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“State of the nation” at Lanka’s 75th Independence anniversary

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Dayanath Jayasuriya
(ed.)(2023) Sri Lanka @75: Perils of Complacency in a Fragile Nation, Delhi: Har-Anand Publications

Book Review
Paul Carmichael

Professor of Public Policy and Government
Director of the Centre for Public Administration
School of Applied Social and Policy Sciences
Ulster University
Belfast.

This book is the latest in a long string of publications penned or edited by its eminent author, Dr Dayanath Jayasuriya. Through his multi-faceted career in public service, including his appointment to the President’s Counsel, as well as corporate leadership, both in Sri Lanka and internationally, Jayasuriya is ideally placed to bring to bear a wealth of experience, while prevailing upon colleagues from his extensive networks developed over half a century, to contribute to this collection of essays and reflections.

To that end, the assembled works represent a sober assessment of the ‘state of the nation’ on the 75th anniversary of its independence from British colonial rule, with thoughtful, considered and sometimes provocative contributions from leading thinkers, public servants and others in positions of influence.

The book consists of three principal sections. In the first, entitled ‘Articles’, there are six substantive chapters, each authored by distinguished academics or practitioners, two of whom are emeritus professors. In turn, the chapters consider: developments in the economy; aspects of education policy; the health service; the legal system; the constitution; and the Tamil struggle and related civil war. To varying degrees, these contributions are supported by tables, charts and other information to underscore the arguments being advanced.

The second section is entitled ‘Comments’ and contains six much shorter contributions, ranging from two to no more than four pages apiece. Each submission offers a pithy reflection on, respectively: the changing role of the central bank; foreign policy; religion, law and constitution (by the Editor); the status of women; recent developments including the flight of President Rajapaksa in 2022; and the stock market.

The third section comprises a series of 10 annexes, all prepared by the Editor himself. Annex one provides a select bibliography, enabling the interested reader to pursue their curiosity through other publications, grouped by topic. Annexes two through 10 provide commentaries (originally published in the Press) on a range of issues in Sri Lankan public life over the period 2020-2022.

After over 30 years of having been gripped by a brutal terrorist campaign and civil war emanating across the entire island from the troubled far north around Jaffna, which itself occasioned a government counter-insurgency initiative frequently decried for its ferocity, Sri Lanka emerged into a post-conflict period in 2009. In different circumstances, it might have aspired to resume an undiluted focus by the state on social and economic improvement that had characterised its early days as an independent sovereign nation.

However, while the anti-terrorist drive was successful in eradicating the most obvious source of the insurrection, the legacy has been a bitter harvest of festering grievances on which new dark forces have fed gleefully, stoking fresh resentments borne of atavistic rivalries. These, together with a catalogue of unwise decisions, corruption, nepotism, rigid bureaucracy, ineptitude, racial divisions readily stoked by the scurrilous, and all lubricated with a financial system over-exposed to foreign loans with their punitive conditionality – all of which constitute “missed opportunities and colossal blunders”, to quote the Editor – have served to sap the capacity of successive governments to effect the range and scale of changes so desperately needed and sought by the population.

Add in the fact that a unitary form of government which, at best, fails to meet the needs of minorities and at worst, provides fertile ground for inter-communal ethnic and religious discord, strife and violence, and it is little wonder that the early hopes of those who campaigned for the end of colonial rule to create a sovereign country that could take its place among the nations, must surely have been dashed.

After all of that, mounting economic strains helped precipitate a debt default, the first in the nation’s history, in 2022. That, and the aftermath of successive traumas since the 2004 tsunami and then the covid pandemic of 2020, both in its direct effect and through the global disruption to travel, trade and tourism it wrought, have compounded the crisis.

The resultant backwash from international creditors, exacting impossibly heavy conditions for continued financial relief, has occasioned seismic social and economic dislocation and suffering across the country, as well as political instability, with chaotic scenes ensuing as mobs rampaged around the capital city, Colombo, and including the unceremonious storming and sacking of the President’s official residence, before his hasty flight into exile in 2022.

It is a tale of unremitting woe, and the reader could easily be forgiven for concluding that the candid analysis of all the contributors must leave one pessimistic as to the future prospects of this proud nation and its people. Together, the various authors don’t mince their words in highlighting the multiple shortcomings of those individuals and organisations that, through their actions and inactions, words and deeds, have served to exacerbate difficulties instead of fulfilling the proper role of leadership through bringing cool minds, careful analysis and measured commentary to help diffuse tensions, and chart viable pathways to a more sustainable future for the country.

The fortitude and enterprising culture of the population, tested by calamities both natural and man-made in origin, but having proved resilient in the face of such adversity, leaves the country facing formidable challenges but not so downbeat as to have sunk fully into an abyss of despondency, a failed state in the making. Thus, while not seeking to gloss over the scale of what must be done to effect positive and sustainable change and recovery, the reader can find some cause for hope among these pages.

With quiet and patient resolve, buttressed by an adherence to sound husbandry of the economy and the nation’s finances, and eschewing the dogma of both extreme dirigisme on the one hand and laissez faire on the other, a ‘middle way’ might yet be found, blending proactive state intervention in a supportive partnership with free enterprise, as well as a vibrant third sector of community and voluntary organisations that can yield progress in securing sustained economic growth, social justice and well-being.

To achieve this desirous state of affairs, the country is not without advantages. It is fortunate to have an education system which has achieved much in the years since independence, helping to liberate the talents of the people and providing a firm foundation for future economic development. With strong, autonomous, and independent institutions, protected by the rule of law, as free as possible from the temptations of corruption and depredations of politicians, intent on self-interest and amassing personal fortunes from their fellow citizens, there may yet be grounds for optimism about the future.



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Misinterpreting President Dissanayake on National Reconciliation

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President Dissanayake

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been investing his political capital in going to the public to explain some of the most politically sensitive and controversial issues. At a time when easier political choices are available, the president is choosing the harder path of confronting ethnic suspicion and communal fears. There are three issues in particular on which the president’s words have generated strong reactions. These are first with regard to Buddhist pilgrims going to the north of the country with nationalist motivations. Second is the controversy relating to the expansion of the Tissa Raja Maha Viharaya, a recently constructed Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai which has become a flashpoint between local Tamil residents and Sinhala nationalist groups. Third is the decision not to give the war victory a central place in the Independence Day celebrations.

Even in the opposition, when his party held only three seats in parliament, Anura Kumara Dissanayake took his role as a public educator seriously. He used to deliver lengthy, well researched and easily digestible speeches in parliament. He continues this practice as president. It can be seen that his statements are primarily meant to elevate the thinking of the people and not to win votes the easy way. The easy way to win votes whether in Sri Lanka or elsewhere in the world is to rouse nationalist and racist sentiments and ride that wave. Sri Lanka’s post independence political history shows that narrow ethnic mobilisation has often produced short term electoral gains but long term national damage.

Sections of the opposition and segments of the general public have been critical of the president for taking these positions. They have claimed that the president is taking these positions in order to obtain more Tamil votes or to appease minority communities. The same may be said in reverse of those others who take contrary positions that they seek the Sinhala votes. These political actors who thrive on nationalist mobilisation have attempted to portray the president’s statements as an abandonment of the majority community. The president’s actions need to be understood within the larger framework of national reconciliation and long term national stability.

Reconciler’s Duty

When the president referred to Buddhist pilgrims from the south going to the north, he was not speaking about pilgrims visiting long established Buddhist heritage sites such as Nagadeepa or Kandarodai. His remarks were directed at a specific and highly contentious development, the recently built Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai and those built elsewhere in the recent past in the north and east. The temple in Kankesanturai did not emerge from the religious needs of a local Buddhist community as there is none in that area. It has been constructed on land that was formerly owned and used by Tamil civilians and which came under military occupation as a high security zone. What has made the issue of the temple particularly controversial is that it was established with the support of the security forces.

The controversy has deepened because the temple authorities have sought to expand the site from approximately one acre to nearly fourteen acres on the basis that there was a historic Buddhist temple in that area up to the colonial period. However, the Tamil residents of the area fear that expansion would further displace surrounding residents and consolidate a permanent Buddhist religious presence in the present period in an area where the local population is overwhelmingly Hindu. For many Tamils in Kankesanturai, the issue is not Buddhism as a religion but the use of religion as a vehicle for territorial assertion and demographic changes in a region that bore the brunt of the war. Likewise, there are other parts of the north and east where other temples or places of worship have been established by the military personnel in their camps during their war-time occupation and questions arise regarding the future when these camps are finally closed.

There are those who have actively organised large scale pilgrimages from the south to make the Tissa temple another important religious site. These pilgrimages are framed publicly as acts of devotion but are widely perceived locally as demonstrations of dominance. Each such visit heightens tension, provokes protest by Tamil residents, and risks confrontation. For communities that experienced mass displacement, military occupation and land loss, the symbolism of a state backed religious structure on contested land with the backing of the security forces is impossible to separate from memories of war and destruction. A president committed to reconciliation cannot remain silent in the face of such provocations, however uncomfortable it may be to challenge sections of the majority community.

High-minded leadership

The controversy regarding the president’s Independence Day speech has also generated strong debate. In that speech the president did not refer to the military victory over the LTTE and also did not use the term “war heroes” to describe soldiers. For many Sinhala nationalist groups, the absence of these references was seen as an attempt to diminish the sacrifices of the armed forces. The reality is that Independence Day means very different things to different communities. In the north and east the same day is marked by protest events and mourning and as a “Black Day”, symbolising the consolidation of a state they continue to experience as excluding them and not empathizing with the full extent of their losses.

By way of contrast, the president’s objective was to ensure that Independence Day could be observed as a day that belonged to all communities in the country. It is not correct to assume that the president takes these positions in order to appease minorities or secure electoral advantage. The president is only one year into his term and does not need to take politically risky positions for short term electoral gains. Indeed, the positions he has taken involve confronting powerful nationalist political forces that can mobilise significant opposition. He risks losing majority support for his statements. This itself indicates that the motivation is not electoral calculation.

President Dissanayake has recognized that Sri Lanka’s long term political stability and economic recovery depend on building trust among communities that once peacefully coexisted and then lived through decades of war. Political leadership is ultimately tested by the willingness to say what is necessary rather than what is politically expedient. The president’s recent interventions demonstrate rare national leadership and constitute an attempt to shift public discourse away from ethnic triumphalism and toward a more inclusive conception of nationhood. Reconciliation cannot take root if national ceremonies reinforce the perception of victory for one community and defeat for another especially in an internal conflict.

BY Jehan Perera

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Recovery of LTTE weapons

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Sri Lanka Navy in action

I have read a newspaper report that the Special Task Force of Sri Lanka Police, with help of Military Intelligence, recovered three buried yet well-preserved 84mm Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers used by the LTTE, in the Kudumbimalai area, Batticaloa.

These deadly weapons were used by the LTTE SEA TIGER WING to attack the Sri Lanka Navy ships and craft in 1990s. The first incident was in February 1997, off Iranativu island, in the Gulf of Mannar.

Admiral Cecil Tissera took over as Commander of the Navy on 27 January, 1997, from Admiral Mohan Samarasekara.

The fight against the LTTE was intensified from 1996 and the SLN was using her Vanguard of the Navy, Fast Attack Craft Squadron, to destroy the LTTE’s littoral fighting capabilities. Frequent confrontations against the LTTE Sea Tiger boats were reported off Mullaitivu, Point Pedro and Velvetiturai areas, where SLN units became victorious in most of these sea battles, except in a few incidents where the SLN lost Fast Attack Craft.

Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers

The intelligence reports confirmed that the LTTE Sea Tigers was using new recoilless rocket launchers against aluminium-hull FACs, and they were deadly at close quarter sea battles, but the exact type of this weapon was not disclosed.

The following incident, which occurred in February 1997, helped confirm the weapon was Carl Gustaf 84 mm Recoilless gun!

DATE: 09TH FEBRUARY, 1997, morning 0600 hrs.

LOCATION: OFF IRANATHIVE.

FACs: P 460 ISRAEL BUILT, COMMANDED BY CDR MANOJ JAYESOORIYA

P 452 CDL BUILT, COMMANDED BY LCDR PM WICKRAMASINGHE (ON TEMPORARY COMMAND. PROPER OIC LCDR N HEENATIGALA)

OPERATED FROM KKS.

CONFRONTED WITH LTTE ATTACK CRAFT POWERED WITH FOUR 250 HP OUT BOARD MOTORS.

TARGET WAS DESTROYED AND ONE LTTE MEMBER WAS CAPTURED.

LEADING MARINE ENGINEERING MECHANIC OF THE FAC CAME UP TO THE BRIDGE CARRYING A PROJECTILE WHICH WAS FIRED BY THE LTTE BOAT, DURING CONFRONTATION, WHICH PENETRATED THROUGH THE FAC’s HULL, AND ENTERED THE OICs CABIN (BETWEEN THE TWO BUNKS) AND HIT THE AUXILIARY ENGINE ROOM DOOR AND HAD FALLEN DOWN WITHOUT EXPLODING. THE ENGINE ROOM DOOR WAS HEAVILY DAMAGED LOOSING THE WATER TIGHT INTEGRITY OF THE FAC.

THE PROJECTILE WAS LATER HANDED OVER TO THE NAVAL WEAPONS EXPERTS WHEN THE FACs RETURNED TO KKS. INVESTIGATIONS REVEALED THE WEAPON USED BY THE ENEMY WAS 84 mm CARL GUSTAF SHOULDER-FIRED RECOILLESS GUN AND THIS PROJECTILE WAS AN ILLUMINATER BOMB OF ONE MILLION CANDLE POWER. BUT THE ATTACKERS HAS FAILED TO REMOVE THE SAFETY PIN, THEREFORE THE BOMB WAS NOT ACTIVATED.

Sea Tigers

Carl Gustaf 84 mm recoilless gun was named after Carl Gustaf Stads Gevärsfaktori, which, initially, produced it. Sweden later developed the 84mm shoulder-fired recoilless gun by the Royal Swedish Army Materiel Administration during the second half of 1940s as a crew served man- portable infantry support gun for close range multi-role anti-armour, anti-personnel, battle field illumination, smoke screening and marking fire.

It is confirmed in Wikipedia that Carl Gustaf Recoilless shoulder-fired guns were used by the only non-state actor in the world – the LTTE – during the final Eelam War.

It is extremely important to check the batch numbers of the recently recovered three launchers to find out where they were produced and other details like how they ended up in Batticaloa, Sri Lanka?

By Admiral Ravindra C. Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan

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Yellow Beatz … a style similar to K-pop!

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Yes, get ready to vibe with Yellow Beatz, Sri Lanka’s awesome girl group, keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-pop!

With high-energy beats and infectious hooks, these talented ladies are here to shake up the music scene.

Think bold moves, catchy hooks, and, of course, spicy versions of old Sinhala hits, and Yellow Beatz is the package you won’t want to miss!

According to a spokesman for the group, Yellow Beatz became a reality during the Covid period … when everyone was stuck at home, in lockdown.

“First we interviewed girls, online, and selected a team that blended well, as four voices, and then started rehearsals. One of the cover songs we recorded, during those early rehearsals, unexpectedly went viral on Facebook. From that moment onward, we continued doing cover songs, and we received a huge response. Through that, we were able to bring back some beautiful Sri Lankan musical creations that were being forgotten, and introduce them to the new generation.”

The team members, I am told, have strong musical skills and with proper training their goal is to become a vocal group recognised around the world.

Believe me, their goal, they say, is not only to take Sri Lanka’s name forward, in the music scene, but to bring home a Grammy Award, as well.

“We truly believe we can achieve this with the love and support of everyone in Sri Lanka.”

The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz as they have received an exceptional opportunity to represent Sri Lanka at the World Championships of Performing Arts in the USA.

Under the guidance of Chris Raththara, the Director for Sri Lanka, and with the blessings of all Sri Lankans, the girls have a great hope that they can win this milestone.

“We believe this will be a moment of great value for us as Yellow Beatz, and also for all Sri Lankans, and it will be an important inspiration for the future of our country.”

Along with all the preparation for the event in the USA, they went on to say they also need to manage their performances, original song recordings, and everything related.

The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz

“We have strong confidence in ourselves and in our sincere intentions, because we are a team that studies music deeply, researches within the field, and works to take the uniqueness of Sri Lankan identity to the world.”

At present, they gather at the Voices Lab Academy, twice a week, for new creations and concert rehearsals.

This project was created by Buddhika Dayarathne who is currently working as a Pop Vocal lecturer at SLTC Campus. Voice Lab Academy is also his own private music academy and Yellow Beatz was formed through that platform.

Buddhika is keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-Pop and Yellow Beatz began as a result of that vision. With that same aim, we all work together as one team.

“Although it was a little challenging for the four of us girls to work together at first, we have united for our goal and continue to work very flexibly and with dedication. Our parents and families also give their continuous blessings and support for this project,” Rameesha, Dinushi, Newansa and Risuri said.

Last year, Yellow Beatz released their first original song, ‘Ihirila’ , and with everything happening this year, they are also preparing for their first album.

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