Features
The Buddha, Anatomy and Art
By Sravasti Dhammika
The ancient region known as Gandhara encompassed parts of what is today northern Pakistan’s Punjab region and parts of eastern Afghanistan. Buddhism came to this area relatively early and flourished there until about the seventh century. During that time an astonishing amount of sculpture was produced to embellish its temples and monasteries, some of it the finest ever produced in the Indian cultural sphere. One of the most notable of these sculptures, often called the Fasting Buddha, but perhaps should be more accurately called the Fasting Bodhisattva or the Fasting Gotama, can now be found in the Gandhara Gallery of the Lahore Museum in Pakistan.
It is not exactly clear when or where this statue was found. It was discovered by Colonel H.A. Dean, a British Indian administrator and a keen antiquarian, who donated it to the Lahore Museum in 1894 so he must have found it sometime before then. Dean also excavated a small stupa in Sikri and he may have found the statue nearby, Sikri being a few kilometers north-east of Mardan in Mardan District of northern Pakistan.
The statue dates from around the second or third centuries CE, is made of a polished black schist, is 33 inches or 8.82 centimeters high and depicts the ascetic Gotama during the time he was practicing severe austerities. He sits cross-legged and bare-chested, his robe seemingly having slipped down and covering only his arms at the elbows and his legs and behind the head is a large nimbus. His emaciated, almost skeletal appearance, is slightly unsettling when first seen. The pedestal on which he sits shows six monks, half to the left of a burning lamp on a stand and the other half on its right.
Each monk looks towards the lamp and worships it in a different manner. One holds a lotus, another a small bowl, two have their hands in the anjali gesture and it is unclear what the remaining two are holding. It would seem therefore that the lamp is meant to symbolizes the Buddha. One would expect the pedestal to show the five monks (pancavaggiyâ) who waited on Gotama during the time he was practicing austerities, but it shows six.
The statue is by no means the only one depicting Gotama during his austerity period but most of the other examples are either damaged or fragmentary and none exhibit the same mastery of the medium and attention to detail. Interesting also is that none of the other genres of Indian Buddhist sculpture – the Amaravati, the Kushan, the Gupta and the Pala-Sena – depict the Bodhisattva fasting, the one exception being a small image from Kashmir dating from the eighth century. Since its discovery the statue has been widely copied. A plaster cast of it made in the late 1890s is enshrined in the Dipaduttarama Vihara in Kotahena, and Wat Suthat in Bangkok has a bronze copy made in 1905. Nowadays temple wall paintings and book illustrations depicting Gotama practicing austerities are almost without exception clearly a copy of this statue, often a rather poor copies.
In 2012 when the staff of the Lahore Museum were cleaning the statue they lifted it by the arms and broke them off. Subsequent attempts to hide the damage and then when news of it got out, to repair it, have left the arms and hands unsightly.
Since 1973 three researchers; K. C. Murty, M. G. Reddy and Peter Abrahams, have carefully examined this statue to see what its surface anatomy can reveal anything about anatomical knowledge in ancient Indian medicine. Their findings are of great interest. For example, they found that the trachea and the trachea rings are correctly placed in the neck and the boundaries of the axilla, and the posterior and anterior triangles of the neck are clearly visible. The deltoid muscles on each shoulder are clearly and accurately shown as are the fan-shaped pectoralis major muscles on the chest and connected to the upper arms. The external jugular vein is immediately recognizable in the neck.
The sternum, the long flat bone in the center of the chest connected to the ribs, is depicted as it is, in the midline, and even its xiphoid process can be seen at the bottom of the rib cage. The clavicles are placed in almost a horizontal position with the correct articulation. The hair under the armpits and the nearby axillary folds are accurately shown. Impression of the flexor and extensor muscles of the arm and forearm are visible and even some separate forearm tendons are identifiable. The abdominal wall is depicted flat and highly compressed indicating an absence of subcutaneous fat which does happens with extreme fasting or starvation.
The sculpture clearly possessed a good knowledge of the approximate size and position of the bones, joints and muscles, including their approximate origin and insertion points. Likewise, the extraordinary care he took in trying to depict an accurate representation of how the Bodhisattva would have looked during or after his years of practicing austerities is demonstrated by his treatment of the veins. For example, the prominent superficial veins of the forehead, upper limbs, thoracic wall and anterior abdominal wall are shown correctly as are the cephalic veins running from the shoulders and down the arms.
From all this, the researchers were also able to conclude that apart from the obvious emaciation, the sculptor who created this statue had a basic idea about the physiological changes that occur during starving. He depicted the cheek bones very prominently which is consistent with severe weight loss as are the folds of skin around the navel. However, the sculptor did not get everything right. For example, he gave Gotama extra ribs and they are not clearly articulated, and the segmented sternum is a feature in monkeys but not humans. He included blood vessels in the abdominal wall which is also inaccurate as blood pressure drops with severe fasting or starvation and veins here would not be visible.
It would be interesting to consider how a sculptor could have acquired such detailed and accurate anatomical knowledge. Famines occasionally occurred during this time and perhaps he had seen starved and haggard people and taken note of their appearance. Or perhaps the person who commissioned him to sculpt the statue was a physician who made anatomical sketches for him to follow or described for him how an emaciated body should look. Since some Buddhist monks at this time are known to have studied and practiced medicine, the patron could have been a monk who likewise showed or described for the sculptor how to make the statue. If this is correct, this monk must have wanted the artist to create a representation of Gotama with great realism so as to have a dramatic effect on those who would see and evoke their sympathy or admiration for him. Of these three possibilities I think this last one is the more likely.
There are several discourses from the Majjhima Nikaya, particularly the Mahasihanada Sutta, in which the Buddha describes in great detail the various mortifying disciplines he undertook in the years before his Awakening and how he looked as a result. Thus it might be interesting to see if any of what he said about his appearance coincides with details on the statue.
The Buddha mentioned that because he ate so little he became “extremely emaciated” and there can be no doubt that the sculptor succeeded brilliantly in portraying him like that. Another result of extreme fasting, the Buddha said, was that his eyes sank into their sockets looking like a glimmer of light on the water at the bottom of a deep well. The eyes on the statue do indeed look like that, their slightly lowered gaze blank and haunting. He described his limbs as looking “like a knotted joints of withered creepers”, and his ribs as resembling the sagging rafters in the roof of a derelict hut.
Both of these descriptions correspond roughly to what is seen on the statue. In another context, the Buddha described an ascetic as being “haggard and with protruding veins” which seems to have prompted the sculptor to depict Gotama’s veins exactly like that. He said that his abdomen had shrunken to the degree that if he touched his abdomen he could feel his spine and if he touched his spine he could feel his abdomen.
The Buddha said he pulled out his hair and beard, although on the statue he is shown with long hair and a beard. It must be remembered that in the years Gotama mortified himself he would undertake one practice for a while, then abandoned it and taken up another. Thus he may have pulled out his hair sometimes and at other times let it grow, and so this does not necessarily contradict the sutta. And of course there are several physical particularities the Buddha mentioned which would not be possible to depict in a sculpture – the dirt adhering to his body, his spine looking like a string of beads (the statue’s back cannot be seen), and the skin on his buttocks looking like a bullock’s hoof, neither of this body parts being visible on the statue.
Considering all this there might be another explanation, apart from the ones suggested above, for where the sculptor who created this masterpiece derived at least some of the information which allowed him to depict Gotama’s state so accurately. It is possible that he was familiar with the Mahasihanada Sutta either by reading it for having it read to him and been guided by it as he worked. If this is so it throws some light not just on ancient Indian anatomical knowledge; it would also suggest that even ordinary people such as out sculptor, knew their religion well.
Features
We banned phone; we kept surveillance; teenagers noticed
THE GREAT DIGITAL RETHINK : PART III OF V
The Teenage Battleground
Secondary school has always been a battlefield of sorts, competing loyalties, volatile friendships, the daily theatre of adolescent identity. But in the past decade it acquired a new and uniquely modern dimension: the smartphone in the pocket, the social media feed refreshing every few minutes, the group chat that never sleeps.
The numbers, when they arrived, were not subtle. PISA 2022 data, drawn from students in over 80 countries, found that around 65 percent of students reported being distracted by their own digital devices in mathematics lessons, and 59 percent said a classmate’s device had pulled their attention away. Students who reported being distracted by peers’ phones scored, on average, 15 points lower in mathematics than those who said it never happened. Fifteen points is not a rounding error. It is a meaningful, measurable, recurring gap that appears consistently across countries with very different education systems.
Governments took notice of the situation. In a pattern that will be familiar to readers of this series, a number of them reached for the most visible, most politically satisfying tool available – the ban in Finland, Sweden, Australia, and France. The UK, in a characteristically chaotic way, involving years of guidance, and pilots, eventually legalised. One by one, secondary schools across the wealthy world have begun confiscating phones at the gate, storing them in pouches, locking them up in boxes, and discovering, somewhat to their own surprise, that this works.
When the Ban Actually Works
A 2025 survey of nearly a thousand principals in New South Wales found that 87 percent reported students were less distracted after the ban was introduced, and 81 percent said learning had improved. South Australia recorded a 63 percent decline in critical incidents involving social media and a 54 percent reduction in behavioural issues. These are striking figures, and they align with what common sense would predict: if you remove the distraction, concentration improves.
What is also emerging from Australian, Finnish and Swedish schools is something less expected and more interesting: the character of break times has changed. Teachers and principals report that when phones disappear from pockets, something older reappears in their place. Students talk to each other. They play. They argue, resolve disputes, make and lose friendships in the ancient, messy, face-to-face way that adolescence has always demanded but that the smartphone had been quietly crowding out. The playground, it turns out, was not broken. It was just occupied.
Sweden’s nationwide policy, coming into effect in autumn 2026, will require schools to collect phones for the full day, not just during lessons. This is the more ambitious intervention, and the one that addresses what the Australian experience has already demonstrated: that the damage done by constant connectivity is not confined to the classroom. It happens at lunch. It happens between periods. It happens in the 10 minutes before the bell when a group of 14-year-olds are supposedly in the building but are actually, in every meaningful sense, somewhere else entirely.
87% of Australian principals said students were less distracted after the ban. The other 13% presumably hadn’t tried it yet.
But Here Is What Nobody Wants to Talk About
Here is the part that the ministers’ press releases do not mention. While the smartphone, the device the student owns, controls and carries, has been banned from the secondary classroom, the institution’s own digital apparatus has been expanding at an impressive pace throughout the same period. Learning management systems now mediate most of secondary school life in high-income countries. Assignments are distributed digitally. Work is submitted digitally. Attendance is recorded digitally. Grades are published on portals that students, parents and administrators can access in real time. The school that bans your personal phone may simultaneously be recording precisely how long you spent on each page of the online reading assignment last Tuesday.
Learning analytics, the practice of harvesting data from student interactions with digital platforms to inform teaching and school management, has moved from a niche research curiosity to a mainstream tool. PISA 2022 data show that virtually all 15-year-olds in OECD countries attend schools with some form of digital infrastructure. Behind that infrastructure sits a layer of data collection that most students and many parents are only dimly aware of: log-in times, click patterns, quiz scores, time-on-task measures, platform engagement metrics. These are assembled into dashboards, fed into algorithms, and used, with genuinely good intentions, in most cases, to identify struggling students early.
The genuinely good intentions do not resolve the underlying problem. Research on learning analytics raises serious concerns about privacy, about the opacity of algorithmic decision-making, and about what happens when a teenager is quietly flagged as ‘at risk’ by a system they never knew was watching. The irony of secondary de-digitalisation is not lost on those paying attention: we have removed the device the student controls, while expanding the systems that observe and score them.
The AI Proctor in the Room
During the pandemic, when exams moved online, a number of education authorities adopted software that monitored students through their webcams, flagging unusual eye movements, background sounds, or the presence of other people in the room as potential signs of cheating. The systems were sold as efficient, scalable and objective. They were, in practice, frequently absurd.
The software flagged students who looked away from the screen to think. It penalised students whose rooms were small, shared or noisy, disproportionately those from less privileged backgrounds. It struggled with students of colour, whose features were less well-represented in the training data. It was contested, appealed, gamed, and eventually abandoned by a significant number of institutions that had initially adopted it with enthusiasm. By 2024 and 2025, the rollback was visible. Universities and some school systems were returning, with minimal fanfare, to supervised in-person examinations, handwritten, on paper, in a room with a human invigilator, partly to solve the AI cheating problem, partly to solve the AI proctoring problem. The wheel had, somewhat dizzingly, turned full circle.
We banned the student’s phone. We kept the webcam that monitors their eye movements during exams. Progress.
The Equity Problem That Bans Cannot Solve
Beneath the headline politics of phone bans lies a more uncomfortable question about who, exactly, benefits from secondary school de-digitalisation, and who pays a cost that is rarely acknowledged. The argument for phone bans on equity grounds is real: unrestricted phone use in schools amplifies social hierarchies. The student with the latest device, the most followers, the most compelling social media presence occupies a different social universe from the student without. Removing phones during the school day levels that particular playing field.
But the equity argument runs the other way, too, once you look beyond school hours. Secondary schools in high-income systems have steadily increased their dependence on digital platforms for homework, assessment preparation and communication. If a school bans phones during the day and then sends students home to complete digitally-mediated assignments, the burden of that homework falls unequally.
There is also the growing phenomenon of what researchers are beginning to call ‘shadow digital education’: the private online tutoring platforms, AI-powered study tools and exam preparation services that affluent families use to supplement and extend what school provides. While secondary schools debate whether students should be allowed to use AI for essay drafts, some of those students’ wealthier peers are already using it, skillfully, privately and with considerable academic advantage. The phone ban, whatever its merits in the classroom, does not touch this market. It may even quietly accelerate it.
Two Worlds, Still Diverging
In Finland, Sweden and Australia, the policy conversation is about how to manage the excesses of a generation that grew up digitally saturated, how to restore concentration, how to protect wellbeing, how to ensure that institutional platforms serve learning rather than merely monitor it.
Elsewhere, across much of Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and parts of the Middle East, the secondary school conversation remains anchored to a different set of concerns: how to get enough devices into enough classrooms, how to train enough teachers to use them, how to ensure that the smartboard contract does not expire before the teachers learn to turn it on. Vendors are present, helpful and commercially motivated. Development banks are funding rollouts. Government ministers are visiting showrooms. The playbook being followed is the one that Finland and Sweden wrote in 2010 and are now revising.
SERIES ROADMAP:
Part I: From Ed-Tech Enthusiasm to De-Digitalisation | Part II: Phones, Pens & Early Literacy | Part III: Attention, Algorithms & Adolescents (this article) | Part IV: Universities, AI & the Handwritten Exam | Part V: A Critical Theory of Educational De-Digitalisation
Features
A Buddhist perspective on ageing and decay
Buddhism is renowned for its profound insights into ageing and decay, known as jara in Pali. Through its teachings and practices, Buddhism cultivates the wisdom and mental clarity necessary to accept and prepare for the inevitability of ageing. The formula jati paccayaā jaraāmaranaṃ translates to “dependent on birth arise ageing and death,” clearly illustrating that birth inevitably leads to ageing and death, accompanied by sorrow, lamentation, pain, grief, and despair. Without birth, there would be no ageing and death. Therefore, ageing is a fundamental aspect of suffering as outlined in the Four Noble Truths.
Buddhism encourages us to confront the realities of ageing, illness, and mortality head-on. Old age is recognised as an unavoidable aspect of dukkha (suffering). Old age is fundamentally and inextricably entwined with the concept of impermanence(annicca), serving as the most visible, undeniable evidence that all conditioned things are in a state of flux and decay. Ageing, illness and death create in us an awareness not only of dukkha but also impermanence. The Buddha taught, “I teach suffering and the way out of suffering.” Here, “suffering” encompasses not only physical pain but also the profound discomfort that arises when our attempts to escape or remedy pain stemming from old age are thwarted. Instead of fearing old age, Buddhists are encouraged to embrace it, release attachments to youth, and cultivate wisdom, gratitude, and inner peace.
Ageing is a complex process shaped by both genetic and environmental factors. From a Buddhist viewpoint, we should perceive the body realistically. Fundamentally, the human body can be seen as a vessel of impurities, subject to old age, disease, decay, and death. The natural process of ageing is gradual, irreversible, and inevitable. Every individual must ultimately come to terms with the reality of growing old, as change is an essential fact of life.
In Buddhism, impermanence (anicca) holds a central position. Everything that exists is unstable and transient; nothing endures forever—including our bodies and all conditioned phenomena. Thus, anicca, dukkha, and anattaā (non-self or selflessness) are the three characteristics common to all conditioned existence. The reality of impermanence can often evoke pain, yet a wise Buddhist fully understands and appreciates this simple yet profound truth.
The Greek philosopher Heraclitus encapsulated this notion when he stated, “No man ever steps in the same river twice, for it is not the same river, and he is not the same man.” Old age was one of the four sights that prompted Prince Siddhartha Gautama to seek enlightenment, alongside sickness, death, and the wandering ascetic. Coming to terms with these aspects of existence was pivotal in his transformation into the Buddha.
At Sāvatthi, King Pasenadi of Kosala once asked the Buddha, “Venerable sir, is there anyone who is born who is free from old age and death?” The Buddha replied, “Great King, no one who is born is free from ageing and death. Even those affluent khattiyas—rich in wealth and property, with abundant gold and silver—are not exempt from ageing and death simply because they have been born.” This interaction underscores the universal challenge of ageing, transcending societal divisions of wealth or status.
Ageing presents one of the greatest challenges in human experience. Physically, the body begins to deteriorate; socially, we may find ourselves marginalised or discounted, sometimes subtly and sometimes explicitly. Some may encounter dismissal or condescension. Ageism remains one of the most persistent forms of discrimination. The physical and social difficulties associated with ageism can undermine our self-image and sense of self-worth. Common perceptions often portray old age as a stage where the best years are behind us, reducing the remaining years to a form of “bonus years” frequently presented in sentimental or patronising ways.
The suffering associated with ageing can serve as a powerful motivation to engage in practices that directly address this suffering, allowing us to gradually transform it or, at the very least, make it more bearable and manageable. We must recognise that this principle applies equally to our own bodies. The human body undergoes countless subtle changes every moment from the time you are born, never remaining the same even for two consecutive moments, as it is subject to the universal law of impermanence.
Whatever your age. However young-looking you try to remain through external means, the truth is that you are getting older every minute. Every minute, every second, our lives are getting shorter and closer to death. Since you were conceived in your mother’s womb, your life is getting shorter. We see external things going by rapidly, but never reflect on our own lives. No matter what we do, we cannot fully control what happens in our lives or to our bodies. With time, we all develop lines and wrinkles. We become frail, and our skin becomes thinner and drier. We lose teeth. Our physical strength and sometimes our mental faculties decline. In old age, we are subject to multiple diseases.
Many people live under the illusion that the body remains constant and is inherently attractive and desirable. Modern society, in particular, has become increasingly obsessed with the quest for eternal youth and the reversal of the ageing process. Many women feel inadequate about their physical appearance and constantly think about how to look younger and more attractive. Enormous sums of money are spent on cosmetic procedures, skincare, and grooming products to remain presentable and desirable. The global beauty and cosmetics industries thrive on this ideal, often promoting unrealistic standards of beauty and youthfulness. But no amount of products available in the world can truly restore lost youth, as time inevitably leaves its mark.
Therefore, in Buddhism, mindful reflection on ageing and the human body is considered essential for overall well-being. This contemplation provides insight into impermanence as we navigate life. Reflecting on the nature of the body—its true condition and its delicate, changing state—is a fundamental aspect of the Buddha’s teachings. By understanding the body accurately, we support both wisdom and peace of mind.
Buddhism recognises forty subjects of meditation which can differ according to the temperaments of persons. Contemplation of the human body is one of them. Of all the subjects of meditation, reflection on the human body as a subject is not popular among certain people particularly in the western world as they think such contemplation would lead to a melancholic morbid and pessimistic outlook on life. They regard it as a subject that may be somewhat unpleasant and not conducive to human wellbeing. Normally, people who are infatuated and intoxicated with sensual pleasures develop an aversion towards this subject of meditation. In Buddhism this mode of contemplation is called asuba bhavana or mindfulness of the impurities of the body. It is all about our physiology and individual body parts and organs internal as well as external. This subject of meditation is unique to the Buddhist teachings.
To appreciate the body as it truly is, we must set aside preconceived notions and engage in a calm and honest inquiry: Is this body genuinely attractive or not? What is it composed of? Is it lasting or subject to decay?
In embracing the teachings of Buddhism, we find the wisdom to navigate the journey of ageing with grace, transforming our understanding of this natural process into an opportunity for growth and acceptance.
When our fears centre on ageing, decay, and disease, we cannot overcome them by pretending they do not exist. True relief comes only from facing these realities directly.
Reflecting on the body’s unattractive and impermanent nature can help us gain a realistic perspective. In an age when the mass media constantly bombards people with sensual images, stimulating lust, greed, and attachment, contemplation of the body’s true nature can bring calm and clarity.
All beings that are born must eventually die. Every creature on earth, regardless of status, shares this common fate. After death, the body undergoes a series of biological changes and decomposes, returning to the earth as organic matter. It is part of the earth and ultimately dissolves back into it.

Understanding this, we can meet ageing, decay, and death with greater wisdom, less fear, and a deeper sense of peace.
by Dr. Justice Chandradasa Nanayakkara
Features
Partnering India without dependence
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi once again signaled the priority India places on Sri Lanka by swiftly dispatching a shipload of petrol following a telephone conversation with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake. The Indian Prime Minister’s gesture came at a cost to India, where there have been periodic supply constraints and regional imbalances in fuel distribution, even if not a countrywide shortage. Under Prime Minister Modi, India has demonstrated to Sri Lanka an abundance of goodwill, whether it be the USD 4 billion it extended in assistance to Sri Lanka when it faced international bankruptcy in 2022 or its support in the aftermath of the Ditwah cyclone disaster that affected large parts of the country four months ago. India’s assistance in 2022 was widely acknowledged as critical in stabilising Sri Lanka at a moment of acute crisis.
This record of assistance suggests that India sees Sri Lanka not merely as a neighbour but as a partner whose stability is in its own interest. In contrast to Sri Lanka’s roughly USD 90 billion economy, India’s USD 4,500 billion economy, growing at over 6 percent, underlines the vast asymmetry in economic scale and the importance of Sri Lanka engaging India. A study by the Germany-based Kiel Institute for the World Economy identifies Sri Lanka as the second most vulnerable country in the world to severe food price surges due to its heavy reliance on imported energy and fertilisers. Income per capita remains around the 2018 level after the economic collapse of 2022. The poverty level has risen sharply and includes a quarter of the population. These indicators underline the urgency of sustained economic recovery and the importance of external partnerships, including with India.
It is, however, important for Sri Lanka not to abdicate its own responsibilities for improving the lives of its people or become dependent and take this Indian assistance for granted. A long unresolved issue that Sri Lanka has been content to leave the burden to India concerns the approximately 90,000 Sri Lankan refugees who continue to live in India, many of them for over three decades. Only recently has a government leader, Minister Bimal Rathnayake, publicly acknowledged their existence and called on them to return. This is a reminder that even as Sri Lanka receives support, it must also take ownership of its own unfinished responsibilities.
Missing Investment
A missing factor in Sri Lanka’s economic development has long been the paucity of foreign investment. In the past this was due to political instability caused by internal conflict, weaknesses in the rule of law, and high levels of corruption. There are now significant improvements in this regard. There is now a window to attract investment from development partners, including India. In his discussions with President Dissanayake, Prime Minister Modi is reported to have referred to the British era oil storage tanks in Trincomalee. These were originally constructed to service the British naval fleet in the Indian Ocean. In 1987, under the Indo Lanka Peace Accord, Sri Lanka agreed to develop these tanks in partnership with India. A further agreement was signed in 2022 involving the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation and the Lanka Indian Oil Corporation to jointly develop the facility.
However, progress has been slow and the project remains only partially implemented. The value of these oil storage tanks has become clearer in the context of global energy uncertainty and tensions in the Middle East. Energy analysts have pointed out that strategic storage facilities can provide countries with greater resilience in times of supply disruption. The Trincomalee tanks could become a significant strategic asset not only for Sri Lanka but also for regional energy security. However, historical baggage continues to stand in the way of Sri Lanka’s deeper economic linkage with India. Both ancient and modern history shape perceptions on both sides.
The asymmetry in size and power between the two countries is a persistent concern within Sri Lanka. India is a regional power, while Sri Lanka is a small country. This imbalance creates both opportunities for partnership and anxieties about overdependence. The present government too has entered into economic and infrastructure agreements with India, but many of these have yet to move beyond initial stages. This has caused frustration to the Indian government, which sees its efforts to support Sri Lanka’s development as not being sufficiently appreciated or effectively utilised. From India’s perspective, delays and hesitation can appear as a lack of commitment. From Sri Lanka’s perspective, caution is often driven by domestic political sensitivities and concerns about sovereignty.
Power Imbalance
At the same time, global developments offer a cautionary lesson. The behaviour of major powers in the contemporary international system shows that states often act in their own interests, sometimes at the expense of smaller partners. What is being seen in the world today is that past friendships and commitments can be abandoned if a bigger and more powerful country can see an opportunity for itself. The plight of Denmark (Greenland) and Canada (51st state) give disturbing messages. Analysts in the field of International Relations frequently point out that power asymmetries shape outcomes in bilateral relations. As one widely cited observation by Lord Parlmeston, a 19th century prime minister of Great Britain is that “nations have no permanent friends or allies, they only have permanent interests.” While this may be an overly stark formulation, it captures an underlying reality that small states must navigate carefully.
For Sri Lanka, this means maintaining a balance. It needs to clearly acknowledge the partnership that India is offering in the area of economic development, as well as in education, connectivity, and technological advancement. India has extended scholarships, supported digital infrastructure, and promoted cross border links that can contribute to Sri Lanka’s long term growth. These are tangible benefits that should not be undervalued. At the same time, Sri Lanka needs to ensure that it does not become overly dependent on Indian largesse or drift into a position where it functions as an appendage of its much larger neighbour. Economic dependence can translate into political vulnerability if not carefully managed. The appropriate response is not to distance itself from India, but to broaden its partnerships. Engaging with a diverse range of countries and institutions can provide Sri Lanka with greater autonomy and resilience.
A hard headed assessment would recognise that India’s support is both genuine and interest driven. India has a clear stake in ensuring that Sri Lanka remains stable, prosperous, and aligned with its broader regional outlook. Sri Lanka needs to move forward with agreed projects such as the Trincomalee oil tanks, improve implementation capacity, and demonstrate reliability as a partner. This does not preclude it from actively seeking investment and cooperation from other partners in Asia and beyond. The path ahead is therefore one of balanced engagement. Sri Lanka can and should welcome India’s partnership while strengthening its own institutions, fulfilling its domestic responsibilities, and diversifying its external relations. This approach can transform a relationship shaped by asymmetry into one defined by mutual benefit and confidence.
by Jehan Perera
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