Editorial
Supreme Court or People’s Court?
The country at large had few doubts that all the machinations clearly visible in recent weeks to ensure that no local elections countrywide will be held on March 9 was the work of President Ranil Wickremesinghe. Although various public service cat’s paws ranging from Neil Hapuhinna, the Secretary to the Ministry of Public Administration and Local Government, Mahinda Siriwardene, Secretary to the Treasury/Ministry of Finance and the Government Printer were the public face of the effort to scuttle these elections, the president’s speech in Parliament on Thursday made abundantly clear that he was the puppeteer pulling all the strings.
The Elections Commission and its Chairman, Nimal Punchihewa, admitted partial defeat when the postal voting scheduled to begin on Feb. 22 and continue for two more days thereafter was indefinitely postponed. The ostensible reason adduced for this was non-receipt of ballot papers. Although March 9 was announced as Election Day, deposits were received from candidates and nominations closed, there was no definitive statement from the powers that be that there will be no election next month. On the contrary, the ruling Wickremesinghe – Rajapaksa regime arranged for the UNP and SLPP to run together and submitted nominations on that basis. The SLPP’s general secretary, Sagara Kariyawasam in fact went public on many occasions expressing confidence of victory. That nobody took him seriously given the present country conditions is another matter. But the president’s parliamentary speech made very clear which way the papadam was crumbling.
Whether those who loudly proclaimed that they will bring the people to the streets if they are deprived of exercising their franchise will do so, or if the people will rally to their call, remain uncertain. The SJB’s recent attempt to march on Colombo was by no means spectacular. Wickremesinghe has made no secret of the fact that he long knew there will be no elections when he started his speech in Parliament on Thursday. He said he had sent word to SJB MP Mujibur Rahman, his party’s choice for Mayor of Colombo, not to resign his parliamentary seat anticipating the mayoralty. But Rahman (“I brought him to politics,” Ranil said) had not listened and paid the price of losing his parliamentary seat already filled by veteran AHM Fowzie who was next on the SJB’s preference list.
Wickremesinghe of course says that the election have not been postponed because no election has been called. He claims that what he previously called a “divided” Election Commission, had been inquorate when an election date had been fixed by its chairman and one other member. He has offered to provide evidence in support of this contention. As always he declared that he was a democrat but setting the economy right was his first priority. Nobody will disagree that given the current state of the economy and the government’s cash strapped situation, spending billions on an election will do little good for the country in a material sense. But the people also want to show the ruling establishment what they think of it. What better way of doing so but by an election? That is what the government funks and that, in the view of the electorate, is why, the government does not want to have any election at this point of time.
Remember it was at the last local election in 2018 when the Yahapalana government was in office that the electorate sent the first signal that the days of that administration were numbered. Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s election as president in November 2019 and the SLPP’s comfortable romp home to Parliament the next August followed. The majority of their electors today have little faith in local bodies that are well known to be both corrupt and inefficient. They will loudly applaud the promised measures to reduce the number of local councilors from about 8,000 countrywide at present to half that figure. But the electors are also too well aware that it is the very legislators who increased the number of councilors, be they members of Municipal/Urban Councils or Pradeshiya Sabhas to the present obscene level, who are now piously promising to halve the number. They will by no means willingly permit the incumbents in government to buy time for themselves by postponing elections.
We run a letter to the editor today by a reader who quit the public service at a senior level decades ago and lived in Geneva and the UK doing consultancy work for various UN agencies. Back now in Sri Lanka for good, he has suggested that we return to the pre-1977 old order and spread out local elections rather than have them in a single day. This is what is done in the UK and many other developed countries. He says that local bodies are elected by their constituencies to provide key services to local people. These elections were held in the past at different times, and not all together; he urges a return to that system so they are spread over several months. This would greatly reduce costs and may or may not be seen as the test of a central government’s popularity. Diffused local elections, of course, be less of a signal. Remember the UNP won the Colombo Municipal Council months after its 1956 rout.
Given that the president has now played the government’s hand, the response must be awaited. Will the opposition resort to the Supreme Court or the People’s Court. Are aragalayas past tense today with middle class support waning. Only time will tell.
Editorial
Chokepoint chokehold
Oil prices are surging again. The global benchmark, Brent crude, has surpassed USD 108 per barrel, and West Texas Intermediate has risen to USD 102 per barrel for the first time since May. They are expected to rise higher, making the global economy scream. At this rate, most countries, including Sri Lanka, will have to tighten restrictions on fuel consumption and increase prices.
US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu obviously did not bargain for the unfolding situation, when they plunged head first into attacking Iran. They claimed to have decapitated Iran after killing its spiritual leader and destroying some key military installations. They overestimated their military prowess and hoped to bomb Iran into submission in a matter of days, but now all signs are that the US is heading for another military imbroglio. If only Trump and Netanyahu had heeded Sun Tzu’s advice, in The Art of War, that in a conflict one must know one’s enemy as well as oneself.
It was obvious from the very beginning that defeating Iran would not be a walk in the park for the US and Israel, and unforeseen circumstances would upend the dynamics of the conflict, but they were impervious to reason.
Iran has apparently shifted from merely threatening US naval forces to targeting American warships, including an aircraft carrier. Recent reporting describes this as a significant escalation, with the US claiming that it has either intercepted or evaded Iranian missiles. But the US vessels are far from invulnerable.
In what could be considered another dramatic turn of events, Iran-aligned Houthis have captured Mocha, a port city in Yemen. They have since been sighted advancing along the Red Sea coast to strategic islands. They are on a mission to seize control of the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. The Houthis have declared that the strategic strait is safe for all shipping companies except for Saudi vessels. Saudi Arabia, the world’s largest oil exporter, has become heavily dependent on this strategically vital sea passage, due to the closure of Hormuz Strait, which has affected about 20% of global oil exports.
The Houthis have said their military action is defensive and in response to Saudi attacks on their interests, but it will lead to a further escalation of the conflict as they have demonstrated their ability to disrupt shipping through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. The US now has another big problem to contend with, and the unfolding Red Sea development may cost American taxpayers billions of dollars if Trump decides to intensify attacks on Houthi targets.
Iran has already shifted the West Asia conflict to the global economic front effectively by closing the Hormuz choke point, and the Houthis’ control over Bab el-Mandeb will stand it in good stead, but the closure of such chokepoints has the potential to deal a crippling blow to the world economy. The developing world will be the worst affected.
Trump’s over-optimism knows no bounds. He has stated that the Iran war will end after the US midterms due in November, but the deadlines he set in the past were not met. The Republican Party led by him is expected to suffer a huge electoral setback in November owing to his handling of the Iran conflict and domestic issues.
The Iran war is reported to have exacerbated a shortage of US missile defence weaponry, and the Department of Defence has reportedly made several deals to increase missile production urgently, but sophisticated missiles cannot be churned out overnight; it takes several years to produce some types in sufficient quantities to meet military requirements. It is believed that this kind of depletion of munition inventories could ‘constrain US military options for years and leave American troops, bases and allies more exposed in case of attacks’.
Meanwhile, the West Asia conflict has drastically changed global power dynamics. It may be too early to predict how long Iran will be able to hold out against US aggression, whether the US can continue offensive action amidst munition and economic constraints, and what the outcome of the current conflict will be, but one thing is clear; the American allies in West Asia as well as elsewhere must be demoralised perhaps to the extent of questioning their own wisdom of relying on Washington for their protection, when the best that Washington can hope for in the ongoing war with a non-nuclear power appears to be a Pyrrhic victory.
Editorial
Underworld going great guns
Saturday 12th September, 2026
Killings are reported with monotonous regularity in this country. Two children were killed in a grenade attack on a house in Dehiwala in the early hours yesterday. Their father, who sustained serious injury in the attack, is receiving treatment in hospital. The attackers came, lobbed the grenade and fled in a trishaw. The police have blamed an underworld gang for the attack, claiming that the attackers had mistaken the victims’ house for the residence of an associate of a rival drug dealer.
Whenever a shooting incident occurs, the police promptly attribute it to gang rivalries. True as their claims may be, the fact remains that the underworld has demonstrated its ability to strike anywhere at will. Nobody is safe. When the members of dangerous criminal gangs become targets of assassins, the vulnerability of law-abiding citizens goes without saying. The government and the police insist that their operations against underworld gangs have weakened crime syndicates considerably. If so, how is it possible that criminal gangs are operating so freely?
Crime syndicates have emerged so powerful that they even intimidate the lay custodians of holy shrines dedicated to the guardian deities of this country. They threaten to attack religious processions. One may recall that two months ago a drug dealer, known as Kanjipani Imran, operating from overseas, threatened to kill the Basnayake Nilame of the Devinuwara Devale if the annual perahera of the shrine included the popular kavadi segment without the participation of a group of dancers banned by the Devale authorities on disciplinary grounds. Imran demanded that the ban be lifted so that the dancers loyal to him could perform in the procession. The Basnayake Nilame refused to give in despite repeated threats. The police decided to have the kavadi dance scrapped in view of underworld threats and announced their decision. They claimed they had been compelled to do so as there were complaints of indecent exposure against sarong-clad kavadi dancers. No sooner had they made that announcement than they had to make an about-turn under government pressure, allowing all kavadi groups, including the one backed by Imran, to participate in the perahera. Thus, Kanjipani Imran had the last laugh.
Previous governments had their favourites in the underworld and shielded them. The J. R. Jayewardene government had criminals, such as Gonawala Sunil and Kalu Lucky, to do its dirty work. Kalu Lucky threw stones at the Supreme Court judges’ houses at the behest of his political masters who were resentful over some apex court judgements. The Ranasinghe Premadasa government shielded the likes of Soththi Upali. Beddegana Sanjeewa worked for the Chandrika Kumaratunga government, and the Mahinda Rajapaksa government had an underworld army led by notorious criminals like Julampitiya Amare and Wambotta. It is being asked in some quarters why Kanjipani Imran has not been arrested overseas and brought back. Even Makandure Madush, known as Sri Lanka’s Napoleon of Crime, was arrested in Dubai and brought here in 2019.
Frequent incidents of violence that snuff out lives may arise from fierce turf wars among drug dealers, as the police claim, but they pose a serious threat to public security. Hence the need for stringent action to prevent them. Informants are also among the victims of underworld violence. It is incumbent upon the police to redouble their efforts to neutralise the underworld.
Editorial
A flight of fancy
Friday 11th September, 2026
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s recent announcement that the government would set up 50 new universities came while university teachers were urging the government to solve a host of issues affecting their institutions. The Federation of University Teachers’ Associations (FUTA) lost no time in responding to the President’s grand plan.
FUTA Secretary Senior Lecturer Charudatta Ilangasinghe stressed that the government should focus on maintaining, funding, and improving the existing 17 state universities. Several key Opposition figures and opinion makers have also questioned the feasibility and prioritisation of establishing 50 more universities.
FUTA staged a protest the other day to pressure the government into addressing the structural problems affecting the university system. It is doubtful whether the government took any notice of the FUTA trade union action. Power blinds rulers to ground reality and drives them to bulldoze their way through.
The JVP-NPP government ought to get its priorities right. True, it cannot be held responsible for the current university crisis, which is not of recent origin. But it will have to take urgent steps to address the problems besetting the state universities. Previous governments let their political agendas take precedence over the wellbeing of the university system. They increased university admissions without adequately expanding academic staff and infrastructure. There is no gainsaying that university intakes should be increased for the benefit of students, but there should be a corresponding increase in resource allocations if universities are to function efficiently. FUTA has warned that university admissions based on the 2025 GCE A/L results could be delayed by one to two years until the enrolment of two previous batches.
All state universities in this country are being pushed beyond their capacity. Rising student numbers have placed enormous pressure on the already inadequate academic and physical resources. In 2025, FUTA pointed out that the annual student intake had steeply increased from around 25,000 in 2015/2016 to about 45,000, causing a severe strain on the entire university system. According to media reports quoting FUTA, state universities are operating with only about 6,800 permanent academics though there is a requirement of 12,000–13,000 teachers. FUTA has stated that PhD holders are unwilling to work for the current salaries, which are heavily taxed. Universities are among the state institutions worst affected by the human capital flight.
Among the burning issues highlighted by FUTA over the years are chronic staff shortages, brain drain, funding constraints and insufficient remuneration, lack of infrastructure and research, challenges to university autonomy and academic freedom, deterioration of the quality of higher education, and the misdirection of education reforms. Successive governments have sought political solutions to serious structural problems affecting the state university system.
As we pointed out in a previous comment, students in other Asian countries typically complete their first university degrees before they turn 21–24 years, but Sri Lankan students, particularly those in the state university system, often graduate in their mid-20s, with 24–26 years being a commonly observed range, according to the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) data. The late entry of Sri Lankan graduates into the workforce has economic, political and social consequences, and, above all, the delayed graduation places Sri Lankan graduates at a disadvantage in the global job market. This sorry state of affairs is basically due to cumulative institutional delays involving, among other things, the GCE A/L examination, university admissions, disruptions caused by strikes, irregular academic calendars, a shortage of academic and non-academic staff, student protests and university closures.
Modern universities are more than centres of academic excellence. They are central to the development of nations; they not only educate graduates in the conventional sense of the term but also generate new knowledge, skills and innovations, driving modern economies. The OECD has identified higher education as a key source of advanced skills in many countries, universities being the main providers of basic research that underpins innovation.
It is hoped that the government will put its grandiose plan to set up 50 universities on hold and intensify its focus on equipping the existing 17 seats of higher learning to meet current and future challenges.
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