Features
Sri Lanka — The Status Quo Resumes?

By Charles Seevali Abeysekera
BROMLEY, UK, (IDN) — Fast forward the clock nine months and the country appears to have got through the worst with funds being provided by friendly donor countries and more recently by the IMF. A semblance of normality has returned or so it appears on the surface.
Gone are the demonstrations and barricades at Galle Face Green, gone are the endless queues at fuel stations and gone are the fears of imminent starvation.The foreign exchange reserves, almost zero last July, have risen appreciably, fuel is available, albeit at a very high price and an essential life blood of the country—tourists—are returning.
Therefore, is Mother Lanka slowly but surely on the way to a full recovery and has normal service resumed…. or is it but an illusion? if I am penniless and someone lends me a few shillings to get by, am I to then assume that I am suddenly very solvent?
After a hiatus of many years, I recently visited Sri Lanka, albeit for a short period, and had a few but very interesting conversations with those who I believe provide a barometer into the so-called “pulse of the nation”—those who depend on a daily or monthly wage in order to feed themselves. In other words, the vast majority of the populace.
From a purely aesthetic point of view, Sri Lanka looked exactly as it did when I was last in the country halfway through the last decade—chaotic, disorganized, dusty, manic and poor. I hasten to add that I did not venture into those parts of Colombo which to me are but an artificial edifice to those who seek to glorify delusions of grandeur!
To listen and absorb the voices of the desperate in the form of the bus driver, the baggage attendant, the receptionist, the porter, the waiter and the sales assistant describing just how desperate their lives are, was both very disturbing and sad.
For you know that you are but a passing stranger with whom they are sharing the experience of their day-to-day struggle and the resulting trauma. A stranger who will go away and live a life that they can never dream of, let alone aspire to, in their own country—no matter how hard they try.
The bus driver who finds it hard even to pay for the room he lives in because the spiraling inflation has resulted his earnings being effectively halved because the cost of goods has more than doubled but his wages have either remained static or even reduced.
The porter who laments the absence of tourists because he can no longer depend on tips to supplement his measly wages and thus even offers to carry my lap top case in the hope of getting a tip.
The sales assistant working in a retail spa outlet in a hotel, who laments the fact that only a single customer had walked in that day and wonders how he is going to make ends meet.
These are but three individuals whose economic plight is pathetic to observe and who hope desperately that things will improve. “Hope” being the operative but meaningless key word !
The conversation with the sales assistant at the retail outlet revealed another aspect to Sri Lankan, or Sinhalese culture and society to be more specific, which I had long understood to be the case, but this was the first time it had revealed itself in such a stark manner.
Whilst conversing with him in Sinhalese, he made a statement that I was not from Sri Lanka. I responded by asking him if my Sinhalese was so bad?
No, he replied, “your Sinhalese is very good but you speak in a way that tells me you are not Sri Lankan or at least not living here”.
Having aroused my curiosity, I asked him to clarify what exactly he meant. His explanation was thus:
You have spoken to me in Sinhalese with courtesy and civility but such conversations do not happen, or at least are very rare, with customers who are Sri Lankan. When Sri Lankans (default Sinhalese) speak to us, they speak to us as though we are lesser beings and expect us to be servile. The way you speak tells me that you have not grown up here and thus you speak to me as an equal, and not as though you are a superior.
This simple exchange highlights one of the many reasons why Sri Lanka is where it is. For a society that discriminates against its own on such a diabolical socio-economic hierarchical manner is simply incapable of progressing.
“Sri Lankans are such friendly warm and welcoming people” or so claims the banners and videos that invite the world to come to Sri Lanka. However, what this marketing campaign omits is a simple but stark reality.
Sri Lankans are indeed very friendly and welcoming people if you happen to be light skinned aka white! They are also very friendly and warm if they conclude that you can do something for them or that you are more affluent than they are. They are equally friendly and warm if they treat you on a “machang” level.
However, if they think you are of a lower socio-economic class to them, they will treat you as lesser beings and expect you to be servile. This obscenity works all the way down the socio-economic food chain.
A recent observation I heard from someone who frequents upmarket hotels in Colombo was just how disinterested staff appeared to be, their sullen faces and poor demeanor. I guess if those who are surviving on the breadline observe the financial disparity between themselves and those that have money to throw away like confetti, the above observation does make sense.
Sri Lankan or at least Sinhalese culture does not allow for the dignity of labour because it is a society based on feudal patriarchal values and not on meritocracy. For example, a person who patronizes a hotel can never understand what it is like to be in the shoes of those who work there and whose job is to serve him or her.
For the simple truth is that the person who patronizes the hotel will never ever need to be a server—at least not in Sri Lanka. The irony is that when those very same patrons go overseas, especially for education purposes, they are happy to do any jobs to make ends meet and despite them encountering working conditions opposite to those in Sri Lanka, when they return home, they revert to type—master/mistress—servant.
How does a society that looks down upon its own based on class and wealth, ever aspire to progress? The near bankruptcy of Sri Lankan has also very rightly been attributed to the industrial scale corruption and incompetence of the political class. It is generally claimed that a single family caused the downfall of Sri Lanka.
However, long before this single family allowed their cancer to metastasise, corruption was the standard operating procedure, not just among the political class but also the business class.
To blame the political class for the downfall of Sri Lanka is disingenuous, for the political class has been aided and abetted in the downfall of Sri Lanka by the business class.
It is claimed that of the $54 billion owed by Sri Lanka to creditors, some $34 billion has been moved overseas illegally. Did one single family steal all this and that too in no more than a decade? Of course not!
The truth is that money has been moved overseas illegally since the time that overseas developers were introduced into Sri Lanka in the late 1950’s and that was done by the local business class in cahoots with the political class.
The “commission culture” started a long time ago with the difference between then and now being that back in the days of good old Ceylon , there were only a few chosen elite who knew the system and they operated within the “old boys” network.
A fish rots from the head down. Sri Lankans have been desperately seeking a competent political leader with integrity to lead them into the “promised land”. However, as much as the country needs such a political leader it also needs leaders of commerce who are also competent, are honest, have integrity, pay their taxes and can lead by example. Does the country possess such leaders?
As the country ended up being bankrupt due to both economic and political incompetence, the answer is quite evident. Is it not?
An interesting exercise in understanding where some of the $34 billion has ended up is to observe the property market in overseas cities such as Melbourne.Whilst many who migrated to Australia did so with what little they could take in terms of foreign exchange and then got on the property ladder by way of job security and mortgage, what is equally revealing is just how many have arrived in Australia and managed to buy property for cash.
The obvious question is just how did these recently migrated folks end up being able to pay hundreds of thousands of dollars or even millions to buy property outright?
That answers can be found within the illegal trading currency market and those that leave Sri Lanka with thousands of dollars on their person. Those same people will rinse and repeat the process with each and every trip they make overseas. The fear of getting caught in Colombo is easily offset with an adequate bribe which is the standard operating procedure.
I became aware just how insidious this continues to be when I was recently listening to some very senior executives in some of the largest conglomerates in Sri Lanka talking about leaving Sri Lanka, which according to them had no future, and how they planned to migrate and move their millions overseas through the illegal currency market.
When the leaders of industry, to whom their employees and indeed the wider public look up for guidance, leadership and vision are contemplating migrating and taking vast sums of the nation’s wealth with them illegally, is it any surprise that the country ended up bankrupt?
To blame one corrupt family of destroying the country is utterly disingenuous because the country has been brought to its knees by its own corrupt and false values which by default actively encourages citizens to act illegally.
This corrupt system is aided and abetted by what I refer to as the “machang culture”. A system that is based on who you know and what influence you possess, which by default, actively encourages rule breaking. A system where meritocracy and abiding by rules are alien concepts.
A society can only progress if it is a rules-based society where the majority of the citizenry abides by the law of the land. In such a society, processes, structures and systems will work seamlessly and will be fit for purpose because those who work within and manage them will adhere to the rules because they are expected to and is the culture.
However, in a society where false values and rule-breaking are almost inculcated from the cradle, processes and systems will be abused, manipulated and will not be fit for purpose.
In such a society, which Sri Lanka sadly is, each and every citizen therefore bares a direct or indirect responsibility for the bankruptcy of the nation.To borrow in order to build, grow and become self-funding is simple visionary logic which is applicable to individuals, organizations and countries.
To borrow in order to steal the money borrowed, borrow again and repeat the process and borrow again and repeat the process yet again gives Einstein’s Definition of Insanity a whole new meaning!!
*Charles Seevali Abeysekera, a semi-retired sales and marketing professional, has worked in the UK mailing industry for over 35 years. He also scribes a blog on current affairs as well as reflections and thoughts on his own life journey. [IDN-InDepthNews]
Features
Democracy faces tougher challenges as political Right beefs-up presence

It is becoming increasingly evident that the democracy-authoritarianism division would be a major polarity in international politics going forward. It shouldn’t come as a surprise if quite a few major states of both East and West gain increasing inspiration from the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ under President Donald Trump from now on and flout the core principles of democratic governance with impunity.
It is the political Right that would gain most might in this evolving new scheme of things. Whether it be the US itself, France, Israel or Turkey, to name just a few countries in the news, it is plain to see that the Right is unleashing its power with hardly a thought for the harm being done to key democratic institutions and norms.
In fact, Donald Trump and his Republican hard liners led from the front, so to speak, in this process of unleashing the power of the Right in contemporary times. It remains a very vital piece of history that the Right in the US savaged democracy’s most valued institutions on January 6, 2021, when it ran amok with the tacit backing of Trump in the US Capitol.
What was being challenged by the mob most was the ‘will of the people’ which was manifest in the latter’s choice of Joe Biden as US President at the time. To date Trump does not accept that popular verdict and insists that the election in question was a flawed one. He does so in the face of enlightened pronouncements to the contrary.
The US Right’s protégé state, Israel, is well on course to doing grave harm to its democratic institutions, with the country’s judiciary being undermined most. To cite two recent examples to support this viewpoint, the Israeli parliament passed a law to empower the country’s election officials to appoint judges, while Prime Minister Netanyahu has installed the new head of the country’s prime security agency, disregarding in the process a Supreme Court decision to retain the former head.
Such decisions were made by the Netanyahu regime in the face of mounting protests by the people. While nothing new may be said if one takes the view that Israel’s democratic credentials have always left much to be desired, the downgrading of a democratic country’s judiciary is something to be sorely regretted by democratic opinion worldwide. After all, in most states, it is the judiciary that ends up serving the best interests of the people.
Meanwhile in France, the indications are that far Right leader Marine Le Pen would not be backing down in the face of a judicial verdict that pronounces her guilty of corruption that may prevent her from running for President in 2027. She is the most popular politician in France currently and it should not come as a surprise if she rallies further popular support for herself in street protests. Among other things, this will be proof of the growing popular appeal of the political Right. Considering that France has been a foremost democracy, this is not good news for democratic opinion.
However, some heart could be taken from current developments in the Gaza and Turkey where the people are challenging their respective dominant governing forces in street protests largely peacefully. In the Gaza anti-Hamas protests have broken out demanding of the group to step down from power, while in Turkey, President Erdogan’s decades-long iron-fist rule is being challenged by pro-democracy popular forces over the incarceration of his foremost political rival.
Right now, the Turkish state is in the process of quashing this revolt through a show of brute force. Essentially, in both situations the popular demand is for democracy and accountable governance and such aims are generally anathema in the ears of the political Right whose forte is repressive, dictatorial rule.
The onus is on the thriving democracies of the world to ensure that the Right anywhere is prevented from coming to power in the name of the core principles and values of democracy. Right now, it is the European Union that could fit into this role best and democratic opinion is obliged to rally behind the organization. Needless to say, peaceful and democratic methods should be deployed in this historic undertaking.
Although the UN is yet to play an effective role in the current international situation, stepped up efforts by it to speed up democratic development everywhere could yield some dividends. Empowerment of people is the goal to be basically achieved.
Interestingly, the Trump administration could be seen as being in league with the Putin regime in Russia at present. This is on account of the glaringly Right wing direction that the US is taking under Trump. In fact, the global balance of political forces has taken an ironic shift with the hitherto number one democracy collaborating with the Putin regime in the latter’s foreign policy pursuits that possess the potential of plunging Europe into another regional war.
President Trump promised to bring peace to the Ukraine within a day of returning to power but he currently is at risk of cutting a sorry figure on the world stage because Putin is far from collaborating with his plans regarding Ukraine. Putin is promising the US nothing and Ukraine is unlikely to step down from the position it has always held that its sovereignty, which has been harmed by the Putin regime, is not negotiable.
In fact, the China-Russia alliance could witness a firming-up in the days ahead. Speculation is intense that the US is contemplating a military strike on Iran, but it would face strong opposition from China and Russia in the event of such an adventurist course of action. This is on account of the possibility of China and Russia continuing to be firm in their position that Western designs in the Gulf region should be defeated. On the other hand, Iran could be expected to hit back strongly in a military confrontation with the US.
Considering that organizations such as the EU could be expected to be at cross-purposes with the US on the Ukraine and connected questions, the current world situation could not be seen as a replication of the conventional East-West polarity. The East, that is mainly China and Russia, is remaining united but not so the West. The latter has broadly fragmented into a democratic states versus authoritarian states bipolarity which could render the international situation increasingly unstable and volatile.
Features
Chikungunya Fever in Children

Chikungunya fever, a viral disease transmitted by mosquitoes, poses a significant health concern, particularly for children. It has been around in Sri Lanka sporadically, but there are reports of an increasing occurrence of it in more recent times. While often associated with debilitating joint pain in adults, its manifestations in children can present unique challenges. Understanding the nuances of this disease is crucial for effective management and prevention.
Chikungunya fever is caused by the chikungunya virus (CHIKV), an alphavirus transmitted to humans through the bites of infected Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus mosquitoes. These are the same mosquitoes that transmit dengue and Zika viruses, highlighting the overlapping risks in many areas of the world. It is entirely possible for chikungunya and dengue to co-circulate in the same area, leading to co-infections in individuals.
When a mosquito bites a person infected with CHIKV, it ingests the virus. After a period of growth and multiplication of the virus within the mosquito, the virus can be transmitted to another person through subsequent bites. Therefore, the mosquito acts as a vector or an intermediate transmitting agent that spreads the disease, but not as a reservoir of the disease. The spread of chikungunya is influenced by environmental factors that support mosquito breeding, such as stagnant water and warm climates. Urbanization and poor sanitation can exacerbate the problem by creating breeding grounds for these mosquitoes.
The clinical presentation of chikungunya in children can vary, ranging from mild to severe. While some infected children may even be asymptomatic and be normal for all intents and purposes, others can experience a range of symptoms, including a sudden onset of high fever, a common initial symptom. Pain in the joints of the body, while being a hallmark of chikungunya in adults, may be less pronounced in children. However, they can still experience significant discomfort and this must be kept in mind during processes of diagnosis and treatment. It is also important to remember that joint pains can present in various forms, as well as in different locations of the body. There is no characteristic pattern or sites of involvement of joints. Muscle aches and pains can accompany the fever and joint pain as well. A headache, too, could occur at any stage of the disease. Other symptoms may include nausea, vomiting, and fatigue as well.
A reddish elevated rash, referred to in medical jargon as a maculopapular rash, is frequently observed in children, sometimes more so than in adults. While chikungunya is known to cause such a rash, there is a specific characteristic related to nasal discoloration that is worth noting. It is called the “Chik sign” or “Brownie nose” and refers to an increased darkening of the skin, particularly on the nose. This discolouration just appears and is not associated with pain or itching. It can occur during or after the fever, and it can be a helpful clinical sign, especially in areas with limited diagnostic resources. While a generalised rash is a common symptom of chikungunya, a distinctive darkening of the skin on the nose is a particular characteristic that has been observed.
In some rare instances, particularly in infants and very young children, chikungunya can lead to neurological complications, such as involvement of the brain, known as encephalitis. This is associated with a change in the level of alertness, drowsiness, convulsions and weakness of limbs. Equally rarely, some studies indicate that children can experience bleeding tendencies and haemorrhagic manifestations more often than adults.
Diagnosis is typically made through evaluating the patient’s symptoms and medical history, as well as by special blood tests that can detect the presence of CHIKV antibodies (IgM and IgG) or the virus itself through PCR testing.
There is no specific antiviral treatment for chikungunya. Treatment focuses on relieving symptoms and allowing the body to recover on its own. Adequate rest is essential for recovery, and maintaining hydration is crucial, especially in children with fever. Paracetamol in the correct dosage can be used to reduce fever and pain. It is important to avoid aspirin, as it can increase the risk of a further complication known as Reye’s syndrome in children. In severe cases, hospitalisation and supportive care may be necessary.
While most children recover from chikungunya without any major issues, some may experience long-term sequelae. Joint pain can persist for months or even years in some individuals, impacting their quality of life. In rare cases, chikungunya can lead to chronic arthritis. Children that have suffered from neurological complications can have long term effects.
The ultimate outcome or prognosis for chikungunya in children is generally favourable. Most children recover fully within a few days or a couple of weeks. However, the duration and severity of symptoms can vary quite significantly.
Prevention is key to controlling the spread of chikungunya. Mosquito control is of paramount importance. These include eliminating stagnant water sources where mosquitoes breed, using mosquito repellents, wearing long-sleeved clothing and pants, using mosquito nets, especially for young children and installing protective screens on windows and doors. While a chikungunya vaccine is available, its current use is mainly for adults, especially those traveling to at risk areas. More research is being conducted for child vaccinations.
Chikungunya outbreaks can strain healthcare systems and have significant economic consequences. Public health initiatives aimed at mosquito control and disease surveillance are crucial for preventing and managing outbreaks.
Key considerations for children are that some of them, especially infants and young children, are more vulnerable to severe chikungunya complications and early diagnosis and supportive care are essential for minimising the risk of long-term sequelae. Preventing mosquito bites is the most effective way to protect children from chikungunya. By understanding the causation, clinical features, treatment, and prevention of chikungunya, parents, caregivers, and healthcare professionals can work together to protect children from this illness that could sometimes be quite debilitating.
Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health and Section Editor, Ceylon Medical Journal
Founder President, Sri Lanka College of Paediatricians – 1996-97)
Features
The Great and Little Traditions and Sri Lankan Historiography

Power, Culture, and Historical Memory:
(Continued from yesterday)
Newton Gunasinghe, a pioneering Sri Lankan sociologist and Marxist scholar, made significant contributions to the study of culture and class in Sri Lanka by incorporating the concepts of great and little traditions within an innovative Marxist framework. His theoretical synthesis offered historians a fresh perspective for evaluating the diversity of past narratives.
At the same time, Michel Foucault’s philosophical intervention significantly influenced the study of historical knowledge. In particular, two of his key concepts have had a profound impact on the discipline of history:
1. The relationship between knowledge and power – Knowledge is not merely an objective truth but a manifestation of the power structures of its time.
2. The necessity of considering the ‘other’ in any conceptual construction – Every idea or framework takes shape in relation to its opposite, highlighting the duality inherent in all intellectual constructs.
These concepts challenged historians to rethink their approaches, prompting them to explore the dynamic interplay between knowledge, power, and culture. The existence of Little Tradition prompted historians to pay attention to ‘other’ histories.
The resurgence of ethnic identities and conflicts has brought renewed attention to the dichotomy of culture, steering the discourse in a new direction. The ethnic resurgence raises three key issues. First, the way non-dominant cultures interpret the past often differs from the narratives produced by dominant cultures, prompting the question: What is historical truth? Second, it underscores the importance of studying the histories of cultural identities through their own perspectives. Finally, and most importantly, it invites reflection on the relationship between ‘Little Traditions’ and the ‘Great Tradition’—how do these ‘other’ histories connect to broader historical narratives?
When the heuristic construct of the cultural dichotomy is applied to historical inquiry, its analytical scope expands far beyond the boundaries of social anthropology. In turn, it broadens the horizons of historical research, producing three main effects:
1. It introduces a new dimension to historical inquiry by bringing marginalised histories to the forefront. In doing so, it directs the attention of professional historians to areas that have traditionally remained outside their scope.
2. It encourages historians to seek new categories of historical sources and adopt more innovative approaches to classifying historical evidence.
3. It compels historians to examine the margins in order to gain a deeper understanding of the center.
The rise of a new theoretical school known as Subaltern Studies in the 1980s provided a significant impetus to the study of history from the perspective of marginalised and oppressed groups—those who have traditionally been excluded from dominant historical narratives and are not linked to power and authority. This movement sought to challenge the Eurocentric and elitist frameworks that had long shaped the study of history, particularly in the context of colonial and postcolonial societies. The writings of historians such as Ranajit Guha and Eric Stokes played a pioneering role in opening up this intellectual path. Guha, in particular, critiqued the way history had been written from the perspective of elites—whether colonial rulers or indigenous upper classes—arguing that such narratives ignored the agency and voices of subaltern groups, such as peasants, laborers, and tribal communities.
Building upon this foundation, several postcolonial scholars further developed the critical examination of power, knowledge, and representation. In her seminal essay Can the Subaltern Speak?, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak questioned whether marginalized voices—especially those of subaltern women—could truly be represented within dominant intellectual and cultural frameworks, or whether they were inevitably silenced by hegemonic. Another major theorist in this field, Homi Bhabha, also focused on the relationship between knowledge and social power relations. His analysis of identity formation under colonialism revealed the complexities of power dynamics and how they persist in postcolonial societies.
Together, these scholars significantly reshaped historical and cultural studies by emphasising the voices and experiences of those previously ignored in dominant narratives. Their work continues to influence contemporary debates on history, identity, and the politics of knowledge production.
The Sri Lankan historiography from very beginning consists of two distinct yet interrelated traditions: the Great Tradition and the Little Traditions. These traditions reflect different perspectives, sources, and modes of historical transmission that have influenced the way Sri Lanka’s past has been recorded and understood. The Great Tradition refers to the formal, written historiography primarily associated with elite, religious, and state-sponsored chronicles. The origins of the Great Tradition of historiography directly linked to the introduction of Buddhism to the island by a mission sent by Emperor Asoka of the Maurya dynasty of India in the third century B.C. The most significant sources in this tradition include the Mahāvaṃsa, Dīpavaṃsa, Cūḷavaṃsa, and other Buddhist chronicles that were written in Pali and Sanskrit. These works, often compiled by Buddhist monks, emphasise the island’s connection to Buddhism, the role of kingship, and the concept of Sri Lanka as a sacred land linked to the Buddha’s teachings. The Great Tradition was influenced by royal patronage and aimed to legitimise rulers by presenting them as protectors of Buddhism and the Sinhala people.
In contrast, the Little Tradition represents oral histories, folk narratives, and local accounts that were passed down through generations in vernacular languages such as Sinhala and Tamil. These traditions include village folklore, ballads, temple stories, and regional histories that were not necessarily written down but played a crucial role in shaping collective memory. While the Great Tradition often portrays a centralised, Sinhala-Buddhist perspective, the Little Tradition captures the diverse experiences of various communities, including Tamils, Muslims.
What about the history of those who are either unrepresented or only marginally represented in the Great Tradition? They, too, have their own interpretations of the past, independent of dominant narratives. Migration from the four corners of the world did not cease after the 3rd century BC—so what about the cultural traditions that emerged from these movements? Can we reduce these collective memories solely to the Sokari Nadagams?
The Great Traditions often celebrate the history of the ruling or majority ethnic group. However, Little Traditions play a crucial role in preserving the historical memory and distinct identities of marginalised communities, such as the Vedda and Rodiya peoples. Beyond caste history, Little Traditions also reflect the provincial histories and historical memories of peripheral communities. Examples include the Wanni Rajawaliya and the Kurunegala Visthraya. The historical narratives presented in these sources do not always align with those of the Great Tradition.
The growth of caste histories is a key example of Little Historical Traditions. Jana Wansaya remains an important source in this context. After the 12th century, many non-Goigama castes in Sri Lanka preserved their own oral historical traditions, which were later documented in written form. These caste-based histories are significant because they provide a localised, community-centered perspective on historical developments. Unlike the dominant narratives found in the Great Tradition, they capture the social, economic, and cultural transformations experienced by different caste groups. For instance, the Karava, Salagama, and Durava castes have distinct historical narratives that have been passed down through generations.
Ananda S. Kulasuriya traced this historical tradition back to the formal establishment of Buddhism, noting that it continued even after the decline of the Polonnaruwa Kingdom. He identified these records as “minor chronicles” and classified them into three categories: histories of the Sangha and Sasana, religious writings of historical interest, and secular historical works. According to him, the first category includes the Pujavaliya, the Katikavatas, the Nikaya Sangrahaya, and the Sangha Sarana. The second category comprises the Thupavamsa, Bodhi Vamsa, Anagatha Vamsa, Dalada Sirita, and Dhatu Vamsa, along with the two Sinhalese versions of the Pali Hatthavanagalla Vihara Vamsa, namely the Ehu Attanagalu Vamsa and the Saddharma Ratnakaraya. The third category consists of works that focus more on secular events than religious developments, primarily the Rajavaliya. Additionally, this category includes the Raja Ratnakaraya and several minor works such as the Sulu Rajavaliya, Vanni Rajavaliya, Alakesvara Yuddhaya, Sri Lanka Kadaim Pota, Kurunegala Vistaraya, Buddharajavaliya, Bamba Uppattiya, Sulu Pujavaliya, Matale Kadaim Pota, Kula Nitiya, and Janavamsaya (Kulasuriya, 1978:5). Except for a few mentioned in the third category, all other works are products of the Great Historical tradition.
Over the last few decades, Gananath Obeyesekera has traversed the four corners of Sri Lanka, recovering works of the Little Historical Traditions and making them accessible for historical inquiry, offering a new lens through which to reread Sri Lankan history. Obeyesekera’s efforts to recover the Little Historical Traditions remind us that history is never monolithic; rather, it is a contested space where power, culture, and memory continuously shape our understanding of the past. By bringing the Little Historical Traditions into the fold of Sri Lankan historiography, Obeyesekera challenges us to move beyond dominant narratives and embrace a more pluralistic understanding of the past. The recovery of these traditions is not just an act of historical inquiry but a reminder that power shapes what we remember—and what we forget. Sri Lankan history, like all histories, is a dialogue between great and little traditions and it is to engage both of them. His latest work, The Doomed King: A Requiem for Sri Vikrama Rajasinghe, is a true testament to his re-reading of Sri Lankan history.
BY GAMINI KEERAWELLA
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