Features
Speech writing for Mrs. B, mischievous Felix and 1965 general election
Governor General Gopallawa was a pillar of rectitude
(Excerpted from Rendering unto Caesar, by Bradman Weerakoon
Making speeches and preparing for them, was a constant occupational hazard for the prime minister and her staff. The international speeches were clearly the most important from a personal as well as country’s image-building point of view. Sirimavo gained immense credit from a statement she made in Belgrade at the Nonaligned Summit in 1961, when as the first woman prime minister of the world she used the phrase — As a woman and a mother, I call upon the nations of the world to desist from violence in their dealings with each other …’This phrase,was unique as no other world leader up to then could have used it, and was carried in headlines across the world giving Sirimavo and Ceylon a tremendous boost.
The trouble with great phrases is that once they are made, they cannot be used again, or if so, very sparingly. We faced this problem acutely in Cairo in 1964, at the next Non-aligned Summit. Once again, the drafting team was Felix, Glannie and myself Sirimavo had told us in advance that we must try to make it as powerful as the speech that she had done in Belgrade. We tried as hard as we could, but could not come up with any extra-bright ideas as we struggled through the draft for the rest day, a day before the opening. As a break from our labours, that afternoon we went to visit the Cairo Museum. It was eerie, being so physically close to the Pharaohs, dead and mummified, some three thousand years ago.
Late that evening we were still at it trying to find the magic breakthrough. At 9.30 that night Sirimavo peeped into the room on her way to bed and asked, “How are you doing? Have you found anything exciting to say?” At which point, Felix, at his most mischievous, softly said, “No, not yet Sirima. But how would you like to start it like this, now that you are in Cairo, As a woman and a mummy, I call upon, etc, etc.’ Sirimavo yelled at him, “Felix!” as if she could have strangled him and chuckling softly to herself, turned away closing the door behind her.
The Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement
The question of the citizenship rights of the Tamils of Indian origin who worked on the plantations was something always high on Sirimavo’s agenda. She was well aware of the political implications of the issue. She had personal knowledge of the condition of the people working on estates and the sad quality of their lives, from her childhood in the province of Sabaragamuwa, which had a large number of plantations in both tea and rubber. The Federal Party too, had included citizenship of the Indian Tamils as part of their basic four-point minimum agenda.
The Tamils of recent Indian origin, as a group, had been disenfranchised through the Citizenship Acts of 1949. They had little representation in Parliament, and since the 1950s had been represented only through one or two nominated members of Parliament. Soon after independence, in the first Parliament of 1947, they had had as many as 11 representatives in a House of 101 MPs. The legislation of 1949 had removed most of the Indian Tamil voters from the electoral lists in the up-country areas and their representation by Tamil members of Parliament had declined.
This had enabled, what were referred to as the `Kandyan electorates’, to be represented thereafter more by boomiputras – sons of the soil – rather than by representatives who were deemed to have only a marginal interest in Ceylon and a greater loyalty to India. This was the prevalent feeling among a section of the population who were proud to refer to themselves as Kandyan Sinhalese and the last to be brought under British rule in 1815. But, it had left behind a feeling of having been discriminated against, in the minds of the plantation Tamils and was to be a constant factor in their political agenda.
The Federal Party had been quick to make common cause with the plantation Tamils on this account using it as another example of the domineering character of the majority Sinhalese state.
Sirimavo realized that the critical issue in this very complex she had serious concerns, was to come to agreement with India on the specific numbers as to who would become Ceylon citizens and those who would become Indian citizens. On a visit to New Delhi in October 1964, she arrived at a historic settlement of this problem which had long evaded resolution. The Indo-Ceylon Agreement or the Sirima-Shastri Pact, it was popularly called, was undoubtedly the high point during this period of her two terms as the prime minister of the country.
I recall her telephoning me from Delhi to inquire what the reactions were in Colombo about the Agreement which stated that Ceylon would accept 300,000 of these persons as citizens. I believe she was bothered as to whether this number might be regarded as too large. I assured her that considering that there were at the time many as 975,000 persons of Indian origin in Ceylon and that India had accepted to take 525,000 as citizens of India, we had come out rather well in the negotiations.
It would mean in effect that for every four persons of recent Indian origin we took in as citizens, India would take seven. If the Agreement worked out according to plan around 15,000 persons of Indian origin would be repatriated annually over a spread of about 15 years. Things finally did not work out precisely as planned on schedule. But after a while, a regular flow of repatriation took place and the problem which had strained relations between India and Ceylon, and also become a domestic political issue for long, was resolved. It was one of the most notable political and diplomatic achievements that Sirimavo could take credit for.
Her personal touch in foreign relations
Sirimavo evinced great interest in events occurring around the world and brought a personal touch into her dealings with world leaders. Unexpected and dramatic change would affect her in a very personal way. I recall the evident sadness with which she spoke to me on the morning of President Kennedy’s assassination. Her thoughts were of the grieving widow, Jacqueline and the two children Caroline and John junior. It must have brought memories of what she herself had experienced in September 1959.
Frances Willis, the US ambassador had broken the news to her in the early hours of the morning. Frances was the first of a long line of female Heads of the Foreign Missions who came to be appointed for duty in Ceylon at the time on the assumption that they being female, would have easier entry to a woman prime minister than a male ambassador. It did not always work that way, but between Frances and Sirimavo, who were both very dignified in behaviour, there was an excellent rapport.
This certainly helped with all the actions we were taking at the time which were considered adverse to US interests, like the take-over of the oil distribution business which was then shared by the giant transnationals – Shell, Caltex and Mobiloil. At Kennedy’s death, Sirimavo wanted a well-drafted message of sympathy to Jacqueline Kennedy, which was sent by cypher to our ambassador in Washington for handing over. Similarly, the death of Feroze Gandhi, her friend Indira’s husband, also evoked a long and supportive letter of sympathy. She was very good about keeping in touch with her wide circle of friends abroad especially at moments of personal grief
President Tito and his wife Jovanka Broz were also special friends after the many occasions they had been together on the Non-aligned circuit. Yugoslavia was a favourite country of hers, and Sirimavo went as often as she could, both officially and privately, because there she had found a place for effective treatment of the knee problem which troubled her often. She liked the ‘alternative medicine’ method of therapeutic mud-packs, somewhat reminiscent of our own ayurveda which was practised in the clinic in Bratislava on the Adriatic coast. This was the only health problem that she had, throughout the four and a half years of her first premiership. I believe the lift at Temple Trees was installed at this time as she found it very painful, at times when the knee became inflamed, to climb the stairs to her bedroom upstairs. Once or twice, I even had to carry the official files into her room and she would attend to the papers quite cheerily, while propped up in bed.
Administrative Reform at home
Sirimavo made some important changes in public service administration both at the top and the bottom of the ladder. I had a feeling that Felix was very much behind all this. In 1963 after much consideration, the Ceylon Civil Service was abolished and replaced by the Ceylon Administrative Service constructed on broader recruitment base. The writing had been on the wall for a while. The primary reason for the change seemed to be that, Felix particularly, and a few of the other ministers, were not too comfortable with having their chief administrative advisors being people with their own individual minds and opinions.
They would have preferred less debate and more action once the political decisions had been taken. It was not so much obstruction, as the perceived continuing challenge to their authority, which was galling. How much easier it would be if one had more obedient, less intellectually inclined, and less argumentative people to take their orders and carry them out, seemed to be the basic reasoning which the Cabinet accepted.
There was some truth in these suppositions. The Ceylon Civil Service (CCS) which was very much an elite club with its own subculture, still tried to maintain the tradition of the impartial, learned, and omnicompetent advisor. Raw entrants to the service in the post-independence period, were increasingly academically brilliant young men coming in from the rural Maha Vidyalayas. But they were quickly schooled by their peers in the CCS who largely came from the traditional urban public schools, which had earlier produced the base of the service, into the ‘culture’, and became ofttimes stronger keepers of the tradition than their mentors.
After the political revolution of 1956 and the emergence of a new breed of politicians, all this had been under attack. The CCS seemed to be supremely indifferent to the profound changes going on, unless the changes affected their own interests. Radical change in the objectives and methods of governance were afoot. The accent being on delivering what the people at the grassroots wanted, and delivering it quickly. Felix seriously felt that many of the Ceylon Civil Service administrators were too ‘dyed in the wool’ in old-school ways and methods.
What he thought of them was that there was too much of the observance of the letter of the law and not enough sensitivity to the spirit of the new times. In a way there was much truth in what he was saying because the civil servants had the independence of doing things the way they wanted to because of the levels of education and achievement they possessed academically, and also since most of them had independent means. A civil servant was a prized catch for the daughter of a successful businessman or a rich land owner. There were many CC S men of acute intellectual brilliance who had been snared by very rich bus magnates or owners of vast acres of coconut and rubber land. Felix’s point was that with all this acquired wealth behind them would they be able to implement the programme of socialistic reforms the government had in mind?
So without much ado in 1963 all of us civil servants were given the option to retire immediately ‘on abolition of office terms’, or of retiring within the next 10 years on the same generous terms. Several of the older ones left pretty soon while some of the younger ones, like myself, remained to exercise the option at a later stage of our career. Similarly, Sirimavo with Felix’s help, made a strategically important structural change at the bottom of the administrative chain of the highly centralized structure of government in place at the time. This was the abolition of the office of the ‘Village Headman’ and his replacement by the more homely grama sevaka – the servant of the people.
The role of the Governor-General
The results of the general elections called by Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike in 1965 were inconclusive. The SLFP-led front had not obtained an outright majority of parliamentary seats. The UNP, among the parties that had contested, had won the most number of seats. Sirimavo who always wanted to scrupulously observe the rules and procedures asked me to prepare the usual letters of resignation of her government.
However there were other political forces at work attempting to persuade her to consider other options, before resigning. One such, put forward by Dr Colvin R de Silva, the astute legal brain of the LSSP, was to hold on and face a vote of confidence when Parliament met in ten days time. The debate was fast and furious and tempers ran high. As usual much was at stake. I recall very clearly the alignment of forces. Those of the Left were arguing for the prime minister to stay on, and let the issue be decided by
Parliament when it met. Others, mainly her family members, like her Private Secretary Mackie, Felix and Lakshmi Bandaranaike and James and Siva Obeysekere, were for her doing, what she wanted to do, which was to resign and allow the governor-general the opportunity to call whomever he thought could form a government, to do so.
The delay in the prime minister resigning was leading to unruly behaviour in the city. Outside in the city. Outside Temple Trees a crowd of people gathered at the gates in support of Sirimavo. I saw my university colleague, the diminutive Stanley Tillekeratne, then an SLFP back-bencher, orating before the restive crowd. Through all this William Gopallawa, the governor-general acted with impeccable integrity.
At times like these, the role of the governor-general in terms of the constitution came into its own. At normal times although the highest in the land protocol-wise, he had no effective power to act on his own. After a general election however, and one which was indecisive, he was endowed with wide discretionary power. He could in his discretion, when informed by the prime minister that she had resigned, summon a leader of a political party to form a government, if in his view that political leader could command the confidence of Parliament. He could also, in circumstances that nobody else could do, call on the resigned prime minister to try to win the support of other parties and produce proof that he/she could command the confidence of the House.
It was an excruciatingly difficult time for Gopallawa. It was Sirimavo who in the aftermath of the failed coup d’etat in 1962, and the removal of Sir Oliver, recommended his name to the Queen for appointment as governor-general. There were links of kinship between the Bandaranaikes and the Gopallawas. The other party, in the wings – the UNP – might deal harshly with him if they came in, since he had been appointed by the SLFP.
None of these considerations bothered Gopallawa when it came to doing his duty. During those critical hours when the country’s fate, hung in the balance as it were, Gopallawa was unshakable in his devotion to duty. Almost every hour he would call me to ask whether the prime minister had made up her mind. Once, in exasperation, he asked me whether he should send over Erskine May, the authoritative book on parliamentary procedure and practice, with the relevant portions highlighted. I begged for time.
I was being given a difficult time by the left members. They resented my advice to Sirimavo that she resign and leave it open to the governor-general to take the matter further. Finally Colvin ordered me to leave the room. I countered that I worked for the prime minister and would only leave if the prime minister asked me to do so. Sirimavo remained calm and said nothing. So I remained.
That night dejected and disappointed at the delay, my car was stoned as I drove down Cotta Road to my home in Rajagiriya. I announced tearfully to Damayanthi that I would be resigning the next day if there was not a proper outcome. Around seven the next morning I had a call from Mackie asking me to come to TT (Temple Trees) as soon as possible as the prime minister had decided to sign the letter. I got back to TT, had the letter signed and was coming down the stairs when I met a small group of those who had been trying to persuade the prime minister to stay on, coming up.
I ignored their rather black looks and went over to Queens House. Gopallawa was much relieved and immediately sent for Dudley to see whether he had the required majority. The hero of the story for me was Gopallawa. His had been a supreme act of patriotism; an act of loyalty to the state which transcended party, kinship and even personal obligation.
Features
Neutrality in the context of geopolitical rivalries
The long standing foreign policy of Sri Lanka was Non-Alignment. However, in the context of emerging geopolitical rivalries, there was a need to question the adequacy of Non-Alignment as a policy to meet developing challenges. Neutrality as being a more effective Policy was first presented in an article titled “Independence: its meaning and a direction for the future” (The Island, February 14, 2019). The switch over from Non-Alignment to Neutrality was first adopted by former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and followed through by successive Governments. However, it was the current Government that did not miss an opportunity to announce that its Foreign Policy was Neutral.
The policy of Neutrality has served the interests of Sri Lanka by the principled stand taken in respect of the requests made by two belligerents associated with the Middle East War. The justification for the position adopted was conveyed by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake to Parliament that Iran had made a formal request on February 26 for three Iranian naval ships to visit Sri Lanka, and on the same evening, the United States also requested permission for two war planes to land at Mattala International Airport. Both requests were denied on grounds of maintaining “our policy of neutrality”.
WHY NEUTRALITY
Excerpts from the article cited above that recommended Neutrality as the best option for Sri Lanka considering the vulnerability to its security presented by its geographic location in the context of emerging rivalries arising from “Pivot to Asia” are presented below:
“Traditional thinking as to how small States could cope with external pressures are supposed to be: (1) Non-alignment with any of the major centers of power; (2) Alignment with one of the major powers thus making a choice and facing the consequences of which power block prevails; (3) Bandwagoning which involves unequal exchange where the small State makes asymmetric concessions to the dominant power and accepts a subordinate role of a vassal State; (4) Hedging, which attempts to secure economic and security benefits of engagement with each power center: (5) Balancing pressures individually, or by forming alliances with other small States; (6) Neutrality”.
Of the six strategies cited above, the only strategy that permits a sovereign independent nation to charter its own destiny is neutrality, as it is with Switzerland and some Nordic countries. The independence to self-determine the destiny of a nation requires security in respect of Inviolability of Territory, Food Security, Energy Security etc. Of these, the most critical of securities is the Inviolability of Territory. Consequently, Neutrality has more relevance to protect Territorial Security because it is based on International Law, as opposed to Non-Alignment which is based on principles applicable to specific countries that pledged to abide by them
“The sources of the international law of neutrality are customary international law and, for certain questions, international treaties, in particular the Paris Declaration of 1856, the 1907 Hague Convention No. V respecting the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers and Persons in Case of War on Land, the 1907 Hague Convention No. XIII concerning the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers in Naval War, the four 1949 Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I of 1977” (ICRC Publication on Neutrality, 2022).
As part of its Duties a Neutral State “must ensure respect for its neutrality, if necessary, using force to repel any violation of its territory. Violations include failure to respect the prohibitions placed on belligerent parties with regard to certain activities in neutral territory, described above. The fact that a neutral State uses force to repel attempts to violate its neutrality cannot be regarded as a hostile act. If the neutral State defends its neutrality, it must however respect the limits which international law imposes on the use of force. The neutral State must treat the opposing belligerent States impartially. However, impartiality does not mean that a State is bound to treat the belligerents in exactly the same way. It entails a prohibition on discrimination” (Ibid).
“It forbids only differential treatment of the belligerents which in view of the specific problem of armed conflict is not justified. Therefore, a neutral State is not obliged to eliminate differences in commercial relations between itself and each of the parties to the conflict at the time of the outbreak of the armed conflict. It is entitled to continue existing commercial relations. A change in these commercial relationships could, however, constitute taking sides inconsistent with the status of neutrality” (Ibid).
THE POTENTIAL of NEUTRALITY
It is apparent from the foregoing that Neutrality as a Policy is not “Passive” as some misguided claim Neutrality to be. On the other hand, it could be dynamic to the extent a country chooses to be as demonstrated by the actions taken recently to address the challenges presented during the ongoing Middle East War. Furthermore, Neutrality does not prevent Sri Lanka from engaging in Commercial activities with other States to ensuring Food and Energy security.
If such arrangements are undertaken on the basis of unsolicited offers as it was, for instance, with Japan’s Light Rail Project or Sinopec’s 200,000 Barrels a Day Refinery, principles of Neutrality would be violated because it violates the cardinal principle of Neutrality, namely, impartiality. The proposal to set up an Energy Complex in Trincomalee with India and UAE would be no different because it restricts the opportunity to one defined Party, thus defying impartiality. On the other hand, if Sri Lanka defines the scope of the Project and calls for Expressions of Interest and impartially chooses the most favourable with transparency, principles of Neutrality would be intact. More importantly, such conduct would attract the confidence of Investors to engage in ventures impartial in a principled manner. Such an approach would amount to continue the momentum of the professional approach adopted to meet the challenges of the Middle East War.
CONCLUSION
The manner in which Sri Lanka acted, first to deny access to the territory of Sri Lanka followed up by the humanitarian measures adopted to save the survivors of the torpedoed ship, earned honour and respect for the principled approach adopted to protect territorial inviolability based on International provisions of Neutrality.
If Sri Lanka continues with the momentum gained and adopts impartial and principled measures recommended above to develop the country and the wellbeing of its Peoples, based on self-reliance, this Government would be giving Sri Lanka a new direction and a fresh meaning to Neutrality that is not passive but dynamic.
by Neville Ladduwahetty
Features
Lest we forget
The interference into affairs of other nations by the USA’s Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) started in 1953, six years after it was established. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company supplied Britain with most of its oil during World War I. In fact, Winston Churchill once declared: “Fortune brought us a prize from fairyland beyond our wildest dreams.”
When in 1951 Dr. Mohammad Mosaddegh was reluctantly appointed as Prime Minister by the Shah of Iran, whose role was mostly ceremonial, he convinced Parliament that the oil company should be nationalised.
Mohammed Mosaddegh
Mosaddegh said: “Our long years of negotiations with foreign companies have yielded no result thus far. With the oil revenues we could meet our entire budget and combat poverty, disease and backwardness of our people.”
It was then that British Intelligence requested help from the CIA to bring down the Iranian regime by infiltrating their communist mobs and the army, thus creating disorder. An Iranian oil embargo by the western countries was imposed, making Iranians poorer by the day. Meanwhile, the CIA’s strings were being pulled by Kermit Roosevelt (a grandson of former President Theodore Roosevelt), according to declassified intelligence information.
Although a first coup failed, the second attempt was successful. General Fazlollah Zahedi, an Army officer, took over as Prime Minister. Mosaddegh was tried and imprisoned for three years and kept under house arrest until his death. Playing an important role in the 1953 coup was a Shia cleric named Ayatollah Abol-Ghasem Mostafavi-Kashani. He was previously loyal to Mosaddegh, but later supported the coup. One of his successors was Ayatollah Ruhollah Mostafavi Musavi Khomeini, who engineered the Islamic Revolution in 1979. Meanwhile, in 1954 the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company had been rebranded as British Petroleum (BP).
Map of the Middle East
When the Iran-Iraq war broke out (September 1980 to August 1988), the Persian/Arabian Gulf became a hive of activity for American warships, which were there to ensure security of the Gulf and supertankers passing through it.
The Strait of Hormuz, the only way in and out of the Gulf, is administered by Oman and Iran. While there may have been British and French warships in the region, radio ‘chatter’ heard by aircraft pilots overhead was always from the US ships. In those days, flying in and out of the Gulf was a nerve-wracking experience for airline pilots, as one may suddenly hear a radio call on the common frequency: “Aircraft approaching US warship [name], identify yourself.” One thing in the pilots’ favour was that they didn’t know what ships they were flying over, so they obeyed only the designated air traffic controller. Sometimes though, with unnecessarily distracting American chatter, there was complete chaos, resulting in mistaken identities.
Air Lanka Tri Star
Once, Air Lanka pilots monitored an aircraft approaching Bahrain being given a heading to turn on to by a ship’s radio operator. Promptly the air traffic controller, who was on the same frequency, butted in and said: “Disregard! Ship USS Navy [name], do you realise what you have just done? You have turned him on to another aircraft!” It was obvious that there was a struggle to maintain air traffic control in the Gulf, with operators having to contend with American arrogance.
On the night of May 17, 1987, USS Stark was cruising in Gulf waters when it was attacked by a Dassault Mirage F1 jet fighter/attack aircraft of the Iraqi Air Force. Without identifying itself, the aircraft fired two Exocet missiles, one of which exploded, killing 37 sailors on board the American frigate. Iraq apologised, saying it was a mistake. The USA graciously accepted the apology.
Then on July 3, 1988 the high-tech, billion-dollar guided missile cruiser USS Vincennes, equipped with advanced Aegis weapons systems and commanded by Capt. Will Rogers III, was chasing two small Iranian gun boats back to their own waters when an aircraft was observed on radar approaching the US warship. It was misidentified as a Mirage F1 fighter, so the Americans, in Iranian territorial waters, fired two surface-to-air Missiles (SAMs) at the target, which was summarily destroyed.
The Vincennes had issued numerous warnings to the approaching aircraft on the military distress frequency. But the aircraft never heard them as it was listening out on a different (civil) radio frequency. The airplane broke in three. It was soon discovered, however, that the airplane was in fact an Iran Air Airbus A300 airliner with 290 civilian passengers on board, en route from Bandar Abbas to Dubai. Unfortunately, because it was a clear day, the Iranian-born, US-educated captain of Iran Air Flight 655 had switched off the weather radar. If it was on, perhaps it would have confirmed to the American ship that the ‘incoming’ was in fact a civil aircraft. At the time, Capt. Will Rogers’ surface commander, Capt. McKenna, went on record saying that USS Vincennes was “looking for action”, and that is why they “got into trouble”.
Although USS Vincennes was given a grand homecoming upon returning to the USA, and its Captain Will Rogers III decorated with the Legion of Merrit, in February 1996 the American government agreed to pay Iran US$131.8 million in settlement of a case lodged by the Iranians in the International Court of Justice against the USA for its role in that incident. However, no apology was tendered to the families of the innocent victims.
These two incidents forced Air Lanka pilots, who operated regularly in those perilous skies, to adopt extra precautionary measures. For example, they never switched off the weather radar system, even in clear skies. While there were potentially hostile ships on ground, layers of altitude were blocked off for the exclusive use of US Air Force AWACS (Airborne Warning and Control System) aircraft flying in Bahraini and southern Saudi Arabian airspace. The precautions were even more important because Air Lanka’s westbound, ‘heavy’ Lockheed TriStars were poor climbers above 29,000 ft. When departing Oman or the UAE in high ambient temperatures, it was a struggle to reach cruising level by the time the airplane was overhead Bahrain, as per the requirement.
In the aftermath of the Iran Air 655 incident, Newsweek magazine called it a case of ‘mistaken identity’. Yet, when summing up the tragic incident that occurred on September 1, 1983, when Korean Air Flight KE/KAL 007 was shot down by a Russian fighter jet, close to Sakhalin Island in the Pacific Ocean during a flight from New York to Seoul, the same magazine labelled it ‘murder in the air’.
After the Iranian coup, which was not coincidentally during the time of the ‘Cold War’, the CIA involved itself in the internal affairs of numerous countries and regions around the world: Guatemala (1953-1990s); Costa Rica (1955, 1970-1971); Middle East (1956-1958); Haiti (1959); Western Europe (1950s to 1960s); British Guiana/Guyana (1953-1964); Iraq (1958-1963); Soviet Union, Vietnam, Cambodia (1955-1973); Laos, Thailand, Ecuador (1960-1963); The Congo (1960-1965, 1977-1978); French Algeria (1960s); Brazil (1961-1964); Peru (1965); Dominican Republic (1963-1965); Cuba (1959 to present); Indonesia (1965); Ghana (1966); Uruguay (1969-1972); Chile (1964-1973); Greece (1967-1974); South Africa (1960s to 1980s); Bolivia (1964-1975); Australia (1972-1975); Iraq (1972-1975); Portugal (1974-1976); East Timor (1975-1999); Angola (1975-1980); Jamaica (1976); Honduras (1980s); Nicaragua (1979-1990); Philippines (1970s to 1990s); Seychelles (1979-1981); Diego Garcia (late 1960s to present); South Yemen (1979-1984); South Korea (1980); Chad (1981-1982); Grenada (1979-1983); Suriname (1982-1984); Libya (1981-1989); Fiji (1987); Panama (1989); Afghanistan (1979-1992); El Salvador (1980-1992); Haiti (1987-1994, 2004); Bulgaria (1990-1991); Albania (1991-1992); Somalia (1993); Iraq (1991-2003; 2003 to present), Colombia (1990s to present); Yugoslavia (1995-1995, and to 1999); Ecuador (2000); Afghanistan (2001 to present); Venezuela (2001-2004; and 2025).
If one searches the internet for information on American involvement in foreign countries during the periods listed above, it will be seen how ‘black’ funds were/are used by the CIA to destabilise those governments for the benefit of a few with vested interests, while poor citizens must live in the chaos and uncertainty thus created.
A popular saying goes: “Each man has his price”. Sad, isn’t it? Arguably the world’s only superpower that professes to be a ‘paragon of virtue’ often goes ‘rogue’.
God Bless America – and no one else!
BY GUWAN SEEYA
Features
Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute
By Ifham Nizam
A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.
The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.
At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.
Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.
“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”
Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.
Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.
“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.
“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”
Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.
An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.
“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.
The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”
Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.
“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.
The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.
Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.
Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.
Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.
They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.
As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?
Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.
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