Features
Sri Lanka in Geneva
Below is the text of the talk by journalist Marwaan Macan-Markar during a recent webinar on the “Rule of Law, Justice and Democratic Rights in Sri Lanka”, organized by the Sydney-based LAWASIA.
It should be clear to anyone who followed the headlines from Sri Lanka in March that the country has continued its downward spiral on the stage of global affairs. The yardstick that reveals this trend is the number of votes the government was able to muster over a resolution during the human rights sessions in Geneva. Only 11 of the 47 members of the United Nations Human Rights Council were convinced by Sri Lanka’s case and voted for it this year.
This is quite a diplomatic fall from grace, and it raises questions if the country can sink even lower at the HRC. To understand Sri Lanka’s predicament, one has to look back over a decade, to 2009, the year the nearly 30-year ethnic conflict came to a bloody end. That year, against heavy diplomatic odds, Sri Lanka convinced 29 countries to back its case.
But that high watermark, as we now know, was to be short-lived, as resolutions in the subsequent years revealed. In 2012, the international support fell by half, to 15 votes. By 2013 only 13 countries stood by Sri Lanka — suggesting that there was a drift away from other nations backing the Sri Lankan cause. By 2014, as the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa was rounding off his second term, international support at the HRC dropped to 12.
This scorecard of Sri Lanka in Geneva is open to many interpretations. For me, as a journalist, it has been helpful to gauge the trajectory of Sri Lanka’s post-war history and how that is perceived internationally. It has also served as an entry point to understand what the national mood is on the human rights front, and where the political class sits on issues such as justice and reconciliation. This has been reflected with ample fervor in the debates across the Lankan media in the periods surrounding human rights session. At this moment, given ideology of the government of the day, the ultra-nationalist sentiments prevail.
But if you were to step back from the noise, you will be able to detect elements of a political ritual taking shape. One can even break it down to the pre-Geneva season and the post-Geneva season. Colorful expressions have surfaced over time to give the Geneva discussions a unique vocabulary. Some of them have been drawn from local situations and some from the world of literature. One well-known Sri Lankan media personality kept referring to the recent Geneva sessions in months leading to it as “the Ides of March.” There was an obvious sense of foreboding with each of his deliveries.
The sentiments among the ordinary people are, at times, equal to the task. They have enriched the discussion with their colorful takes. That is how I picked up this particular expression about the HRC: “It is like the Sword of Damocles hanging over the Sri Lankan state.”
Some of these thoughts were shared during conversations I had had in Colombo ahead of a story I wrote late last year about Geneva 2021. And the impression I came away with after one such meeting was that the annual human rights sessions have evolved to become a new constant in Sri Lanka’s contemporary political life, and it may easily qualify in second place, after the national elections, as a useful barometer to measure the Lankan political winds.
But let me expand on that point, because the Geneva sessions have another dimension that is as relevant for those of us who follow Sri Lanka’s political twists. They provide guidance to track where the country stands in its commitments to deliver on the rule of law, justice and democratic rights, which is the theme of today’s webinar.
For observers of Lankan affairs, the text that emerged out of Geneva has opened up new story lines to consider. One that should keep journalists busy is the language for an accountability process to achieving post-war justice. The relevant section says that this new international effort will be mobilized to “collect, analyze, and preserve evidence” of gross human rights violations and international crimes committed in Sri Lanka to be used for future prosecutions.
That should make uncomfortable reading for those who were involved in war crimes or human rights atrocities. Some of the names implicated in such abuses are already in the public domain. It is very likely that now, with an evidence-gathering mechanism taking shape, more names will be added. So bit by bit, what had appeared not possible in Sri Lanka, because governments have been unwilling to, or the country’s justice process has been unable to, as human rights experts say, is taking shape in foreign climes.
But the more headline-grabbing accounts are likely to emerge from other passages of the Geneva text. It is the section that encourages countries to consider hearing cases against Sri Lanka’s alleged war criminals in their respective courts. These provisions have pushed Sri Lanka to join the ranks of nations with brutal legacies of political oppression and ethnic conflicts in Latin America, Africa and Asia.
And it may be worth recalling that some of the governments from those countries have had to muster their diplomatic capital to deal with their own citizens, who were accused of war crimes, being targeted by human rights activists and lawyers. The latter wanted the former to be tried in foreign courts under the principle of universal jurisdiction. In light of Sri Lanka’s dismal voting record in March, this is surely going to be another test of the country’s diplomatic reach.
Such a turn in Sri Lanka’s human rights narrative comes down to this for those who committed war crimes: henceforth, they may have to give serious thought to which foreign country they plan to travel to next time. It will not be business as usual anymore. There is a growing list of examples that help to illustrate cases of serial human rights violators who were in foreign countries as a free man — yes, the perpetrators are all men – being arrested for war crimes or grave human rights violations.
The ruthless and manipulative Indonesian dictator Suharto’s name comes to mind among the early examples in this context. He was on such a wanted list for his oppressive record during his autocratic rule of 32 years. The terror he unleashed resulted in massacres of up to 500,000 citizens, yes, half-a-million people, according to conservative estimates. But after he lost power in 1998, and his health weakened, the former strongman of Southeast Asia feared travelling to European countries for medical care. The reason, according to human rights groups, was that he dreaded being arrested in a foreign city. So, yes, he stayed home and avoided becoming an international story.
But the one who did create a media storm, and someone who is worth recalling in light of the theme I have chosen to focus on today, is the imperious and arrogant Augusto Pinochet. For those unfamiliar with the name, he was the former dictator of Chile. He was arrested in London after a British court accepted a case against him by a Spanish jurist. The moment was celebrated by human rights campaigners for the precedent that the British courts had set: ending the concept of sovereign immunity that had given war criminals and tyrants the freedom to travel without fear of arrest. It marked the arrival of universal jurisdiction as another means by which to go after the world’s worst rights violators. And the world got the “Pinochet Precedent” as a result.
In fact, it was only a few years later that I first came across the name of Ricardo Miguel Cavallo. I was working in Mexico at the time and had been assigned to cover human rights. The beat included stories of the men who had been involved in the former oppressive regimes of Latin America. Some of them had fled to Mexico, like Cavallo, and others had got to other “safe” countries.
Cavallo had been a military officer in Argentina before that, when it was ruled by a junta, during the years of its “Dirty War.” He had arrived in Mexico later and had remained under the radar for years as a free man, working in Mexico’s national registry of motor vehicles. But then his cover-up ended. He was arrested in the Caribbean coastal resort of Cancun. The “Pinochet Precedent” had finally caught up to him. Yes, he was indicted under that principle, affirming that the idea of universal jurisdiction was spreading across countries.
The previous speaker just reminded us where the quest for universal justice has progressed since then. The Magnitsky Act that is evolving into a Magnitstky movement now has 31 countries that have signed on and changed their laws, he said. This enables those countries to target the bank accounts and financial dealings – even credit cards – of human rights offenders.
Stories about such offenders make for compelling reading. They will continue to be told because they help to advance the cause of justice and accountability. The likelihood of Sri Lankan names joining that list has increased after the government’s diplomatic debacle in Geneva. And if that was to happen, those of us who are observers and reporters of the country’s political life will have new areas of inquiry to pursue.
Marwaan Macan-Markar is an Asia regional correspondent for Nikkei Asia, a Tokyo-based publication. He covers mainland Southeast Asia and lower South Asia and divides his time between Thailand and Sri Lanka. He was the former features editor of The Sunday Leader, a Sri Lankan weekly that has ceased publication.
Features
Crucial test for religious and ethnic harmony in Bangladesh
Will the Bangladesh parliamentary election bring into being a government that will ensure ethnic and religious harmony in the country? This is the poser on the lips of peace-loving sections in Bangladesh and a principal concern of those outside who mean the country well.
The apprehensions are mainly on the part of religious and ethnic minorities. The parliamentary poll of February 12th is expected to bring into existence a government headed by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and the Islamist oriented Jamaat-e-Islami party and this is where the rub is. If these parties win, will it be a case of Bangladesh sliding in the direction of a theocracy or a state where majoritarian chauvinism thrives?
Chief of the Jamaat, Shafiqur Rahman, who was interviewed by sections of the international media recently said that there is no need for minority groups in Bangladesh to have the above fears. He assured, essentially, that the state that will come into being will be equable and inclusive. May it be so, is likely to be the wish of those who cherish a tension-free Bangladesh.
The party that could have posed a challenge to the above parties, the Awami League Party of former Prime Minister Hasina Wased, is out of the running on account of a suspension that was imposed on it by the authorities and the mentioned majoritarian-oriented parties are expected to have it easy at the polls.
A positive that has emerged against the backdrop of the poll is that most ordinary people in Bangladesh, be they Muslim or Hindu, are for communal and religious harmony and it is hoped that this sentiment will strongly prevail, going ahead. Interestingly, most of them were of the view, when interviewed, that it was the politicians who sowed the seeds of discord in the country and this viewpoint is widely shared by publics all over the region in respect of the politicians of their countries.
Some sections of the Jamaat party were of the view that matters with regard to the orientation of governance are best left to the incoming parliament to decide on but such opinions will be cold comfort for minority groups. If the parliamentary majority comes to consist of hard line Islamists, for instance, there is nothing to prevent the country from going in for theocratic governance. Consequently, minority group fears over their safety and protection cannot be prevented from spreading.
Therefore, we come back to the question of just and fair governance and whether Bangladesh’s future rulers could ensure these essential conditions of democratic rule. The latter, it is hoped, will be sufficiently perceptive to ascertain that a Bangladesh rife with religious and ethnic tensions, and therefore unstable, would not be in the interests of Bangladesh and those of the region’s countries.
Unfortunately, politicians region-wide fall for the lure of ethnic, religious and linguistic chauvinism. This happens even in the case of politicians who claim to be democratic in orientation. This fate even befell Bangladesh’s Awami League Party, which claims to be democratic and socialist in general outlook.
We have it on the authority of Taslima Nasrin in her ground-breaking novel, ‘Lajja’, that the Awami Party was not of any substantial help to Bangladesh’s Hindus, for example, when violence was unleashed on them by sections of the majority community. In fact some elements in the Awami Party were found to be siding with the Hindus’ murderous persecutors. Such are the temptations of hard line majoritarianism.
In Sri Lanka’s past numerous have been the occasions when even self-professed Leftists and their parties have conveniently fallen in line with Southern nationalist groups with self-interest in mind. The present NPP government in Sri Lanka has been waxing lyrical about fostering national reconciliation and harmony but it is yet to prove its worthiness on this score in practice. The NPP government remains untested material.
As a first step towards national reconciliation it is hoped that Sri Lanka’s present rulers would learn the Tamil language and address the people of the North and East of the country in Tamil and not Sinhala, which most Tamil-speaking people do not understand. We earnestly await official language reforms which afford to Tamil the dignity it deserves.
An acid test awaits Bangladesh as well on the nation-building front. Not only must all forms of chauvinism be shunned by the incoming rulers but a secular, truly democratic Bangladesh awaits being licked into shape. All identity barriers among people need to be abolished and it is this process that is referred to as nation-building.
On the foreign policy frontier, a task of foremost importance for Bangladesh is the need to build bridges of amity with India. If pragmatism is to rule the roost in foreign policy formulation, Bangladesh would place priority to the overcoming of this challenge. The repatriation to Bangladesh of ex-Prime Minister Hasina could emerge as a steep hurdle to bilateral accord but sagacious diplomacy must be used by Bangladesh to get over the problem.
A reply to N.A. de S. Amaratunga
A response has been penned by N.A. de S. Amaratunga (please see p5 of ‘The Island’ of February 6th) to a previous column by me on ‘ India shaping-up as a Swing State’, published in this newspaper on January 29th , but I remain firmly convinced that India remains a foremost democracy and a Swing State in the making.
If the countries of South Asia are to effectively manage ‘murderous terrorism’, particularly of the separatist kind, then they would do well to adopt to the best of their ability a system of government that provides for power decentralization from the centre to the provinces or periphery, as the case may be. This system has stood India in good stead and ought to prove effective in all other states that have fears of disintegration.
Moreover, power decentralization ensures that all communities within a country enjoy some self-governing rights within an overall unitary governance framework. Such power-sharing is a hallmark of democratic governance.
Features
Celebrating Valentine’s Day …
Valentine’s Day is all about celebrating love, romance, and affection, and this is how some of our well-known personalities plan to celebrate Valentine’s Day – 14th February:
Merlina Fernando (Singer)
Yes, it’s a special day for lovers all over the world and it’s even more special to me because 14th February is the birthday of my husband Suresh, who’s the lead guitarist of my band Mission.
We have planned to celebrate Valentine’s Day and his Birthday together and it will be a wonderful night as always.
We will be having our fans and close friends, on that night, with their loved ones at Highso – City Max hotel Dubai, from 9.00 pm onwards.
Lorensz Francke (Elvis Tribute Artiste)
On Valentine’s Day I will be performing a live concert at a Wealthy Senior Home for Men and Women, and their families will be attending, as well.
I will be performing live with romantic, iconic love songs and my song list would include ‘Can’t Help falling in Love’, ‘Love Me Tender’, ‘Burning Love’, ‘Are You Lonesome Tonight’, ‘The Wonder of You’ and ‘’It’s Now or Never’ to name a few.
To make Valentine’s Day extra special I will give the Home folks red satin scarfs.
Emma Shanaya (Singer)
I plan on spending the day of love with my girls, especially my best friend. I don’t have a romantic Valentine this year but I am thrilled to spend it with the girl that loves me through and through. I’ll be in Colombo and look forward to go to a cute cafe and spend some quality time with my childhood best friend Zulha.
JAYASRI

Emma-and-Maneeka
This Valentine’s Day the band JAYASRI we will be really busy; in the morning we will be landing in Sri Lanka, after our Oman Tour; then in the afternoon we are invited as Chief Guests at our Maris Stella College Sports Meet, Negombo, and late night we will be with LineOne band live in Karandeniya Open Air Down South. Everywhere we will be sharing LOVE with the mass crowds.
Kay Jay (Singer)
I will stay at home and cook a lovely meal for lunch, watch some movies, together with Sanjaya, and, maybe we go out for dinner and have a lovely time. Come to think of it, every day is Valentine’s Day for me with Sanjaya Alles.
Maneka Liyanage (Beauty Tips)
On this special day, I celebrate love by spending meaningful time with the people I cherish. I prepare food with love and share meals together, because food made with love brings hearts closer. I enjoy my leisure time with them — talking, laughing, sharing stories, understanding each other, and creating beautiful memories. My wish for this Valentine’s Day is a world without fighting — a world where we love one another like our own beloved, where we do not hurt others, even through a single word or action. Let us choose kindness, patience, and understanding in everything we do.
Janaka Palapathwala (Singer)

Janaka
Valentine’s Day should not be the only day we speak about love.
From the moment we are born into this world, we seek love, first through the very drop of our mother’s milk, then through the boundless care of our Mother and Father, and the embrace of family.
Love is everywhere. All living beings, even plants, respond in affection when they are loved.
As we grow, we learn to love, and to be loved. One day, that love inspires us to build a new family of our own.
Love has no beginning and no end. It flows through every stage of life, timeless, endless, and eternal.
Natasha Rathnayake (Singer)
We don’t have any special plans for Valentine’s Day. When you’ve been in love with the same person for over 25 years, you realise that love isn’t a performance reserved for one calendar date. My husband and I have never been big on public displays, or grand gestures, on 14th February. Our love is expressed quietly and consistently, in ordinary, uncelebrated moments.
With time, you learn that love isn’t about proving anything to the world or buying into a commercialised idea of romance—flowers that wilt, sweets that spike blood sugar, and gifts that impress briefly but add little real value. In today’s society, marketing often pushes the idea that love is proven by how much money you spend, and that buying things is treated as a sign of commitment.
Real love doesn’t need reminders or price tags. It lives in showing up every day, choosing each other on unromantic days, and nurturing the relationship intentionally and without an audience.
This isn’t a judgment on those who enjoy celebrating Valentine’s Day. It’s simply a personal choice.
Melloney Dassanayake (Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024)
I truly believe it’s beautiful to have a day specially dedicated to love. But, for me, Valentine’s Day goes far beyond romantic love alone. It celebrates every form of love we hold close to our hearts: the love for family, friends, and that one special person who makes life brighter. While 14th February gives us a moment to pause and celebrate, I always remind myself that love should never be limited to just one day. Every single day should feel like Valentine’s Day – constant reminder to the people we love that they are never alone, that they are valued, and that they matter.
I’m incredibly blessed because, for me, every day feels like Valentine’s Day. My special person makes sure of that through the smallest gestures, the quiet moments, and the simple reminders that love lives in the details. He shows me that it’s the little things that count, and that love doesn’t need grand stages to feel extraordinary. This Valentine’s Day, perfection would be something intimate and meaningful: a cozy picnic in our home garden, surrounded by nature, laughter, and warmth, followed by an abstract drawing session where we let our creativity flow freely. To me, that’s what love is – simple, soulful, expressive, and deeply personal. When love is real, every ordinary moment becomes magical.
Noshin De Silva (Actress)
Valentine’s Day is one of my favourite holidays! I love the décor, the hearts everywhere, the pinks and reds, heart-shaped chocolates, and roses all around. But honestly, I believe every day can be Valentine’s Day.
It doesn’t have to be just about romantic love. It’s a chance to celebrate love in all its forms with friends, family, or even by taking a little time for yourself.
Whether you’re spending the day with someone special or enjoying your own company, it’s a reminder to appreciate meaningful connections, show kindness, and lead with love every day.
And yes, I’m fully on theme this year with heart nail art and heart mehendi design!
Wishing everyone a very happy Valentine’s Day, but, remember, love yourself first, and don’t forget to treat yourself.
Sending my love to all of you.
Features
Banana and Aloe Vera
To create a powerful, natural, and hydrating beauty mask that soothes inflammation, fights acne, and boosts skin radiance, mix a mashed banana with fresh aloe vera gel.
This nutrient-rich blend acts as an antioxidant-packed anti-ageing treatment that also doubles as a nourishing, shiny hair mask.
* Face Masks for Glowing Skin:
Mix 01 ripe banana with 01 tablespoon of fresh aloe vera gel and apply this mixture to the face. Massage for a few minutes, leave for 15-20 minutes, and then rinse off for a glowing complexion.
* Acne and Soothing Mask:
Mix 01 tablespoon of fresh aloe vera gel with 1/2 a mashed banana and 01 teaspoon of honey. Apply this mixture to clean skin to calm inflammation, reduce redness, and hydrate dry, sensitive skin. Leave for 15-20 minutes, and rinse with warm water.
* Hair Treatment for Shine:
Mix 01 fresh ripe banana with 03 tablespoons of fresh aloe vera gel and 01 teaspoon of honey. Apply from scalp to ends, massage for 10-15 minutes and then let it dry for maximum absorption. Rinse thoroughly with cool water for soft, shiny, and frizz-free hair.
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