport, built universities, hospitals for people and animals, and constructed irrigation systems for trade and agriculture. The King also renounced the use of violence, ceasing all military campaigns against his neighbors, instead sending monks and nuns abroad to spread the Buddhist Teachings on wisdom and kindness. Indeed, a son and daughter of King Asoka’s who were monk and nun took Buddhism to Sri Lanka, where it remains the predominant faith to this day. (Wikipedia).



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Opinion

War with Iran and unravelling of the global order – II

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A US airstrike on Iran

Broader Strategic Consequences

One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.

Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.

The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.

A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system

The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.

The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.

The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.

Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.

Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.

However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.

Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon

History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.

European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.

by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)

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Opinion

University admission crisis: Academics must lead the way

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130,000 students are left out each year—academics hold the key

Each year, Sri Lanka’s G.C.E. Advanced Level examination produces a wave of hope—this year, nearly 175,000 students qualified for university entrance. Yet only 45,000 will be admitted to state universities. That leaves more than 130,000 young people stranded—qualified, ambitious, but excluded. This is not just a statistic; it is a national crisis. And while policymakers debate infrastructure and funding, the country’s academics must step forward as catalysts of change.

Beyond the Numbers: A National Responsibility

Education is the backbone of Sri Lanka’s development. Denying access to tens of thousands of qualified students risks wasting talent, fueling inequality, and undermining national progress. The gap is not simply about seats in lecture halls—it is about the future of a generation. Academics, as custodians of knowledge, cannot remain passive observers. They must reimagine the delivery of higher education to ensure opportunity is not a privilege for the few.

Expanding Pathways, Not Just Campuses

The traditional model of four-year degrees in brick-and-mortar universities cannot absorb the demand. Academics can design short-term diplomas and certificate programmes that provide immediate access to learning. These programmes, focused on employable skills, would allow thousands to continue their education while easing pressure on degree programmes. Equally important is the digital transformation of education. Online and blended learning modules can extend access to rural students, breaking the monopoly of physical campuses. With academic leadership, Sri Lanka can build a reliable system of credit transfers, enabling students to begin their studies at affiliated institutions and later transfer to state universities.

Partnerships That Protect Quality

Private universities and vocational institutes already absorb many students who miss out on state admissions. But concerns about quality and recognition persist. Academics can bridge this divide by providing quality assurance and standardised curricula, supervising joint degree programmes, and expanding the Open University system. These partnerships would ensure that students outside the state system receive affordable, credible, and internationally recognised education.

Research and Advocacy: Shaping Policy

Academics are not only teachers—they are researchers and thought leaders. By conducting labour market studies, they can align higher education expansion with employability. Evidence-based recommendations to the University Grants Commission (UGC) can guide strategic intake increases, regional university expansion, and government investment in digital infrastructure. In this way, academics can ensure reforms are not reactive, but visionary.

Industry Engagement: Learning Beyond the Classroom

Sri Lanka’s universities must become entrepreneurship hubs and innovation labs. Academics can design programmes that connect students directly with industries, offering internship-based learning and applied research opportunities. This approach reduces reliance on classroom capacity while equipping students with practical skills. It also reframes education as a partnership between universities and the economy, rather than a closed system.

Making the Most of What We Have

Even within existing constraints, academics can expand capacity. Training junior lecturers and adjunct faculty, sharing facilities across universities, and building international collaborations for joint programmes and scholarships are practical steps. These measures maximise resources while opening new avenues for students.

A Call to Action

Sri Lanka’s university admission crisis is not just about numbers—it is about fairness, opportunity, and national development. Academics must lead the way in transforming exclusion into empowerment. By expanding pathways, strengthening partnerships, advocating for policy reform, engaging with industry, and optimizing resources, they can ensure that qualified students are not left behind.

“Education for all, not just the fortunate few.”

Dr. Arosh Bandula (Ph.D. Nottingham), Senior Lecturer, Department of Agricultural Economics & Agribusiness, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ruhuna

by Dr. Arosh Bandula

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Opinion

Post-Easter Sri Lanka: Between memory, narrative, and National security

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As Sri Lanka approaches the seventh commemoration of the Easter Sunday attacks, the national mood is once again marked by grief, reflection, and an enduring sense of incompleteness. Nearly seven years later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow not only over the victims and their families, but over the institutions and narratives that have since emerged.

Commemoration, however, must go beyond ritual. It must be anchored in clarity, accountability, and restraint. What is increasingly evident in the post-Easter landscape is not merely a search for truth, but a contest over how that truth is framed, interpreted, and presented to the public.

In recent times, public discourse has been shaped by book launches, panel discussions, and media interventions that claim to offer new insights into the attacks. While such contributions are not inherently problematic, the manner in which certain narratives are advanced raises legitimate concerns. The selective disclosure of information particularly when it touches on intelligence operations demands careful scrutiny.

Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional framework is clear on the sensitivity of such matters. The Official Secrets Act (No. 32 of 1955) places strict obligations on the handling of information related to national security. Similarly, the Police Ordinance and internal administrative regulations governing intelligence units emphasize confidentiality, chain of command, and the responsible use of information. These are not mere formalities; they exist to safeguard both operational integrity and national interest.

When individual particularly those with prior access to intelligence structures enter the public domain with claims that are not subject to verification, it raises critical questions. Are these disclosures contributing to justice and accountability, or are they inadvertently compromising institutional credibility and future operational capacity?

The challenge lies in distinguishing between constructive transparency and selective exposure.

The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Attacks provided one of the most comprehensive official examinations of the attacks. Its findings highlighted a complex web of failures: lapses in intelligence sharing, breakdowns in inter-agency coordination, and serious deficiencies in political oversight. Importantly, it underscored that the attacks were not the result of a single point of failure, but a systemic collapse across multiple levels of governance.

Yet, despite the existence of such detailed institutional findings, public discourse often gravitates toward simplified narratives. There is a tendency to identify singular “masterminds” or to attribute responsibility in ways that align with prevailing political or ideological positions. While such narratives may be compelling, they risk obscuring the deeper structural issues that enabled the attacks to occur.

Equally significant is the broader socio-political context in which these narratives are unfolding. Sri Lanka today remains a society marked by fragile intercommunal relations. The aftermath of the Easter attacks saw heightened suspicion, polarisation, and, in some instances, collective blame directed at entire communities. Although there have been efforts toward reconciliation, these fault lines have not entirely disappeared.

In this environment, the language and tone of public discourse carry immense weight. The framing of terrorism whether as a localized phenomenon or as part of a broader ideological construct must be handled with precision and responsibility. Overgeneralization or the uncritical use of labels can have far-reaching consequences, including the marginalization of communities and the erosion of social cohesion.

At the same time, it is essential to acknowledge that the global discourse on terrorism is itself contested. Competing narratives, geopolitical interests, and selective historiography often shape how events are interpreted. For Sri Lanka, the challenge is to avoid becoming a passive recipient of external frameworks that may not fully reflect its own realities.

A professional and unbiased approach requires a commitment to evidence-based analysis. This includes:

· Engaging with primary sources, including official reports and judicial findings
·

· Cross-referencing claims with verifiable data
·

· Recognizing the limits of publicly available information, particularly in intelligence matters

It also requires intellectual discipline the willingness to question assumptions, to resist convenient conclusions, and to remain open to complexity.

The role of former officials and subject-matter experts in this discourse is particularly important. Their experience can provide valuable insights, but it also carries a responsibility. Public interventions must be guided by professional ethics, respect for institutional boundaries, and an awareness of the potential impact on national security.

There is a fine balance to be maintained. On one hand, democratic societies require transparency and accountability. On the other, the premature or uncontextualized release of sensitive information can undermine the very systems that are meant to protect the public.

As Sri Lanka reflects on the events of April 2019, it must resist the temptation to reduce a national tragedy into competing narratives or political instruments. The pursuit of truth must be methodical, inclusive, and grounded in law.

Easter is not only a moment of remembrance. It is a test of institutional maturity and societal resilience.

The real question is not whether new narratives will emerge they inevitably will. The question is whether Sri Lanka has the capacity to engage with them critically, responsibly, and in a manner that strengthens, rather than weakens, the foundations of its national security and social harmony.

In the end, justice is not served by noise or conjecture. It is served by patience, rigor, and an unwavering commitment to truth.

Mahil Dole is a former senior law enforcement officer and national security analyst, with over four decades of experience in policing and intelligence, including serving as Head of Counter-Intelligence at the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka and a graduate of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai, USA.

by Mahil Dole
Former Senior Law Enforcement Officer National Security Analyst; Former Head of Counter-Intelligence, State Intelligence Service)

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