Features
Sunethra saw the coming colour during the 1977 general election campaign
Warm compliments received and some personal anecdotes
Mr. Maithripala Senanayake
These thoughts would not be complete without a reference to Mr. Maithripala Senanayake. He was the Minister of Irrigation, Power and Highways and the Minister next in seniority to the Prime Minister. As such, he was appointed to act for the Prime Minister when she traveled out of the country. It was in this context that I came to know him well. Mr. Senanayake was affable and dignified. He spoke softly and acted calmly. He was unhurried, unruffled and clear in his thinking. He was intelligent, greatly experienced and well balanced.
These qualities no doubt endeared him to the people of his electorate, Medawachchiya, in the North Central Province, because he never lost that seat in over 50 years of parliamentary life, a record. When I had to work with him, when he was acting Prime Minister, I found him extremely responsible and cautious. He would not decide anything, without careful scrutiny and asking me how the Prime Minister would have viewed the matter. This however did not lead to delay. Rapidly reassuring himself on all aspects, he would then decide quickly.
Anything major, which could await the Prime Minister’s arrival, he held back. He was deeply conscious of the fact that he was acting, and was very proper in his conduct. We got on well and had a relationship of mutual respect. Sometimes he invited my wife and me home to dinner, which was always of the highest quality and personally supervised by his wife and Private Secretary Mrs. Ranji Senanayake.
She was a delightful and entertaining hostess with a fund of stories, anecdotes and insightful comments. As Private Secretary, she was very proper and never intervened in any matter relating to us, unless it was relevant and necessary. I enjoyed working with Mr. Senanayake as much as I enjoyed working with the Prime Minister and I could see that he appreciated my guidance, on some of the difficult issues that came up.
But I did not know or realize how deeply he had appreciated my work, until very much later, in fact, until virtually a few months prior to his death. He was then Governor of the North Central Province, and I was Secretary to the Ministry of Education and Higher Education. I had lost touch with him for a considerable period. One day, his wife rang me on some matter of a school in which he was interested which I promptly attended to. This was in October 1997 just two and a half months before my retirement. I then received a letter dated October 5, 1997 from Mr. Senanayake which moved me considerably due to its sincerity and depth of feeling. It made me feel that I had not toiled in vain. The personal reference to me in the letter was as follows:
“Dharmasiri, you are the last of a very special breed of public servants and I am afraid you belong to another era, another time, the calibre of public servants that you do not get now. Loyalty, integrity, trustworthy and valuable asset to any government. Always with the correct advice, and to the benefit of the government. Certainly, this Acting Prime Minister could not go wrong with you and I am well aware how fortunate Hon. Mrs. Bandaranaike was to have you as her Secretary when she was Prime Minister in the seventies. “
Parliament was dissolved and the election campaign begun. It was June 1977. Elections were to be held on July 21. Such a period between the dissolution of Parliament and the holding of a general election, whilst a hectic period politically, is a quieter period administratively. Ministers and other political elements are out in the field. The public service runs the administration, subject to occasional interludes with Ministers. Public institutions take on a somewhat deserted air.
I was in office, one day during this period, when Sunethra, the Prime Minister’s elder daughter and Coordinating Secretary literally burst into my room. Since the campaign started she and her sister Chandrika, the present President were spearheading the election activities in Attanagalla, the Prime Minister’s constituency, reputed to be one of the safest electorates in the country. Sunethra, I was aware, was out in the field, and she had told me so. Occasionally, when she came into office, she used to open the door of my room, from the threshold say she was off to Attanagalla and disappear.
This time she came right in, and was about to say something and leave, when I asked her how the election was going. ” Very badly” she said. “Where?” I asked. “In the whole country,” she replied. This was with about three weeks to go to polling. “At least Attanagalla is o.k.”, I said. “No,” she said.
“as things stand today she will lose Attanagalla.” This was indeed staggering news, and I saw that she was not joking. Soon, she hurried away leaving me somewhat stunned.
What had happened was that, because she was extremely busy, the Prime Minister had neglected her electorate. Her visits to meet the people there had been few and infrequent. She had entrusted electoral work to certain lower level party workers, who were ineffective, and among whom some were corrupt. Party supporters were isolated and had no regular senior and respected person to appeal to or articulate their grievances. They were now seething and in a rebellious mood. Added to this was a swing in public mood against the government.
When Sunethra, came again for a brief chat, almost a week before the election, I asked her how things were going. “She will now win,” she said, “but with a greatly reduced majority.” I asked her what the majority was likely to be. “A little over 10,000”, she said. If this was so it was going to be a drastic reduction from the usual majority of between 24,000 – 26,000 votes. Sunethra added further, that the electorate was badly neglected and that when they went from house to house some party supporters asked them, “Are you coming only now?”
She said that in many places, it was a humiliating experience for them. But she was prophetic. At the general elections, which proved a disaster for the SLFP, Mrs. Bandaranaike as predicted by Sunethra retained her seat by a majority of a little over 10,000 votes, when all around her was lost.
Prophecy, however did not end here. The ultimate prophet turned out to be the Army Commander General Sepala Attygalle’s barber. About three or four days before the elections, Sepala dropped in at the office. WT, I and a couple of others were talking to him. Sepala said that he had a most amusing tale to relate. He had been to his barber’s the previous day. Like most barbers, this one too was virtually a non-stop conversationalist. Sepala had asked him as to who was going to win the elections.
The barber had promptly replied “Sir, UNP 140. SLFP 10. Thondaman Leader of the Opposition!”. Sepala was highly amused by what he thought to be this intemperate, wishful thinking dreamer his barber was. His whole body was shaking with laughter as he related the story. He was later to say that the barber should have been in a University teaching political analysis.
Sunethra Bandaranaike
Before I conclude my references to personalities, it would be relevant to refer to Sunethra. I have already related an instance of the remarkable quality of her political analysis. This was but a typical example of her capacity for lucid thinking. She had a good and trained mind, and she used it with a degree of discipline free of political emotion which was remarkable in so political a personality. She had her views and convictions. But she like her mother was prepared to listen and if necessary change. In her, strong convictions did not hinder the free play of intelligence and she was prepared to depart from dogma if there were sufficiently cogent reasons.
She had the rare ability of amalgamating strong convictions with an open mind and holding both in balance. These intellectual qualities were supplemented by a deep humanism and kindness towards others. I remember how distraught she was when the Additional Secretary, Ministry of Planning Dr. Ananda Meegama’s young son died in a bicycle accident. She nearly exhausted herself by running to the hospital, taking the initiative in getting the body out as soon as possible, consoling the family and attending to so many matters as if this was a bereavement in her own family.
There was also the time, when she being aware that my father was quite ill, came to my room early evening on a Friday, and asked me whether I had enough money at home in case of an emergency. She reminded me that it won’t be possible to cash a cheque over the weekend. She wanted to give me some money in case I needed it. She knew I was extremely busy with my work and wanted to make sure that I had not overlooked a possibly serious contingency.
This was her nature, and it was a pleasure to work with her. It was perhaps the country’s misfortune that she had opted to retain her personal freedom over the shackles and the nastiness of competitive representational politics.
Breakfast with President Gopallawa
Virtually on the eve of the elections, the President’s office spoke to me and stated that the President, Mr. William Gopallawa wanted me to join him at breakfast, on the day after the poll. He was also inviting WT Jayasinghe, the Service Chiefs and the IGP. The President’s aim was to have us as an advisory group in his management of the post-election situation until a new government was installed.
We were at President’s House by 7.30 a.m. The President had ordered a sumptuous breakfast. By now, the results announced upto that time indicated a complete rout of the government. Most of the Ministers had lost their seats as well. Among them was the powerful Mr. Felix Dias Bandaranaike, who lost his safe seat in Dompe to Sarathchandra Rajakaruna, a newcomer to Parliamentary politics. It was evident that the United National Party was going to obtain a majority of well over two-thirds of the seats. In the end they ended up with over five-sixths of the seats, an astounding record.
In these clear circumstances, there was not much advice that we could proffer, nor was there much advice needed. There was one matter however, the President discussed with us. The Commissioner of Elections could not declare the complete result of the election until the results of the three member; Multi-Member seat of Nuwara-Eliya/Maskeliya came in. There was a delay in counting there due to the great length of the ballot paper. By the early afternoon of July 22nd all the results were in except for this electorate.
There was information coming in that people were getting restless due to this delay and that some incidents had begun to occur. Under these circumstances, after discussion with us, the President telephoned Mr. JR Jayewardene, the leader of the UNP and Prime Minister elect and suggested that he makes an appeal over the radio for calm, until the final result was declared. Mr. Jayewardene accepted this advice and his broadcast helped to calm things down. There was nothing more for us to do at President’s House, but WT and I decided to go to Horagolla, Mrs. Bandranaike’s country seat, about an hour’s drive from Colombo.
But before we left, I had an important telephone call to make. This was to Mr. Menikdiwela, Secretary, to the Leader of the Opposition, Mr. JR Jayewardene’s Secretary. I knew that he would now require the famous “Subjects and Functions” files, and it was my duty to discuss this with him. I got him over the telephone at Ward Place, the residence of Mr. Jayewardene. After the congratulations and good wishes, I told him that WT and I were going to Horagolla, and asked him whether I could leave the files with Mr. HK Fernando, the Senior Clerk handling the subject and who by now was an expert on the whole subject area.
Mr. Menikdiwela agreed, and we were off to Horagolla. When we reached there, as expected, gloom prevailed. Mrs. Bandaranaike was in tears when she greeted us. But we soon cheered her up. We knew that she was very resilient. What she needed now was to get out of the state of denial, in which she was and face reality squarely. WT and I thought, that optimism and frankness were both necessary.
Among other things, I told her “Madam, I am going to use a cricketing metaphor. This match, you have lost comprehensively by an innings. What is necessary now is to learn the lessons of this match and prepare for the next match.” She laughed and agreed. Both of us; as we took our leave, felt sad to see her in the condition she was in, and on the journey back to Colombo, there was little conversation between us.
Points of View
By this time, I had worked with Mrs. Bandaranaike for over seven years as her Secretary and about four and a half years as her Assistant Secretary, during which period I also acted for the Secretary on a few occasions. I have already commented on some of the major issues that she had faced and my assessment of her outlook, character and abilities. But what did she think of my work? I had reason to believe that she was pleased. This was demonstrated both through her general attitude towards me as well as the occasional gesture.
One such gesture was a recognition by her of the virtually exhausting hours of work I put in just prior to, during and for sometime after, the Non-Aligned Summit. One day, when she came to office she presented me with a gold Rolex watch. This had been one of the personal gifts she had received during the conference. But I really came to know the depth of her appreciation much later. I was in the habit of writing a short letter wishing her well on her birthday. Particularly, in the context of a new government, I did not consider it proper to personally visit her.
She herself, as I have already pointed out was very proper in her own actions and fully understood I could not come. In reply to a letter from me wishing her on her birthday in 1989, she wrote me a rather long letter, dated 2nd May 2, 1989. In it, she stated as follows:
“I realize the responsibility cast on you having to handle a large Ministry. (This was the Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Co-operatives). I do not envy you. In fact, I really sympathize with you because you area person who is so conscientious of your duties. I have watched you when you were my Secretary. I can imagine the workload you have to shoulder I wish you the best and the strength to shoulder the responsibilities cast on you.”
Again, on 4/5/1992, in reply to a letter of birthday greetings to her, where I also wrote stating that I was nearing 55 years of age and that I would have to give some serious thought as to my future, she wrote as follows:
“I didn’t realize that you are nearly 55 years in age. You can afford to work longer, perhaps not at the same pace you have been doing. I hope you are not thinking of retiring just now. The country needs honest and dedicated public servants like you. This is very rare these days. I hope you are not working so hard as you used to. We are old and no longer getting young. “
In addition to these written sentiments, I was also aware of the complimentary manner in which she had referred to me to several people. One such person was Mr. Lalith Athulathmudali, who was my Minister in the Ministry of Agriculture, Food and Cooperatives at the time. One day, he came from Parliament and said “There, I met an admirer of yours in Parliament today.” I asked who it was. He said Mrs. Bandaranaike, and went on to add that she had said that he was lucky to have me as his Secretary.
These sentiments, I am aware, she carried to the end of her life.
As late as 1997, when we went to Rosmead Place to invite her to be an attesting witness at our son’s wedding, she was not in the best of health. She appeared frail and had a badly swollen foot wrapped in bandages. Seeing her in this condition, whilst stating the purpose of our visit, I also said that we did not wish to impose on her if she was not well enough. She wouldn’t hear of it. What she said touched us deeply. She said, “I will come. But I’m not sure that I will be able to walk. In that case, I will come in my wheelchair.”
(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, by MDD Pieris)
Features
The new doctor–patient relationship in the age of AI
When Patients Become Partners:
The Waiting Room That Never Empties
Picture a government hospital outpatient department on any weekday morning. Rows of plastic chairs fill before five o’clock. A mother holds a feverish infant against her chest, a folder of lab reports on her lap. An elderly man has travelled two-six hours by bus from his village. When she finally reaches the doctor, perhaps after three hours of waiting, the consultation lasts 2-4 minutes. A prescription is written in a hand that only the pharmacist has any hope of deciphering.
This is not a story of negligent unempathetic doctors. Most of those doctors are exhausted, processing 60 or 70 patients before lunch, doing the rough arithmetic of a system stretched well beyond its seams. Some patients jokingly compare busy clinics to a skilled coconut plucker moving rapidly from one tree to the next—not because doctors lack compassion, but because the system often leaves them little time to pause. In the private sector, the metaphor shifts — but only in its economics, not its pace. There, the imperative is to climb as many coconut trees as possible. What changes is who bears the cost of the hurry.
A legacy worth defending
Sri Lanka’s public health record is, by any regional measure, something to be proud of. Free healthcare at the point of delivery, a maternal/infant mortality rate that rivals middle-income countries far wealthier than us, these are not accidents. They are the product of generations of political will, professional dedication, and the idea that good health is a right, not a privilege.
The economic crisis of recent years sent a wave of trained doctors and nurses toward the Gulf, Australia, Canada and the United Kingdom. Specialists, who took a decade to train, departed within months. Meanwhile, the cost of private consultations has climbed beyond the reach of ordinary families, pushing them back toward an overstretched public system, or toward no professional care at all.
Patients who did their homework
Something else has changed, and it has changed faster than the system expected. The patient sitting across from the doctor today is not the patient of 10 years ago. She may have spent the previous evening consulting reputable online health resources or AI assistants, such as ChatGPT, to better understand her symptoms. He may have photographed his blood test results and run them through an AI tool that flagged an anomaly before the doctor mentioned it. They arrive with questions, about what additional tests are necessary for further diagnosis, about whether a test is strictly necessary, about what a particular reading on their lipid panel actually means for their life, especially when their life-styles are different. This is what educated, anxious human beings do when something threatens their health. The information age did not ask permission. It simply arrived.
The response from some doctors has been impatience, the feeling that an informed patient is a difficult patient. But the more productive response, increasingly voiced by thoughtful practitioners, is to see this shift as an opportunity. An informed patient is an engaged patient. An engaged patient is more likely to follow a treatment plan, more likely to return for follow-up, more likely to catch an error.
Authority to partnership
The old model of medicine was hierarchical by design. The doctor knew; the patient obeyed. That model had its logic, in an era when the knowledge gap between professional and layperson was absolute. That gap has not closed, but it has narrowed leading to a partnership.
There are doctors in Sri Lanka who already practise this way: arriving on time, spent 15-30 minutes with patients, contactable over the phone specially after a difficult procedure, for communicating plainly and without condescension. They are proof that the ideal is not utopian. It is achievable, which means the question is how to make it the norm rather than the exception.
Smarter, Not Harder
This is where technology enters, not as a replacement for clinical judgment but as a tool for reducing the friction that currently exhausts both doctor and patient.
Take the laboratory report cycle. A patient visits the doctor, is sent for tests, and a second appointment is required. A patient who arrives having already run those results through an AI-assisted tool is not trying to bypass clinical judgment or sidestep any genuine treatment decision. They are trying to eliminate a visit if they “know” that sole purpose is simply for an interpretation of the lab results. That second visit consumes time, money, efforts and transport. AI-assisted interpretation tools, not diagnostic systems, but educational ones, can give a patient a plain-language summary of their results (sometimes using Sherlock Holms’s theory of process of elimination to narrow down the possible causes) before they even walk into the consulting room. The doctor’s time is then spent on clinical decision-making, not on explaining what a haemoglobin or platelets count is.
Then there is the prescription. Illegible handwriting on a small slip of paper has long been a quiet patient safety hazard, and it is worth noting that AI tools have already begun helping patients and pharmacists decode what was written. But digital prescriptions go a step further: they eliminate the ambiguity entirely, and allow a patient to scan what they have been given, learn the name of each drug, understand what it does, and be alert to any side effects. This is not a challenge to the doctor’s authority. And when a patient discovers in the process that an approved generic equivalent costs a fraction of the branded price, they are empowered, not endangered.
Telemedicine, which got a reluctant push during the pandemic and has since retreated in public imagination, deserves a second look. Follow-up consultations for stable chronic conditions, blood pressure reviews, diabetes management, post-operative monitoring, need not always require a physical journey. The technology exists. The will to use it more widely is what remains to be mobilised.
Wisdom in herb garden
No conversation about healthcare in Sri Lanka is complete without acknowledging the parallel system that millions of people have never abandoned: traditional Hela medicine. Ayurveda, Siddha, Unani, and the vast informal knowledge embedded in village practice, these are not simply alternatives to modern medicine. For many Sri Lankans, they are the first resort.
The relationship between indigenous knowledge and scientific medicine has too often been one of mutual suspicion. Modern practitioners dismiss traditional remedies as unproven; traditional practitioners regard clinical trials as a foreign imposition. Neither position is adequate.
Consider Heen Bovitiya — known to botanists as Osbeckia octandra and to generations of Sri Lankan grandmothers as a trusted remedy for liver complaints and jaundice. Serious liver disease remains one of the conditions for which Western medicine offers no easy answer: its definitive treatment is a transplant — costly, risky, and followed by a lifetime of expensive immunosuppressant medication. Against that reality, a plant with pre-clinical evidence of hepatoprotective and anti-inflammatory properties is not a curiosity. It is a serious research priority. The studies so far are promising. They are also, as yet, large-scale clinical trials in humans have not been conducted, and questions of optimal dosage, mechanism of action, and drug interactions remain open.
The honest position is neither to dismiss the remedy nor to prescribe it uncritically. It is to say: this is a serious candidate for rigorous investigation, and Sri Lanka, which grows the plant, knows its traditional uses, and has the academic institutions to study it, is precisely the right place to conduct that research. AI tools that can process vast pharmacological datasets may accelerate that work considerably.
The future of healthcare should not be a competition between Western and indigenous medicine, but a commitment to evaluating all treatments by the same standards of safety, effectiveness, and quality.
Future Is Not a Machine. It Is a Better Conversation.
The fear that artificial intelligence will replace doctors is, at this stage, a distraction from the more important question. AI cannot examine a patient. It cannot feel the anxiety in a room. What it can do is handle the transactional, the look-up, the summary, the cross-reference, so that the human part of medicine can breathe.
The future worth working toward is not AI versus doctors. It is AI and doctors and informed patients, each contributing what they do best. The doctor could bring clinical expertise and the irreplaceable capacity for compassion. The patient brings self-knowledge, lived experience, and, increasingly, preparation. The technology brings tireless availability and pattern recognition at scale.
What we measure matters. A consulting room’s success should not be counted in patients seen per hour. It should be counted in patients who leave feeling informed about their condition, respected as partners in their own care, reassured that someone is genuinely attending to them, and confident about what to do next.
The Thing Patients Remember
There is a truth that experienced nurses know, that the best doctors quietly understand, and that patient experience research consistently confirms: patients may forget the prescriptions. They may forget the name of the drug, the dosage, even the diagnosis. But they rarely forget how they were treated, pleasant or rude.
They remember the doctor who looked up from the desk. The one who said, “That’s a good question.” The one who spent two extra minutes to listen, drawing a small diagram to explain where the problem was. They remember being seen, not just examined, but truly seen, as a person rather than a case number.
Sri Lanka has those doctors and nurses, in every district, in every ward, working against the odds. The task now is to build a system worthy of them, and of the patients who place their lives, without much choice in the matter, in their hands.
Technology may transform medicine. Artificial intelligence may transform diagnosis. Digital health may transform hospitals. But trust will always define healing.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT, Malabe. Views expressed in this article are personal.)
Features
Eric J. de Silva: consummate public servant and my life-long friend
By G. Usvatte-aratchi
(B.A. (Cey.); Ph.D. (Cantab.))
Eric came to Ramanathan Hall in June, 1954, from Mahinda College, Galle, with much celebrity. He was one of the youngest in the freshmen class. In Galle, in the 1950s, there were several schools where students studied to enter the University of Ceylon: Mahinda, Richmond and St. Aloysius’. Mahinda College, under Principal E .A. Wijesuriya, had become a powerhouse, sending brilliant students to the University of Ceylon. Siri Gunasinghe was on his way to stardom, shining brightly in Sinhala poetry, fiction and drama, besides his main academic interest in arts history. Eric, in time, shone with no less brilliance in a wider constellation, spreading enriching light onto the lives of millions of people in this land. I was privileged to be his friend.
We were two among the 20 students who studied for the Economics Special degree, 1958. His teachers included A. J. Wilson and I. D. S. Weerawardena, both outstanding academics who excelled as scholars as well as teachers. His fellow students were Mirani Perera (Secretary, Central Bank), Dharmasiri de Alwis (later Dharmasiri Senanayake), (Secretary of the SLFP, a Minister in Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s government, and a smart politician), Wijeratne (GATT, Geneva) and several others. I followed a different specialisation and chose a different career.
In 1959, Eric joined the public service as a member of the elite Ceylon Civil Service. It was usual for a few of the smartest students in the university, each year, to compete for a few places in the Ceylon Civil Service and Eric was one of them. A few who preferred an academic career stayed back in the university; in our year Hemapala Wijewardena, a truly brilliant man who rose to be Professor in the Department of Sinhala in Colombo, was one such.
In 1955 (or 1956?) N. K. Sarkar from Calcutta, who taught us statistics, and S. J. Tambiah, who later became Director of the Peabody Museum and a world-renowned anthropologist at Harvard, undertook a survey of five villages in Patadumbara, as they were interested in changes in our society and agrarian relations in that part of the country. The findings of that Survey, published by the University of Ceylon Press as ‘The Disintegrating Village,’ were seminal, in effect. The anthropological studies of Edmund Leach (of Cambridge), Pul Eliya and later, the prolific work of the anthropologist Gananath Obeysekera (of Princeton) were deeply influenced as to the methods of research and subject matter thereof. Eric and I were teamed together to visit families and fill questionnaires. One morning, we noticed that the families we visited lived in thatched houses, most of which had no lockable doors. Out of curiosity we gently inquired why they did not lock their doors. They in return asked us why would anyone want to burgle homes where there was nothing to steal.
Eric married Trixie soon after she graduated having wooed her after she came to Peradeniya. Trixie and her sister Dulcie lived with their aunt in a house immediately next to the Boys’ Hostel of the Hikkaduva Central School, where we juniors were housed. Their brother Derek was at school (Richmond?) in Galle and later joined the Army as an officer. Sarachchandra started rehearsing students to act in Maname in 1956 and Trixie was selected to the small choir. Eric immediately became a keen, avid aficionado of drama and missed hardly any rehearsal. He made sure that he stayed close to Peradeniya after graduation by securing a position as a teacher in Dharmaraja College, Kandy. Their four children brought distinction to themselves and their parents. Nishantha, a scientist, who taught at Jayewardenepura, and later at State College, Pennsylvania, was most remarkable in her devotion to the care of her son; Manjula won first class honours in economics at Colombo and obtained a higher degree in London; Varuna, who stayed back in Colombo with his father and Sanjaya with a Ph.D. from Yale and was a Professor of Economics at Bard College in upstate New York. Apart from their intellectual brilliance they honoured themselves and their parents by maintaining lives of the highest integrity.
Eric was the Government Agent in Trincomalee for several years and lived in a bungalow in a sprawling compound with the beach as one boundary. Deer freely roamed in his compound. One summer, which we spent in Colombo, my family were their guests. Trixie and Eric were perfect and graceful hosts and the children had a whale of a time which they recalled for many years. Varuna was the leader of the gang and we had one photograph (from those days of cumbersome photography) of them going in a procession on the beach. As the children grew up to go to school, Eric came to live in Wijerama Mawatha, Colombo.
Among the episodes in his work that Eric talked about, two stand out in my memory. Eric worked in an office of Prime Minster of Sirimavo Bandaranaike, with W. T. Jayasinghe as the Permanent Secretary. Martin Wickremasinghe’s novel Bava Taranaya was published in 1973 and, immediately, there was widespread agitation among some Buddhists because the account in the novel of the life of Siddhartha Gautama differed very much from the orthodox accounts that had grown over more than a millennium. Prominent learned bhikkhu led the charge, among them Yakkaduve Pragnarama of Vidyalankara and Henpitagedera Gnanaseeha. Bhikku were one of the highly influential parts of the constituency of SLFP and Gnanaseeha was one of the most prominent among them. Bandaranaike was a most astute politician and could not be rushed into any ill-advised action. Jayasinghe informed Eric that the Prime Minister wanted a report on the book to help her make up her mind on the question. During a weekend, Eric read the novel and his report was handed over by Jayasingha to the Prime Minister. Someone wrote an evaluation of Bava Taranaya, a few days ago in the Lankadeepa.
When Eric was in Trincomalee, Amaradasa Gunawardena (Ramanathan,1958, Sinhala Special) was in Polonnaruva. One year there was a severe drought which threatened to ruin the rice crop in Trincomalee while the reservoirs in Polonnaruva were brimful. There was much agitation and rice growers urged politicians and public servants to seek solutions. Eric spoke to Amaradasa and went to meet him at the border. Hope ran high in Trincomalee. In the evening, when he returned to his office, Eric was garlanded and there was much jubilation. He continued to be feted the whole week. Many prominent citizens and savvy politicians urged Eric to contest the Trincomalee seat in Parliament. There were precedents when successful Government Agents had successfully entered politics from their districts. Eric limited himself to become a distinguished public servant.
Eric’s work at the Ministry of Education made a lasting impression on his mind. Of the many problems he handled as a senior public servant, nothing interested him as school education did. I had learnt about medieval universities, for the first time, in a course of three lectures that Fr. S. I. Pinto delivered in my first year at Peradeniya. Eric was not in that course. I read Rashdall’s three-volume definitive study on that subject and has never stopped reading it. I came back to live in Colombo in 1996, with a commitment to contribute to educating the public on economics and social problems in the country and selectively elsewhere. About that time there were a few scholars actively studying school education: Swarna Jayaweera, S. Sanderasegaram, Ariyadasa de Silva (all in Colombo), Chandra Gunawardana (Open University) and G. B. Gunawardana (NIE). They were mostly students of the illustrious professor J .E. Jayasuriya (Peradeniya). They provided a small audience with whom we could share our interests. Both Eric and I delivered lectures in honour of J. E. Jayasuriya. Eric used to pick up Varuna’s daughter from the British School which was 10 minutes’ walk from my home and Eric, not infrequently, stepped in. We often chatted on subjects that interested us. After a while, Eric suggested that we might collect a few more people to join in the conversations. Effortlessly, we went back to Peradeniya days and invited Haris de Silva (historian and Government Archivist), W. M. K. Wijetunge (historian and Professor) K. S. E. Jayatilaka (Economic Statistician and Deputy Governor, Central Bank) and Mettananda (Ministry of Education).
We pompously called ourselves the Education Research and Study Group (ERSG) and met in my porch. Each of us contributed an equal sum of money, which did not amount to a lot but we managed it carefully. The only resources we received from outside were the services of a professor from a German university, which the Goethe-Institut, Colombo paid for. We mostly chatted about what we had read and mused about in the previous fortnight and our reactions to educational matters that had come up. We discussed both school and university education. Our discussions inspired Eric to write the short book, ‘Politics of Education Reform and other Essays’. When we had sufficient material, we called a public seminar and were pleasantly surprised that we had an audience. We congratulated ourselves when the ministry changed a policy or other course of action in reaction our presentations in the press. We disbanded ourselves when some of us pre-occupied themselves with other matters.
We celebrate Eric’s life and work. He carried with himself the education and training that he received from Mahinda College, Galle and the University of Ceylon. With quiet efficiency, that was characteristic of much of the Civil Service, Eric worked at the highest levels in management when institutions in the new state Ceylon were yet in a formative stage. As that state matured into Sri Lanka, the purposes and procedures in many of those institutions frayed and their energy sapped. The commitment and the enthusiasm that Eric exhibited are high value assets with which to start their reformation and revitalisation.
Features
People’s mandate and judicial legitimacy
Sri Lanka is witnessing the dismantling of the culture of impunity that dominated public life for decades. This is happening through the courts, police investigations and legal process. It is not an easy task and requires strong leadership as it is generating strong resistance. The ongoing revelations about the nexus between politicians, including those at the highest levels, and criminal networks show that the government’s electoral mandate with regard to corruption and crime is now being translated into action through the legal system. The vote of the people at the last national elections was for a corruption free country and an end to the climate of impunity that had prevailed for decades. They voted for a system change that would replace impunity with accountability under the rule of law. They expected those who had looted the country and brought it to the point of bankruptcy to be held accountable through the due process of law.
The cases that are being investigated by the police, in tandem with the Attorney General’s Department, and adjudicated by the judiciary are based on hard evidence. Much of the evidence that is now receiving publicity had been available several years ago and had even entered the legal process. In the past those cases failed to reach fruition. Investigations lost momentum, prosecutions failed to marshal the available evidence and many cases were dismissed, some on technical grounds. Between 2019 and 2024, a total of 102 cases were withdrawn from the courts by the government authorities. The public knew, or strongly believed, that corruption and serious crimes had taken place. The inability to establish wrongdoing before a court of law and hold those responsible accountable created a climate in which political power appeared to provide protection from legal accountability.
A countrywide study titled Factors Guiding Voter Preference in Elections in Sri Lanka was commissioned by the National Peace Council prior to the 2024 elections under the European Union funded project Active Citizens for Elections and Democracy and conducted by researchers Dr Mahesh Senanayake and Ms Crishni Silva of the University of Colombo. It found overwhelming public support for accountability and good governance. While 93 percent of respondents identified resolving the economic crisis as their foremost electoral concern, an equally striking 83 percent said they prioritised candidates committed to fighting corruption. The mandate given to the government can, therefore, be interpreted to mean to restore integrity to public life and end the long standing culture of impunity.
Different Approach
Today, it can be seen that the police, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the Attorney General’s Department and the judiciary are approaching matters of impunity in respect of corruption and crime in a manner that is markedly different from the past. Several persons who formerly occupied high office have now been subjected to due legal process and, in a number of cases, convicted after judicial scrutiny at different levels of the court system. This is an important difference from earlier years when cases involving politically prominent persons frequently failed to proceed or collapsed before reaching their conclusion. The strength of the present accountability process lies not only in the convictions that have been secured but also in the growing public confidence that no one is above the law. It is in this context that reports of a government proposal to extend by two years the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal have generated support from those who wish to see the present accountability process continue and opposition from those who see it as an attempt to influence the judiciary.
Many countries have increased judicial retirement ages in recognition of longer life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. This has not only been limited to the judiciary but also the academia and the public service. However, the controversy in Sri Lanka is due to the context and as the proposal for an extension of the period of service of judges of the superior courts comes at a time when the courts are hearing politically significant corruption and criminal cases. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka has taken the lead in questioning the proposed constitutional amendment. The BASL has stated that it “notes with grave concern” reports that the government is considering increasing the retirement age of judges of the Supreme Court and the Court of Appeal. It has warned that extending the tenure of sitting judges at this point of time is likely to be viewed by the public as an attempt to interfere with the independence of the judiciary.
The main issue raised by the BASL is therefore one of preserving public confidence in the administration of justice. A discussion organised by the BASL also highlighted that this issue has implications beyond Sri Lanka. Representatives of the Commonwealth Lawyers Association and LAWASIA acknowledged that many countries have increased the retirement age of judges in recognition of greater life expectancy and the value of retaining experienced judges. Their concern was not with increasing the retirement age itself but with changing the tenure of sitting judges while politically significant corruption cases are before the courts. In such circumstances, even well intentioned reform could create a public perception that the judiciary is being influenced to take forward the government’s mandate in a partisan manner.
Maintain Confidence
The challenge before the government is to preserve two equally important objectives. The first is to continue implementing the people’s mandate to hold the corrupt and those responsible for grave crimes accountable before the law. The second is to ensure that nothing is done which could diminish public confidence in the independence and impartiality of the judiciary that is entrusted with carrying out that responsibility. The strength of the present accountability process lies in the confidence it has generated among the public that investigations, prosecutions and judicial decisions are being made according to law as in the convictions that have been secured. Sri Lanka has come a long way from the days when politically sensitive cases rarely reached a successful conclusion. It would be unfortunate if doubts regarding the independence of the judiciary were to overshadow what has otherwise been a significant institutional achievement.
In the face of the concerns expressed by the BASL, opposition political parties and international legal organisations, it would be prudent for the government to widen the discussion on the proposed amendment. If there is a compelling case to increase the retirement age of judges of the superior courts, that case should be placed before the public and parliament and debated openly. Such a constitutional amendment should not rest solely on the government’s parliamentary majority, even if it has the numbers to secure its passage. Simply utilising the numbers that the government on its own to make changes to the constitution will not increase its legitimacy or credibility. Those values will be strengthened if they were preceded by public consultation and supported across party lines in Parliament. Bipartisan political support can be expected from those in the opposition, of whom there are many, who have shown an inclination to practice responsible politics in the national interest.
The people voted not only to change a government but to change a system. They expected those who abused public trust to be held accountable through institutions that commanded public confidence. That expectation is beginning to be fulfilled. It should not be placed at risk by constitutional change that lacks broad public acceptance. If the government believes there is a compelling case to extend the retirement age of the judges of the superior courts, it should first make that case to the people and seek bipartisan support in Parliament with those in the opposition who are also sincere about anti-corruption and good governance. The challenge is to protect the independence of the judiciary while ensuring that no one is above the law. Overcoming this challenge is the surest way to make Sri Lanka’s transition from a culture of impunity to one of accountability a lasting one.
by Jehan Perera
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