Features
Takeover of estates and failure of Provincial Councils
Innovating double cropping in Harispattuwa
The take over of estates created untold suffering to the estate population. During my circuits as a public servant soon after the change of management in the estate areas, I saw stacks of coffins for little children by the roadside. Obviously children were starving to death. Hundreds of old workers were pushed out of their estates to beg on the roads without food or medical attention. Many of them died of starvation.
All the while the so called “People Alliance” members, including the leftists, were stripping the plantations of their well maintained assets. It is a chapter which will redound as a curse to the so called socialists of this country for decades to come. Such deaths and suffering is a standing indictment of foolish administrators, particularly among the so called progressives. The human suffering they inflicted had to be seen to be believed.
Thondaman was the undisputed leader of the estate Tamils at that time. Though he remained in Parliament to be the right hand man of JRJ and Premadasa, his assistants represented him in the Central Provincial Council (CPC). The leader of this group was Devaraj who was a well educated and sober representative. He was a leftist by conviction but was totally loyal to his boss and only intervened to promote Thondaman’s agenda.
Devaraj and I were members of several delegations on foreign tours. We became good friends and later when he was elevated by his patron to be a Member of Parliament we spent quite some time together. He was assisted by Muthu Sivalingam who also became an MP and Deputy Minister. Another CWC member of the CPC was Sathasivam who came from a high caste estate family. With his fluency in three languages and tall stature he became a darling of the embassy cocktail circuit and thereby lost his standing within the party.
If my memory serves me right he left the party and went into oblivion. There were others from the younger generation like Arulsamy who are still influential provincial politicians. Thonda’s supremacy was challenged only by Chandrasekeran, a charismatic figure and a brilliant Tamil orator as mentioned earlier. He was cutting into the CWC vote with his party and emerging as an estate Tamil leader till he was felled due to alcoholism.
He entered Parliament and carried a vital vote which sustained the CBK administration. He too was made a Deputy Minister and I would encounter him in Parliament much the worse for drink. All of them however were later eclipsed after the death of the old man by his grandson “‘Thambi” Thondaman-a well educated and fun loving young man who became a fixture in every Cabinet. “Thambi” was the son of Ramanathan – the old mans son and heir – who was a Trinitian and had been a Minister in the previous CPC regime.
Unfortunately Ramanathan who was a perfect gentleman died young. The mantle fell on Thondaman Junior, who assisted by Devaraj and Muthu Sivalingam, maintained the CWC slot in the Sri Lankan Cabinet that had been earned by his master strategist grandfather through collaboration with successive Presidents. The senior Thondaman’s statue now adorns the courtyard of the old Parliament together with the statues of other national heroes. It is a well deserved tribute to a leader of a community that has served its adopted nation well above the call of duty. No one would deny that they deserve much more.
Operational failures
Having served as member of a Provincial Council and observing its operations at first hand I am convinced that the PCs as presently constituted are a costly failure. I recall the discussions that were held during the JRJ regime at the urging of the Indian government to offer some form of devolution to the Northern and Eastern provinces. This was mainly because the complex Indian political situation at that time demanded the appeasement of Tamil Nadu politicians. These leaders all together pressed the Indian Congress government to push the Sri Lankan authorities to devolve powers to representatives elected from the North and East.
It meant that Tamil politicians would enjoy some devolved executive powers. Behind this Tamil demand was the ghost of their recently proclaimed concept of the North and East as the Tamil “homeland”. Every attempt was made to find the language to satisfy both sides as the Sri Lankan Government would not, indeed could not, agree to demarcate “Tamil homelands” which would have collapsed the concept of “territorial integrity” and “sovereignity” which form the basis of our national identity.
Till the last moment Provincial Councils were to be established only in the North and East. They were to be the only “unit of devolution” according to the first draft. Indeed according to that draft there would be created a “temporarily” joined North-Eastern province. After a plebiscite in the Eastern province the voters there could decide on a permanent joinder or not.
What powers would devolve on the PCs? JRJ resolved this vexed issue by decreeing that we should “in toto” adopt the powers devolved to the Indian states under their Constitution. This entailed the adoption of three “lists”. List One would include the powers of the Centre. List Two would include the powers of the PCs. A third list would have “concurrent powers”where practical necessity required a sharing of power.
In this way the unit of devolution and the powers to be devolved were agreed upon and would later find constitutional affirmation via Parliament in the 13th amendment. But the outrage evoked by these proposals among the majority Sinhalese frightened JRJ. What he feared most after the UNP debacle of 1956 was the backlash of the Sinhalese voter. Therefore at the last minute he changed the decision to set up PCs only for the North-East and extended it to all provinces.
Thus the opposition could not argue that the North-East would become a special geographical and cultural entity which would enjoy devolved powers not available in the rest of the country. The Muslims too welcomed this change as they could dominate the Eastern PC together with the minority Sinhala or if necessary, alone. Thus the whole country was subjected to a radical change by the creation of a second tier of governance out of a structure which was conceived as a solution to a different problem, namely the ethnic and geographical configuration of the population of the country.
The financial arrangements for the implementation of this new tier of administration created many problems. The new PCs instead of being managed as lean and mean entities as earlier envisaged, were converted by the politicians, who were appointed as Chief Ministers, into pale imitations of the perks and procedures of the Ministers of the central government. All the wasteful expenditure on vehicles, staff, bungalows and local and foreign travel were duplicated at the provincial level particularly by the southern CMs, officials and their hangers on.
The PCs were allowed to levy several taxes as a way of collecting revenue. However this too created a problem as they started collecting taxes from all the productive enterprises to finance their conspicuous consumption. It raised a storm of protest from investors and the Ministry of Finance had to intervene by prohibiting PCs from exercising that right. Instead the Treasury provided a “block grant” to them based on population figures.
This did not prevent the PCs from constantly asking for more funds putting a further strain on the country’s resources. Then a question of staffing arose. It was decided to recruit to such positions from the SLAS and allied services. However minor staff and clerical officers were recruited direct to the PC. This provided ample opportunities for local politicians to go on a recruiting spree. Since some technical services such as road building and minor irrigation were devolved subjects, provincial departments were set up by absorbing local recruits from the all island services.
They were provided with budgeted funds and a provincial work program. However since many of those recently absorbed officials were comparatively inexperienced the quality of the local technical services suffered as could be seen from the poor quality of roads and minor irrigation works in the outstations. When I became the Minister of Public Administration I had to ensure that the state officials who were on secondment came back to the senior service.
Chief Ministers and local Ministers were loath to release their seconded officers with whom they had “sweetheart deals”. But I had to insist on the rules of secondment which were meant to ensure the integrity of the public service. Our Ministry was not very popular with the Chief Ministers. Once when I cautioned them against following the wasteful symbolic expenditure of Cabinet ministers, Bertie Dissanayake, a “strong man” type of Chief Minister of North Central Province, held a press briefing criticizing my interference in their affairs.
Innovations
I found it comparatively easy to perform my duties as a Provincial Councilor as I had served as Additional Government Agent of Kandy district and Government Agent of Matale district. These two districts covered two thirds of the area of the CPC and I knew them like the back of my hand. Furthermore, I represented Harispattuwa electorate which was the largest in the Kandy district. My parental home in Nugawela was located in the centre of the electorate and I used it as my office.
Villagers were quite used to coming there to see my parents who were popular teachers in the district. Apart from servicing the needs of my electors at a time when letters of recommendation were vital for even menial tasks, I tried to look at the bigger picture and promote some projects which would be of benefit to a large number of my constituents. On my suggestion the building of a major roadway linking Ankumbura with Ridigama in Kurunegala district was undertaken. In addition to easing access between villages on the boundary of these two districts it facilitated the exchange of agricultural products as well as services.
We were delighted when the price of coconuts from Kurunegala dropped in Harispattuwa thanks to shorter travel and better links with producers. Similarly spices which were a speciality of my electorate got better prices because urban traders would come over to buy pepper, nutmeg, cloves and cardamom direct from producers. I also used my allocation of funds from the PC to purchase plants and seedlings from the Agriculture Department in Peradeniya and distribute them to many villages so that we would have a big enough crop every season to interest more affluent buyers.
Today, many years later, when I visit these villages I see mango, coconut, avocado, guava, rambutan and banana groves laden with fruit. Often the villagers would prepare a basket of mangoes for me after a meeting to thank me for those budded plants I distributed many years ago. I experimented with growing rambutan plants I bought in Malawana, along the river banks of Hataraliyadde. A private entrepreneur who got the cue from me now has a large rambutan grove that is famous in the area. He is now known as “Rambutan Mahattaya” thanks to my links with Malwana.
As I mentioned in Volume One of my autobiography – The Kandy Man – I had a friend in Malwana named GT Wickremasinghe who rented out fruit laden Rambutan trees and I would take my young family for a day’s outing there to come back with a car full of rambutans which we happily distributed to our friends and relatives. Later my friend Sarathchandra Rajakaruna of Dompe, who was a Deputy Minister, would call over with a basketful of delicious fruits every season.
Ginger
But my greatest achievement was in supporting the growing of ginger on a commercial scale in villages in the Galabawa area in Galagedera where the paddy fields are ideal for growing of alternative commercial crops like ginger, turmeric and linseed. The credit for this path breaking development should go to a dedicated Agricultural Officer by the name of Abeyaratne who became my close confidante and electoral supporter. He negotiated with the Kandurata Bank for credit to farmers who were willing to grow ginger in several villages which had large “yayas” or paddy fields and had proper irrigation facilities.
We negotiated with Elephant House – the manufacturer of Elephant Ginger Beer. Fortunately for us this division of Elephant House was led by my friend Jit Gunaratne who immediately saw the value of this arrangement and entered into an agreement with the local producers cooperative. The collaboration of the Kandurata Bank, Abeyaratne, Jit Gunaratne and the farmers cooperative was exemplary and the farmers who were used to low paddy yields and marginal profits now earned a tidy income.
This was shown in their new houses and tractors that we observed with much satisfaction. I recall one instance later on when the then acting Minister of Agriculture, Maithripala Sirisena, gave an order to the commercial banks not to provide loans for farmers who were abandoning paddy production and turning to other crops like ginger and turmeric. This led to a storm of protest from my farmers who arrived at my Nugawela office in buses and tractors to solicit my assistance to get Sirisena’s directive rescinded. I saw the justice of their request and in their presence called up MS at his residence in Polonnaruwa. I told him about the success of our program and threatened him that unless he withdraws that directive I would resign forthwith and go public about his incompetence.
I was happy when he immediately agreed with me and rescinded his directive a few days later. It was a dramatic victory and the older farmers still recall that encounter when I visit their fields. Now growing alternative commercial crops has caught on in even the neighbouring electorates and manufacturers of other brands of ginger beer also buy from my electorate. Both Jit and Abeyaratne are now in retirement and, as a matter of fact, so am I.
(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autbiography)
Features
Humanitarian leadership in a time of war
There has been a rare consensus of opinion in the country that the government’s humanitarian response to the sinking of Iran’s naval ship IRIS Dena was the correct one. The support has spanned the party political spectrum and different sections of society. Social media commentary, statements by political parties and discussion in mainstream media have all largely taken the position that Sri Lanka acted in accordance with humanitarian principles and international law. In a period when public debate in Sri Lanka is often sharply divided, the sense of agreement on this issue is noteworthy and reflects positively on the ethos and culture of a society that cares for those in distress. A similar phenomenon was to be witnessed in the rallying of people of all ethnicities and backgrounds to help those affected by the Ditwah Cyclone in December last year.
The events that led to this situation unfolded with dramatic speed. In the early hours before sunrise the Dina made a distress call. The ship was one of three Iranian naval vessels that had taken part in a naval gathering organised by India in which more than 70 countries had participated, including Sri Lanka. Naval gatherings of this nature are intended to foster professional exchange, confidence building and goodwill between navies. They are also governed by strict protocols regarding armaments and conduct.
When the exhibition ended open war between the United States and Iran had not yet broken out. The three Iranian ships that participated in the exhibition left the Indian port and headed into international waters on their journey back home. Under the protocol governing such gatherings ships may not be equipped with offensive armaments. This left them particularly vulnerable once the regional situation changed dramatically, though the US Indo-Pacific Command insists the ship was armed. The sudden outbreak of war between the United States and Iran would have alerted the Iranian ships that they were sailing into danger. According to reports, they sought safe harbour and requested docking in Sri Lanka’s ports but before the Sri Lankan government could respond the Dena was fatally hit by a torpedo.
International Law
The sinking of the Dena occurred just outside Sri Lanka’s territorial waters. Whatever decision the Sri Lankan government made at this time was bound to be fraught with consequence. The war that is currently being fought in the Middle East is a no-holds-barred one in which more than 15 countries have come under attack. Now the sinking of the Dena so close to Sri Lanka’s maritime boundary has meant that the war has come to the very shores of the country. In times of war emotions run high on all sides and perceptions of friend and enemy can easily become distorted. Parties involved in the conflict tend to gravitate to the position that “those who are not with us are against us.” Such a mindset leaves little room for neutrality or humanitarian discretion.
In such situations countries that are not directly involved in the conflict may wish to remain outside it by avoiding engagement. Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath informed the international media that Sri Lanka’s response to the present crisis was rooted in humanitarian principles, international law and the United Nations. The Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) which was adopted 1982 provides the legal framework governing maritime conduct and obliges states to render assistance to persons in distress at sea. In terms of UNCLOS, countries are required to render help to anyone facing danger in maritime waters regardless of nationality or the circumstances that led to the emergency. Sri Lanka’s response to the distress call therefore reflects both humanitarianism and adherence to international law.
Within a short period of receiving the distress message from the stricken Iranian warship the Sri Lankan government sent its navy to the rescue. They rescued more than thirty Iranian sailors who had survived the attack and were struggling in the water. The rescue operation also brought to Sri Lanka the bodies of those who had perished when their ship sank. The scale of the humanitarian challenge is significant. Sri Lanka now has custody of more than eighty bodies of sailors who lost their lives in the sinking of the Dena. In addition, a second Iranian naval ship IRINS Bushehr with more than two hundred sailors has come under Sri Lanka’s protection. The government therefore finds itself responsible for survivors but also for the dignified treatment of the bodies of the dead Iranian sailors.
Sri Lanka’s decision to render aid based on humanitarian principles, not political allegiance, reinforces the importance of a rules-based international order for all countries. Reliance on international law is particularly important for small countries like Sri Lanka that lack the power to defend themselves against larger actors. For such countries a rules-based international order provides at least a measure of protection by ensuring that all states operate within a framework of agreed norms. Sri Lanka itself has played a notable role in promoting such norms. In 1971 the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution declaring the Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace. The initiative for this proposal came from Sri Lanka, which argued that the Indian Ocean should be protected from great power rivalry and militarisation.
Moral Beacon
Unfortunately, the current global climate suggests that the rules-based order is barely operative. Conflicts in different parts of the world have increasingly shown disregard for the norms and institutions that were created in the aftermath of the Second World War to regulate international behaviour. In such circumstances it becomes even more important for smaller countries to demonstrate their commitment to international law and to convert the bigger countries to adopt more humane and universal thinking. The humanitarian response to the Iranian sailors therefore needs to be seen in this wider context. By acting swiftly to rescue those in distress and by affirming that its actions are guided by international law, Sri Lanka has enhanced its reputation as a small country that values peace, humane values, cooperation and the rule of law. It would be a relief to the Sri Lankan government that earlier communications that the US government was urging Sri Lanka not to repatriate the Iranian sailors has been modified to the US publicly acknowledging the applicability of international law to what Sri Lanka does.
The country’s own experience of internal conflict has shaped public consciousness in important ways. Sri Lanka endured a violent internal war that lasted nearly three decades. During that period questions relating to the treatment of combatants, the protection of civilians, missing persons and accountability became central issues. As a result, Sri Lankans today are familiar with the provisions of international law that deal with war crimes, the treatment of wounded or disabled combatants and the fate of those who go missing in conflict. The country continues to host an international presence in the form of UN agencies and the ICRC that work with the government on humanitarian and post conflict issues. The government needs to apply the same principled commitment of humanitarianism and the rule of law to the unresolved issues from Sri Lanka’s own civil war, including accountability and reconciliation.
By affirming humanitarian principles and acting accordingly towards the Iranian sailors and their ship Sri Lanka has become a moral beacon for peace and goodwill in a world that often appears to be moving in the opposite direction. At a time when geopolitical rivalries are intensifying and humanitarian norms are frequently ignored, such actions carry symbolic significance. The credibility of Sri Lanka’s moral stance abroad will be further enhanced by its ability to uphold similar principles at home. Sri Lanka continues to grapple with unresolved issues arising from its own internal conflict including questions of accountability, justice, reparations and reconciliation. It has a duty not only to its own citizens, but also to suffering humanity everywhere. Addressing its own internal issues sincerely will strengthen Sri Lanka’s moral standing in the international community and help it to be a force for a new and better world.
BY Jehan Perera
Features
Language: The symbolic expression of thought
It was Henry Sweet, the English phonetician and language scholar, who said, “Language may be defined as the expression of thought by means of speech sounds“. In today’s context, where language extends beyond spoken sounds to written text, and even into signs, it is best to generalise more and express that language is the “symbolic expression of thought“. The opposite is also true: without the ability to think, there will not be a proper development of the ability to express in a language, as seen in individuals with intellectual disability.
Viewing language as the symbolic expression of thought is a philosophical way to look at early childhood education. It suggests that language is not just about learning words; it is about a child learning that one thing, be it a sound, a scribble, or a gesture, can represent something else, such as an object, a feeling, or an idea. It facilitates the ever-so-important understanding of the given occurrence rather than committing it purely to memory. In the world of a 0–5-year-old, this “symbolic leap” of understanding is the single most important cognitive milestone.
Of course, learning a language or even more than one language is absolutely crucial for education. Here is how that viewpoint fits into early life education:
1. From Concrete to Abstract
Infants live in a “concrete” world: if they cannot see it or touch it, it does not exist. Early education helps them to move toward symbolic thought. When a toddler realises that the sound “ball” stands for that round, bouncy thing in the corner, they have decoded a symbol. Teachers and parents need to facilitate this by connecting physical objects to labels constantly. This is why “Show and Tell” is a staple of early education, as it gently compels the child to use symbols, words or actions to describe a tangible object to others, who might not even see it clearly.
2. The Multi-Modal Nature of Symbols
Because language is “symbolic,” it does not matter how exactly it is expressed. The human brain treats spoken words, written text, and sign language with similar neural machinery.
Many educators advocate the use of “Baby Signs” (simple gestures) before a child can speak. This is powerful because it proves the child has the thought (e.g., “I am hungry”) and can use a symbol like putting the hand to the mouth, before their vocal cords are physically ready to produce the word denoting hunger.
Writing is the most abstract symbol of all: it is a squiggle written on a page, representing a sound, which represents an idea or a thought. Early childhood education prepares children for this by encouraging “emergent writing” (scribbling), even where a child proudly points to a messy circle that the child has drawn and says, “This says ‘I love Mommy’.”
3. Symbolic Play (The Dress Rehearsal)
As recognised in many quarters, play is where this theory comes to life. Between ages 2 and 3, children enter the Symbolic Play stage. Often, there is object substitution, as when a child picks up a banana and holds it to his or her ear like a telephone. In effect, this is a massive intellectual achievement. The child is mentally “decoupling” the object from its physical reality and assigning it a symbolic meaning. In early education, we need to encourage this because if a child can use a block as a “car,” they are developing the mental flexibility required to later understand that the letter “C” stands for the sound of “K” as well.
4. Language as a Tool for “Internal Thought”
Perhaps the most fascinating fit is the work of psychologist Lev Vygotsky, who argued that language eventually turns inward to become private speech. Have you ever seen a 4-year-old talking to himself or herself while building a toy tower? “No, the big one goes here….. the red one goes here…. steady… there.” That is a form of self-regulation. Educators encourage this “thinking out loudly.” It is the way children use the symbol system of language to organise their own thoughts and solve problems. Eventually, this speech becomes silent as “inner thought.”
Finally, there is the charming thought of the feasibility of conversing with very young children in two or even three or more languages. In Sri Lanka, the three main languages are Sinhala, Tamil and English. There are questions asked as to whether it is OK to talk to little ones in all three languages or even in two, so that they would learn?
According to scientific authorities, the short, clear and unequivocal answer to that query is that not only is it “OK”, it is also a significant cognitive gift to a child.
In a trilingual environment like Sri Lanka, many parents worry that multiple languages will “confuse” a child or cause a “speech delay.” However, modern neuroscience has debunked these myths. The infant brain is perfectly capable of building three or even more separate “lexicons” (vocabularies) simultaneously.
Here is how the “symbolic expression of thought” works in a multilingual brain and how we can manage it effectively.
a). The “Multiple Labels” Phenomenon
In a monolingual home, a child learns one symbol for an object. For example, take the word “Apple.” In a Sri Lankan trilingual home, the child learns three symbols for that same thought:
* Apple (English)
* Apal
(Sinhala – ඇපල්)
* Appil
(Tamil – ஆப்பிள்)
Because the trilingual child learns that one “thought” can be expressed by multiple “symbols,” the child’s brain becomes more flexible. This is why bilingual and trilingual children often score higher on tasks involving “executive function”, meaning the ability to switch focus and solve complex problems.
b). Is there a “Delay”?
(The Common Myth)
One might notice that a child in a trilingual home may start to speak slightly later than a monolingual peer, or they might have a smaller vocabulary in each language at age two.
However, if one adds up the total number of words they know across all three languages, they are usually ahead of monolingual children. By age five, they typically catch up in all languages and possess a much more “plastic” and adaptable brain.
c). Strategies for Success: How to Do It?
To help the child’s brain organise these three symbol systems, it helps to have some “consistency.” Here are the two most effective methods:
* One Person, One Language (OPOL), the so-called “gold standard” for multilingual families.
Amma
speaks only Sinhala, while the Father speaks only English, and the Grandparents or Nanny speak only Tamil. The child learns to associate a specific language with a specific person. Their brain creates a “map”: “When I talk to Amma, I use these sounds; when I talk to Thaththa, I use those,” etc.
*
Situational/Contextual Learning. If the parents speak all three, one could divide languages by “environment”: English at the dinner table, Sinhala during play and bath time and Tamil when visiting relatives or at the market.
These, of course, need NOT be very rigid rules, but general guidance, applied judiciously and ever-so-kindly.
d). “Code-Mixing” is Normal
We need not be alarmed if a 3-year-old says something like: “Ammi, I want that palam (fruit).” This is called Code-Mixing. It is NOT a sign of confusion; it is a sign of efficiency. The child’s brain is searching for the quickest way to express a thought and grabs the most “available” word from their three language cupboards. As they get older, perhaps around age 4 or 5, they will naturally learn to separate them perfectly.
e). The “Sri Lankan Advantage”
Growing up trilingual in Sri Lanka provides a massive social and cognitive advantage.
For a start, there will be Cultural Empathy. Language actually carries culture. A child who speaks Sinhala, Tamil, and English can navigate all social spheres of the country quite effortlessly.
In addition, there are the benefits of a Phonetic Range. Sinhala and Tamil have many sounds that do not exist in English (and even vice versa). Learning these as a child wires the ears to hear and reproduce almost any human sound, making it much easier to learn more languages (like French or Japanese) later in life.
As an abiding thought, it is the considered opinion of the author that a trilingual Sri Lanka will go a long way towards the goals and display of racial harmony, respect for different ethnic groups, and unrivalled national coordination in our beautiful Motherland. Then it would become a utopian heaven, where all people, as just Sri Lankans, can live in admirable concordant synchrony, rather than as splintered clusters divided by ethnicity, language and culture.
A Helpful Summary Checklist for Parents
* Do Not Drop a Language:
If you stop speaking Tamil because you are worried about English, the child loses that “neural real estate.” Keep all three languages going.
* High-Quality Input:
Do not just use “commands” (Eat! Sleep!). Use the Parentese and Serve and Return methods (mentioned in an earlier article) in all the languages.
* Employ Patience:
If the little one mixes up some words, just model the right words and gently correct the sentence and present it to the child like a suggestion, without scolding or finding fault with him or her. The child will then learn effortlessly and without resentment or shame.
by Dr b. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony.
FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka
Features
SIMPSON’S … set to carve a distinct sonic identity
It is, indeed, encouraging to see our local artistes working on new formats, where their music is concerned.
Variety is the spice of life, they say, and I do agree, especially when it comes to music.
Blending modern synth textures, ambient layers and soulful undertones, the group SIMPSON’S is set to carve a distinct sonic identity within Sri Lanka’s contemporary music landscape.
Their vision, they say, is not simply to produce songs, but to create emotional atmospheres – experiences that elevate, energise and resonate, both locally and beyond.
This four-piece outfit came into the scene, less than two years ago, and they are already making waves with their debut single ‘Balaporottuwak’ (Hope).
The song, I’m told, marks the beginning of a new sound, and at the forefront of ‘Balaporottuwak’ is the group’s lead vocalist and guitarist, Ryo Hera, who brings a rich cultural heritage to the stage.
As a professional Kandyan Wes dancer, Ryo’s commanding presence and textured vocals bring a distinct energy to the band’s sound.
‘Balaporottuwak’

Ryo Hera: Vocals for ‘Balaporottuwak’
is more than just a debut single – it’s a declaration of intent. The band is merging tradition and modernity, power and subtlety, to create a sound that’s both authentic and innovative.
With this song, SIMPSON’S is inviting listeners to join them on an evolving musical journey, one that’s built on vision and creativity.
The recording process for ‘Balaporottuwak’ was organic and instinctive, with the band shaping the song through live studio sessions.
Dileepa Liyanage, the keyboardist and composer, is the principal sound mind behind SIMPSON’S.
With experience spanning background scores, commercial projects, cinematic themes and jingles across multiple genres, Dileepa brings structural finesse and atmospheric depth to the band’s arrangements.
He described the recording process of ‘Balaporottuwak’ as organic and instinctive: “When Ryo Hera opens his voice, it becomes effortless to shape it into any musical colour. The tone naturally adapts.”
The band’s lineup includes Buddhima Chalanu on bass, and Savidya Yasaru on drums, and, together, they create a sound that’s not just a reflection of their individual talents, but a collective vision.

Dileepa Liyanage: Brings
structural finesse and
atmospheric depth to the
band’s arrangements
What sets SIMPSON’S apart is their decision to keep the production in-house – mixing and mastering the song themselves. This allows them to maintain their unique sound and artistic autonomy.
“We work as a family and each member is given the freedom to work out his music on the instruments he handles and then, in the studio, we put everything together,” said Dileepa, adding that their goal is to release an album, made up of Sinhala and English songs.
Steering this creative core is manager Mangala Samarajeewa, whose early career included managing various international artistes. His guidance has positioned SIMPSON’S not merely as a performing unit, but as a carefully envisioned project – one aimed at expanding Sri Lanka’s contemporary music vocabulary.
SIMPSON’S are quite active in the scene here, performing, on a regular basis, at popular venues in Colombo, and down south, as well.
They are also seen, and heard, on Spotify, TikTok, Apple Music, iTunes, and Deezer.
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