Features
Takeover of estates and failure of Provincial Councils
Innovating double cropping in Harispattuwa
The take over of estates created untold suffering to the estate population. During my circuits as a public servant soon after the change of management in the estate areas, I saw stacks of coffins for little children by the roadside. Obviously children were starving to death. Hundreds of old workers were pushed out of their estates to beg on the roads without food or medical attention. Many of them died of starvation.
All the while the so called “People Alliance” members, including the leftists, were stripping the plantations of their well maintained assets. It is a chapter which will redound as a curse to the so called socialists of this country for decades to come. Such deaths and suffering is a standing indictment of foolish administrators, particularly among the so called progressives. The human suffering they inflicted had to be seen to be believed.
Thondaman was the undisputed leader of the estate Tamils at that time. Though he remained in Parliament to be the right hand man of JRJ and Premadasa, his assistants represented him in the Central Provincial Council (CPC). The leader of this group was Devaraj who was a well educated and sober representative. He was a leftist by conviction but was totally loyal to his boss and only intervened to promote Thondaman’s agenda.
Devaraj and I were members of several delegations on foreign tours. We became good friends and later when he was elevated by his patron to be a Member of Parliament we spent quite some time together. He was assisted by Muthu Sivalingam who also became an MP and Deputy Minister. Another CWC member of the CPC was Sathasivam who came from a high caste estate family. With his fluency in three languages and tall stature he became a darling of the embassy cocktail circuit and thereby lost his standing within the party.
If my memory serves me right he left the party and went into oblivion. There were others from the younger generation like Arulsamy who are still influential provincial politicians. Thonda’s supremacy was challenged only by Chandrasekeran, a charismatic figure and a brilliant Tamil orator as mentioned earlier. He was cutting into the CWC vote with his party and emerging as an estate Tamil leader till he was felled due to alcoholism.
He entered Parliament and carried a vital vote which sustained the CBK administration. He too was made a Deputy Minister and I would encounter him in Parliament much the worse for drink. All of them however were later eclipsed after the death of the old man by his grandson “‘Thambi” Thondaman-a well educated and fun loving young man who became a fixture in every Cabinet. “Thambi” was the son of Ramanathan – the old mans son and heir – who was a Trinitian and had been a Minister in the previous CPC regime.
Unfortunately Ramanathan who was a perfect gentleman died young. The mantle fell on Thondaman Junior, who assisted by Devaraj and Muthu Sivalingam, maintained the CWC slot in the Sri Lankan Cabinet that had been earned by his master strategist grandfather through collaboration with successive Presidents. The senior Thondaman’s statue now adorns the courtyard of the old Parliament together with the statues of other national heroes. It is a well deserved tribute to a leader of a community that has served its adopted nation well above the call of duty. No one would deny that they deserve much more.
Operational failures
Having served as member of a Provincial Council and observing its operations at first hand I am convinced that the PCs as presently constituted are a costly failure. I recall the discussions that were held during the JRJ regime at the urging of the Indian government to offer some form of devolution to the Northern and Eastern provinces. This was mainly because the complex Indian political situation at that time demanded the appeasement of Tamil Nadu politicians. These leaders all together pressed the Indian Congress government to push the Sri Lankan authorities to devolve powers to representatives elected from the North and East.
It meant that Tamil politicians would enjoy some devolved executive powers. Behind this Tamil demand was the ghost of their recently proclaimed concept of the North and East as the Tamil “homeland”. Every attempt was made to find the language to satisfy both sides as the Sri Lankan Government would not, indeed could not, agree to demarcate “Tamil homelands” which would have collapsed the concept of “territorial integrity” and “sovereignity” which form the basis of our national identity.
Till the last moment Provincial Councils were to be established only in the North and East. They were to be the only “unit of devolution” according to the first draft. Indeed according to that draft there would be created a “temporarily” joined North-Eastern province. After a plebiscite in the Eastern province the voters there could decide on a permanent joinder or not.
What powers would devolve on the PCs? JRJ resolved this vexed issue by decreeing that we should “in toto” adopt the powers devolved to the Indian states under their Constitution. This entailed the adoption of three “lists”. List One would include the powers of the Centre. List Two would include the powers of the PCs. A third list would have “concurrent powers”where practical necessity required a sharing of power.
In this way the unit of devolution and the powers to be devolved were agreed upon and would later find constitutional affirmation via Parliament in the 13th amendment. But the outrage evoked by these proposals among the majority Sinhalese frightened JRJ. What he feared most after the UNP debacle of 1956 was the backlash of the Sinhalese voter. Therefore at the last minute he changed the decision to set up PCs only for the North-East and extended it to all provinces.
Thus the opposition could not argue that the North-East would become a special geographical and cultural entity which would enjoy devolved powers not available in the rest of the country. The Muslims too welcomed this change as they could dominate the Eastern PC together with the minority Sinhala or if necessary, alone. Thus the whole country was subjected to a radical change by the creation of a second tier of governance out of a structure which was conceived as a solution to a different problem, namely the ethnic and geographical configuration of the population of the country.
The financial arrangements for the implementation of this new tier of administration created many problems. The new PCs instead of being managed as lean and mean entities as earlier envisaged, were converted by the politicians, who were appointed as Chief Ministers, into pale imitations of the perks and procedures of the Ministers of the central government. All the wasteful expenditure on vehicles, staff, bungalows and local and foreign travel were duplicated at the provincial level particularly by the southern CMs, officials and their hangers on.
The PCs were allowed to levy several taxes as a way of collecting revenue. However this too created a problem as they started collecting taxes from all the productive enterprises to finance their conspicuous consumption. It raised a storm of protest from investors and the Ministry of Finance had to intervene by prohibiting PCs from exercising that right. Instead the Treasury provided a “block grant” to them based on population figures.
This did not prevent the PCs from constantly asking for more funds putting a further strain on the country’s resources. Then a question of staffing arose. It was decided to recruit to such positions from the SLAS and allied services. However minor staff and clerical officers were recruited direct to the PC. This provided ample opportunities for local politicians to go on a recruiting spree. Since some technical services such as road building and minor irrigation were devolved subjects, provincial departments were set up by absorbing local recruits from the all island services.
They were provided with budgeted funds and a provincial work program. However since many of those recently absorbed officials were comparatively inexperienced the quality of the local technical services suffered as could be seen from the poor quality of roads and minor irrigation works in the outstations. When I became the Minister of Public Administration I had to ensure that the state officials who were on secondment came back to the senior service.
Chief Ministers and local Ministers were loath to release their seconded officers with whom they had “sweetheart deals”. But I had to insist on the rules of secondment which were meant to ensure the integrity of the public service. Our Ministry was not very popular with the Chief Ministers. Once when I cautioned them against following the wasteful symbolic expenditure of Cabinet ministers, Bertie Dissanayake, a “strong man” type of Chief Minister of North Central Province, held a press briefing criticizing my interference in their affairs.
Innovations
I found it comparatively easy to perform my duties as a Provincial Councilor as I had served as Additional Government Agent of Kandy district and Government Agent of Matale district. These two districts covered two thirds of the area of the CPC and I knew them like the back of my hand. Furthermore, I represented Harispattuwa electorate which was the largest in the Kandy district. My parental home in Nugawela was located in the centre of the electorate and I used it as my office.
Villagers were quite used to coming there to see my parents who were popular teachers in the district. Apart from servicing the needs of my electors at a time when letters of recommendation were vital for even menial tasks, I tried to look at the bigger picture and promote some projects which would be of benefit to a large number of my constituents. On my suggestion the building of a major roadway linking Ankumbura with Ridigama in Kurunegala district was undertaken. In addition to easing access between villages on the boundary of these two districts it facilitated the exchange of agricultural products as well as services.
We were delighted when the price of coconuts from Kurunegala dropped in Harispattuwa thanks to shorter travel and better links with producers. Similarly spices which were a speciality of my electorate got better prices because urban traders would come over to buy pepper, nutmeg, cloves and cardamom direct from producers. I also used my allocation of funds from the PC to purchase plants and seedlings from the Agriculture Department in Peradeniya and distribute them to many villages so that we would have a big enough crop every season to interest more affluent buyers.
Today, many years later, when I visit these villages I see mango, coconut, avocado, guava, rambutan and banana groves laden with fruit. Often the villagers would prepare a basket of mangoes for me after a meeting to thank me for those budded plants I distributed many years ago. I experimented with growing rambutan plants I bought in Malawana, along the river banks of Hataraliyadde. A private entrepreneur who got the cue from me now has a large rambutan grove that is famous in the area. He is now known as “Rambutan Mahattaya” thanks to my links with Malwana.
As I mentioned in Volume One of my autobiography – The Kandy Man – I had a friend in Malwana named GT Wickremasinghe who rented out fruit laden Rambutan trees and I would take my young family for a day’s outing there to come back with a car full of rambutans which we happily distributed to our friends and relatives. Later my friend Sarathchandra Rajakaruna of Dompe, who was a Deputy Minister, would call over with a basketful of delicious fruits every season.
Ginger
But my greatest achievement was in supporting the growing of ginger on a commercial scale in villages in the Galabawa area in Galagedera where the paddy fields are ideal for growing of alternative commercial crops like ginger, turmeric and linseed. The credit for this path breaking development should go to a dedicated Agricultural Officer by the name of Abeyaratne who became my close confidante and electoral supporter. He negotiated with the Kandurata Bank for credit to farmers who were willing to grow ginger in several villages which had large “yayas” or paddy fields and had proper irrigation facilities.
We negotiated with Elephant House – the manufacturer of Elephant Ginger Beer. Fortunately for us this division of Elephant House was led by my friend Jit Gunaratne who immediately saw the value of this arrangement and entered into an agreement with the local producers cooperative. The collaboration of the Kandurata Bank, Abeyaratne, Jit Gunaratne and the farmers cooperative was exemplary and the farmers who were used to low paddy yields and marginal profits now earned a tidy income.
This was shown in their new houses and tractors that we observed with much satisfaction. I recall one instance later on when the then acting Minister of Agriculture, Maithripala Sirisena, gave an order to the commercial banks not to provide loans for farmers who were abandoning paddy production and turning to other crops like ginger and turmeric. This led to a storm of protest from my farmers who arrived at my Nugawela office in buses and tractors to solicit my assistance to get Sirisena’s directive rescinded. I saw the justice of their request and in their presence called up MS at his residence in Polonnaruwa. I told him about the success of our program and threatened him that unless he withdraws that directive I would resign forthwith and go public about his incompetence.
I was happy when he immediately agreed with me and rescinded his directive a few days later. It was a dramatic victory and the older farmers still recall that encounter when I visit their fields. Now growing alternative commercial crops has caught on in even the neighbouring electorates and manufacturers of other brands of ginger beer also buy from my electorate. Both Jit and Abeyaratne are now in retirement and, as a matter of fact, so am I.
(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography)
Features
Polarizing rhetoric greets America on its epochal anniversary
Democratic and progressive opinion in the US and the world over would likely have been further jolted by the divisive rhetoric blared forth by US President Donald Trump on no less an occasion than the 250th anniversary of the US Declaration of Independence from Britain. The world has been placed on notice that what it would be having in the main is aggravated polarization on multiple fronts during what’s left of the Trump tenure.
If the world was expecting positive moves by the Trump administration to bridge divisions, heal rifts and usher in a more harmonious international political order, this is very unlikely to be. Instead, in all probability we would be left with a far more ‘dangerous place to live in’.
Some of the more thought-provoking recent ‘takes’ from President Trump are : ‘A generation after we fought and won the cold war against the menace of communism, there is now a resurgence of the communist menace in our land, including from newcomers to our country who embrace ideas totally opposed to our way of life and our great success.’ ‘We will send them (immigrants) quickly away, and we will continue to build our country bigger and better than ever before.’ ‘We are going to give our country its identity back.’ ‘You can be loyal to Karl Marx or you can be loyal to America. You can be a communist or you can be a patriot. You cannot be both.’
Accordingly, what the world would have in increasing measure going forward are stepped-up attempts to consolidate a white supremacist administration in the US accompanied by a suppression of ethnic, religious and cultural minorities at home along with renewed attempts to spread and consolidate US hegemonism world wide.
The latter project would mainly translate into US military interventions abroad of the Venezuelan type and a persistence if not a resurgence of identity based conflicts globally. Violent reactions internationally to what are seen as attempts by the US to bring recalcitrant sections in particularly the South under white supremacist control will provide the basis for the steadfast presence and spiking of identity politics globally.
Moreover, the path has been paved for stepped-up ethnic, religious and cultural disharmony within the US. A united state is far from possible, given this backdrop. Put simply, it would be a question of steeper political polarization at home and abroad.
The persistent, widespread support for the hard line Islamic regime in Iran locally and globally should serve as an eye-opener for the political decision-makers of the US. Huge crowds at the funerals of Iran’s political leaders could very well be state-orchestrated but they are a pointer to the fact that political Islam is far from on the decline. To the extent to which this is so, the phenomenon could be a hurdle in the path of a stridently expansionist US.
Looking back, it was the consolidation of the Islamic regime in Iran in the late seventies of the last century that, besides proving a major challenge to the unfettered global power expansion of the US and its Western allies, provided the motive force as it were for the proliferation of Islam-based identity politics in particularly the South. This continues to be so.
Going forward, the US would need to figure out how best it could manage the persistent presence of Islamic fundamentalism world wide, and for that matter other forms of identity politics, without drastically losing its global power and influence.
The recent successful challenge by Iran to the US’ efforts to exercise its diktat in West Asia should prove an ‘eye-opener’. In these confrontations both sides were bloodied but Iran proved that it could successfully take on the US militarily. The inference for the US ought to be that projecting its military might in the Middle East in a no-holds-barred fashion would not prove easy.
Arising from the foregoing a foremost policy challenge for the US would be to curb Iranian military power while avoiding another major military confrontation with the Islamic state that would cost the US and the world dearly in particularly economic and material terms. The US would have no choice but to persist with the often flagging West Asian peace effort and to render it fully workable.
Ukraine presents the US with another formidable challenge. As is known, Ukraine is proving no easy ‘push-over’ for Russia, but it is badly in need of more sophisticated Western arms, particularly effective air defense systems, to fully neutralize the Russian invasion. What would the US choose to do; go to Ukraine’s assistance fully or opt not to ruffle and antagonize the Putin regime, with which it is on some cordial terms?
A negotiated solution is best in Ukraine and the Trump administration would do well not to lose sight of this ideal but Russia too should see the need for a diplomatic solution if it is to salvage itself from its military stalemate in Ukraine. The US needs to try being a peace mediator in the latter theatre but if the Russian political leadership fails to opt for peace the US would have no choice but to join the rest of NATO and Europe in continuing to arm Ukraine.
The US would need to take the latter course if the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ is to remain committed to its founding ideals. If President Trump fails to meet this challenge he would prove that he is nothing more than an ‘empty rhetorician’.
However, it should not come as a surprise to the world if Trump chooses not to strongly back the rest of the West on Ukraine. Domestic and foreign policy are closely intertwined. Since the Trump administration is committed to building a white supremacist state at home, democratic development worldwide has been of the least importance to it.
The Trump administration’s strong affinities to white jingoism would increasingly compel it to opt for a policy of international isolationism. As a result Ukraine could prove unimportant for the US going forward.
Consequently, US-Western Europe friction in particular is only likely to intensify in the days ahead. Coupled with the contentious issues growing out of the persistence of identity politics, the Trump administration’s far-sightedness in managing foreign policy issues would be tested to the fullest. Whether the world would have comparative peace or continued blood-letting would depend crucially on such judiciousness.
Features
Beyond concrete: Sunela Jayewardene urges Sri Lanka to rediscover an ancient wisdom for a planet in peril
It was more than a lecture on architecture. It was a challenge to rethink civilisation itself.
Standing before a packed audience at Dilmah by Genesis in Maligawatte, internationally acclaimed environmental architect, author and conservationist Sunela Jayewardene delivered a keynote that transcended blueprints, buildings and urban planning.
Instead, she invited her listeners on an intellectual journey into Sri Lanka’s ancient past, arguing that the answers to some of the world’s gravest environmental crises may already exist within the island’s forgotten ecological wisdom.
Her address, titled “Beyond Concrete: Architecture for the Coexistence of Species,” was at once philosophical, historical and deeply practical. It questioned humanity’s obsession with dominating nature and called for a return to a design ethic rooted in respect, restraint and coexistence.
“The road is actually very simple,” Jayewardene said. “We have simply forgotten it.”
That observation became the defining thread of an afternoon that challenged conventional thinking about architecture and development.
According to Jayewardene, modern society has inherited a worldview shaped largely by colonial values that placed human needs above those of every other living organism.
“Our value system was turned on its head,” she observed. “We accepted a Western way of looking at nature without questioning it. Today we can clearly see the consequences. The world is in crisis. Species are in crisis. Our lifestyles are in crisis.”
She was careful not to romanticise the past, nor was she dismissive of modern science. Instead, she argued that Sri Lanka’s pre-colonial civilisation possessed a sophisticated environmental philosophy that modern planners and architects have largely ignored.
For Jayewardene, environmental architecture is not about fashionable sustainability slogans or cosmetic landscaping.
It begins with humility.
It begins by recognising that humans are only one species among millions sharing the same landscape.
“The built environment should not exist in opposition to nature,” she said. “It should become part of nature.”
One of the most captivating moments of her presentation came when she introduced her own research into the island’s ancient sacred geography.
Using digital mapping and satellite imagery, Jayewardene demonstrated the remarkable alignment of Sri Lanka’s four original Saman Devalayas, whose axes converge on Sri Pada, historically known as Samanthakuta.
The extraordinary precision of these alignments, she argued, raises profound questions about the scientific and surveying capabilities of ancient Sri Lankan civilisation.
“What kind of technology enabled them to achieve this?” she asked the audience.
Her purpose was not to offer speculative answers but to challenge deeply ingrained assumptions that ancient societies lacked scientific sophistication.
“We often underestimate what our ancestors knew,” she said. “Yet the evidence around us tells a very different story.”
That forgotten knowledge, she argued, extended well beyond engineering.
It shaped an entire philosophy of living with the landscape rather than imposing human will upon it.
Displaying photographs from archaeological sites including Ritigala, ancient monasteries and rock pavilions hidden within Sri Lanka’s forests, Jayewardene illustrated how builders carved steps around natural boulders, integrated structures into existing rock formations and preserved the contours of the land.
Modern construction, she suggested, would almost certainly have bulldozed those landscapes into submission.
“Our ancestors honoured the land,” she said. “They accepted the landscape instead of trying to conquer it.”
For Jayewardene, that principle remains the foundation of every project she undertakes.
She described environmental architecture as an exercise in listening rather than commanding.
Every site, she explained, possesses its own identity, ecological history and natural rhythm.
The responsibility of the architect is to understand that identity before attempting to intervene.
“The land tells you what it wants to become,” she said.
Throughout the presentation, one word repeatedly surfaced—context.
Without understanding context, she argued, architecture becomes little more than sculpture.
Good design cannot be copied indiscriminately from one country to another or even from one district to another.
Climate differs.
Rainfall differs.
Vegetation differs.
Wildlife differs.
Culture differs.
Even the stories associated with landscapes differ.
All of these, Jayewardene insisted, must shape architecture.
“When I speak about inhabitants, I don’t mean only human beings,” she explained.
“The birds, insects, reptiles, mammals, trees and every living organism already occupying that land must become part of the design equation.”
This broader understanding forms the basis of what she describes as non-human-centred design—an approach that rejects the notion that cities exist exclusively for people.
Instead, landscapes should provide refuge for biodiversity while simultaneously serving human communities.
It is an idea that resonates strongly at a time when rapid urbanisation continues to erode habitats across Sri Lanka.
Jayewardene also challenged prevailing attitudes towards development itself.
Too often, she argued, “development” has become synonymous with replacing natural systems by concrete infrastructure.
She questioned whether flattening hillsides, redirecting streams and clearing vegetation can genuinely be described as progress.
In her view, genuine development should first ask what ecological value already exists before deciding what should be built.
One of the simplest yet most profound examples she offered concerned water.
“I always say it is acceptable to interrupt water,” she remarked. “But never disrupt it.”
That distinction reflects an ecological understanding often absent from conventional engineering.
Natural drainage systems, she warned, perform countless functions that remain invisible until they are damaged.
Floods, soil erosion, biodiversity decline and even changes in local climate frequently follow.
“We disrupt far more than water,” she said. “We disrupt entire ecological relationships.”
Equally significant was her distinction between degraded brownfield sites and relatively untouched greenfield landscapes.
Brownfield sites require ecological restoration, rehabilitation and renewal.
Greenfield sites demand restraint.
Minimal intervention, she argued, is often the highest form of environmental design.
The keynote found an appropriate setting within Dilmah Conservation’s own efforts to restore degraded urban landscapes.
Earlier in the programme, Rishan Sampath of Dilmah Conservation outlined the organisation’s transformation of an abandoned industrial property in Moratuwa into a flourishing urban forest containing over 300 tree species and more than 1,000 individual plants.
Scientific studies conducted within the restored forest have already demonstrated improvements in air quality compared with adjoining urban roads, providing measurable evidence that biodiversity restoration can improve city life.
For Jayewardene, such initiatives represent far more than beautification projects.
They demonstrate that ecological restoration can become a guiding philosophy for future urban planning.
Her address ultimately became a call to rethink humanity’s place within nature.
Architecture, she argued, should no longer celebrate domination over landscapes.
It should celebrate coexistence.
Every building should strengthen biodiversity.
Every development should restore ecological balance.
Every designer should ask not merely how a project serves people, but how it serves life itself.
As the audience left the hall, they carried with them more than architectural ideas.
They carried a challenge
To question inherited assumptions.
To rediscover indigenous ecological wisdom.
And to recognise that Sri Lanka’s greatest contribution to global sustainability may not lie in importing new environmental models, but in rediscovering the timeless principles embedded within its own civilisation.
For Sunela Jayewardene, the future will not be secured by building more impressive skylines.
It will be secured when humanity learns once again to build gently, intelligently and respectfully—allowing architecture to become not an act of conquest, but an expression of coexistence.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Colombia’s “back-to-back queen”
Beyond modelling, Colombia’s Katherine Castaño, who captured the crown at the Top Model of the World 2026, in Egypt, is also a TV host, entrepreneur and social media influencer.
She’s based in Miami, Florida right now — a hub for fashion and influencer work — a city she calls home base, while representing Colombia on the world stage.
Her Miami base gives her access to fashion, entertainment, and business networks, while her title keeps Colombia front and centre in the global modelling conversation.
Off the runway, she says she enjoys singing, playing the piano, and tennis.
Katherine didn’t make the trip to Egypt as a newcomer. She’s built a strong international portfolio before winning the crown.
In fact, her résumé reads like a fashion passport: Colombia Moda, New York Fashion Week, Miami Swim Week, Miami Fashion Week, Nicaragua Diseña, IXEL Moda, and Mercedes-Benz San José.
On June 8, 2026, Katherine Castaño was crowned by outgoing winner Natalia Garizabal Vera, also of Colombia. That gave Colombia a historic back-to-back victory — the first time any country has done it in the competition’s history, and Colombia’s 4th win overall.
As Top Model of the World 2026, Katherine’s reign is centred on elevating her profile as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur.

She’s built a personal brand around beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism, with strong reach across fashion, social media, and business.
As titleholder, she’s now the face of the pageant’s international fashion platform, representing Colombia globally, while based out of Miami.
Ahead of the competition she was clear about the stakes: “This is bigger than me. This is for my country. This is for the story I’m here to write… And I’m not going quietly… we’re going for that back to back.”
As the reigning titleholder, Katherine Castaño’s role extends far beyond the sash. She’s using the platform to grow her brand as a model, influencer, and entrepreneur rooted in “beauty, ambition, style, and professionalism”.
She will also be doing runway shows, photoshoots, brand appearances, and fashion events.
Sri Lanka’s representative at this pageant was NetalieWithanage.
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