Features
Solving Tamil problem is the way out of economic crisis: Rasamanickam
by Sujeeva Nivunhella
reporting from London
TNA Jaffna District MP M.A. Sumanthiran and Trincomalee District MP Shanakiyan Rasamanickam were in London last week on their way back home from New York and met with British Government officials and members of Tamil and Muslim diaspora communities living in London.
Talking exclusively to the Sunday Island, Rasamanickam said that they had fruitful talks with British government officials and diaspora communities. Tamils in Sri Lanka have been aspiring for self-determination since independence and they are still where they were.
They are not looking for a separate state but a Quebec/Tamil Nadu style of administration within one country. If the government is willing to fulfill Tamil aspirations, they can easily bring foreign currency needed to escape the present debt trap.
Some excerpts of the interview:
Q: What is the purpose of your visit to London?
A: MP Sumanthiran and I had a four-day visit to the UK, when we met various groups including Lord Tariq Ahmad, Minister of State for South Asia in the Foreign and Commonwealth office and the Tamil and Muslim diaspora. We reiterated the need for a political solution in Sri Lanka because that is what is needed to uplift the country’s economy.
Representing my generation, I have a responsibility to ensure that Lankan youth remain in the country. There is a trend of people trying to move out with long lines outside passport offices. They want to leave in the context of the terrible shape of the country’s economy and this must be addressed. For that, we need a political solution to communal differences within the country.
This is something that has been unresolved for 73 years since 1948; and our party has been working on it for many years. We met the Muslim community because in the North and the East more than 90% of the population are Tamil speaking people and Muslims are a part of that group. This is not a separatist agenda.
If you take Canada as an example, despite special arrangements Quebec remains a part of Canada. In India, there is Tamil Nadu includes Kerala, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh where the people speak Tamil. They have the right to exercise their franchise and retain their identity. We want to live as Sri Lankans but we don’t want to give up our identity.
During our visit, we talked about this at different levels, with three or four meetings with British Government officials and 10-15 with diaspora groups.
Q: What kind of a political solution are you searching for?
A: A political solution that could be acceptable for all Lankans – Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim. A solution where Tamil people’s genuine interests are accepted. We don’t want to go into details but what we want is something acceptable to all communities. We are never going to do anything not acceptable to the Sinhala people. We are not seeking a separate state. We want to work with the Sinhalese. We want to work with the government and come to an amicable solution.
Q: Have you put forward your proposal to the government?
A: Well, the government of Sri Lanka denied us a meeting for almost a year and a half, since the present parliament convened. We are yet to meet the President. Hopefully, he will give us an opportunity to meet him now. British ministers want to meet us. US delegates want to meet us. Canadian delegates want to meet us but our own President doesn’t want to meet us. That’s the irony.
Q: You mentioned Quebec and Tami Nadu. Do you want a separate state?
A: No. We want a solution where our rights are respected. We want to be able to govern our people. We want to be able to have our own administration. That is within Sri Lanka as one country. No separatist agenda here. But we don’t want to lose our identity. Tamils are not refugees in Sri Lanka. The reason why I mentioned Quebec and Tamil Nadu is because a structure that has worked and proven exists there. We want to be in one united country but we want our political rights.
From 1948 since we gained independence from the British till 1978 there was no violence. For 30 years, our leaders and our community struggled for a political solution through dialogue. It was when that was rejected that the war started. When legitimate concerns are not addressed, people tend to resort to violence. We are against violence. But how long can we keep it that way? It’s already 13 years since the war ended. When we cannot offer a solution to the people, then they resort to other measures.
Q: You and MP Sumanthiran went to the USA and Canada and met some government officials and then came to England and met British officials too. Are you asking these countries to push the SL government to find a solution for you?
A: Everyone is fully aware of what the Sri Lankan government did. At the height of the war in 2009, all these countries helped Sri Lanka to end the war and restore peace in the country on the basis that all Lankans will be treated equally. But the SL government has failed to do that and those western countries now have a responsibility to ensure that the Tamil speaking people are not marginalized. Mahinda Rajapaksa promised devolution beyond 13A, now they are trying to get rid of 13A. Therefore countries like Britain, USA and Canada have a responsibility to ensure that Tamils in Sri Lanka have equal rights.
Q: Does the Tamil community in Sri Lanka believe they still do not fit in with society?
A: Absolutely. Tamils in Sri Lanka are given second-hand treatment. We are treated like second-class citizens. Look at the President’s most recent address on the One Country, One Law concept. There’s no Tamil on the committee. Even if there was one, it doesn’t mean much. They are not even worried about the optics. At least they should have thought, we have to make sure there is a Tamil in the committee even as a namesake. The President did not bother. That is the best example of our being second class citizens in the country.
Q: You first contested through United People’s Freedom Alliance in 2015 and in 2020 you contested through Tamil National Alliance. What was the reason for this switch?
A: I was the SLFP organizer in 2013. I joined Mahinda Rajapaksa. At the time I was only 22-years old. I joined on the promise that Tamil people will be given an equal place in the country. But he failed to do that. He promised to go beyond 13A. I even worked with President Maithripala Sirisena. TNA backed Sirisena at that election. But both these politicians fooled the Tamil people. I was driven to the TNA three years after I joined politics.
Q: Can you see any future Sinhala leader who may listen to the Tamil community?
A: I don’t want to mention names. But if there is no Sinhala leader who listens to the Tamil people, then there is no Sinhala leader who can bring Sri Lanka out of the debt trap. There is no way Sri Lanka has a future if there is no one willing to do that. If you leave Tamil and Muslim people out, there is no future for Sri Lanka.
Q: What do you think about the current economic situation in Sri Lanka?
A: We are facing a major economic crisis. We have got debt payments of USD 5 billion a year for the next five years. We have large budget deficit and no plans to fix it. The only alternative is to go to the IMF. But if you go there, they will impose very strict conditions on economic spending in SL making the government more unpopular – not that it is popular now.
The only option is to solve the national Tamil question and we can bring in money. It’s only USD 35 billion. If the Tamil people’s quest for their rights is resolved, we can bring 35 billion in five years. That is not a problem. We have so many friends and nations who are friends with Tamils who will help on the promise that Sri Lanka will be a human rights-respecting country. If they fail to do that there’s no future for this country. With the economic crisis so bad, the only way forward is this.
Q: My understanding is that the government wants the Tamil community to come and help them out.A: We will be happy to help them and have said so openly. We will support any government that can solve this problem.Q: Dr. Harsha de Silva recently said that good people from all political parties including the JVP and TNA should join together to form a future government. What do you think about that?
A: Dr Harsha or whoever else wants to do that need to articulate their position on the Tamil national question first. We don’t want to be always be in the opposition opposing everything.
Campaigning in Batticaloa I never promised to build roads or houses. I told the people that I will try to the best of my ability to create an environment where Tamils can live in peace in this country. That is why they voted for me. If someone thinks that there is a way to form a government including all of us, they first need to articulate their position on our issue. We are not going to support any government unless they are happy to solve our problems. Q: You keep talking of the Tamil National problem. What is your main problem?A: That there is no devolution of power. Our people are unable to exercise their franchise the way they want. In Sri Lanka, we are a minority but we must have all the rights everybody in the world should have.Q: If all the Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim people can live together in one country, why do you want to have a separate administration?A: Sinhala people are most welcome in the North and East. We love the Sinhala people. In fact, my mother is Sinhala. We are only opposed to the idea of trying to artificially de-legitimize our identity. District of Ampara was only created in 1960. Landless people from Matara and Galle were brought into Ampara and settled there whilst Tamil people in those areas were landless.
I heard that the government is planning to create a project of 500 houses a district, based on the national ethnic ratio. In Batticaloa out of 500 houses, 350 houses will be given to the Sinhala people when there are over 300,000 Tamil people in Batticaloa with no houses, how can they give houses to the people who came from outside? Up to now, the Mahaweli Authority has given 95% of the land to the Sinhala people, 1.9% to Tamil, 1.7% to Muslim and 1.5% to Indian Tamils. We are not against the Sinhala people. We are against the government that is trying to divide us.
Q: How do you see the future of Sri Lanka?
A: The future is going to be very bleak unless they resolve this issue. We already see hundreds of people outside passport offices seeking to migrate to other countries. That is not because they don’t want to live in Sri Lanka. They can’t live in Sri Lanka because the economy is so bad.Q: Do you think Tamil people might take up arms again in the future?A: Well the world has moved from armed rebellion. Violence is not something that we believe in. I don’t know about others, but as for me I’ll never encourage taking arms again.
Features
The Easter investigation must not become ethno-religious politics
Representatives of almost all the main opposition parties were in attendance at the recent book launch by Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila. The book written by the PHU leader was his analysis of the Easter bombing of April 2019 that led to the mass killing of 279 persons, caused injuries to more than 500 others and caused panic and shock in the entire country. The Easter bombing was inexplicable for a number of reasons. First, it was perpetrated by suicide bombers who were Sri Lankan Muslims, a community not known for this practice. They targeted Christian churches in particular, which led to the largest number of casualties. The bombing of Sri Lankan Christian churches by Sri Lankan Muslims was also inexplicable in a country that had no history of any serious violence between the two religions.
There were two further inexplicable features of the bombing. The six suicide bombings took place almost simultaneously in different parts of the country. The logistical complexity of this operation exceeded any previously seen in Sri Lanka. Even during the three decade long civil war that pitted the Sri Lankan military against the LTTE, which had earned international notoriety for suicide attacks, Sri Lanka had rarely witnessed such a synchronised operation. The country’s former Attorney General, Dappula de Livera, who investigated the bombing at the time it took place, later stated, upon retirement, that there was a “grand conspiracy” behind the bombings. That phrase has remained central to public debate because it suggested that the visible perpetrators may not have been the only planners behind the attack.
The other inexplicable factor was that intelligence services based in India repeatedly warned their Sri Lankan counterparts that the bombings would take place and even gave specific targets. Later investigations confirmed that warnings were transmitted days before the attacks and repeated again shortly before the explosions, yet they were not acted upon. It was these several inexplicable factors that gave rise to the surmise of a mastermind behind the students and religious fanatics led by the extremist preacher Zahran Hashim from the east of the country, who also blew himself up in the attacks. Even at the time of the bombing there was doubt that such a complex and synchronised operation could have been planned and executed by the motley band who comprised the suicide bombers.
Determined Attempt
The book by PHU leader Gammanpila is a determined attempt to make explicable the inexplicable by marshalling logic and evidence that this complex and synchronised operation was planned and executed by Zahran himself. This is a possible line of argumentation in a democratic society. Competing interpretations of public tragedies are part of political discourse. However, the timing of the intervention makes it politically more significant. The launch of the PHU leader’s book comes at a critical time when the protracted investigation into the Easter bombing appears to be moving forward under the present government.
The performance of the three previous governments at investigating the bombing was desultory at best. The Supreme Court held former President Maithripala Sirisena and several senior officials responsible for failing to act on prior intelligence and ordered compensation to victims. This judicial finding gave legal recognition to what victims had long maintained, that there was a grave dereliction of duty at the highest levels of the state. In recent weeks the investigation has taken a dramatic turn with the arrest and court production of former State Intelligence Service chief Suresh Sallay on allegations linked directly to the attacks. Whether these allegations are ultimately proven or disproven, they indicate that the present phase of the investigation is moving beyond negligence into possible complicity.
This is why the present moment requires political sobriety. There is a danger that the line of political division regarding the investigation into the Easter bombing can take on an ethnic complexion. The insistence that the suicide bombers alone were the planners and executors of the dastardly crime makes the focus invariably one of Muslim extremism, as the suicide bombers were all Muslims. This may unintentionally narrow public attention away from the unanswered questions regarding intelligence failures, possible political manipulation, and the allegations of a broader conspiracy that remain under active investigation. The minority political parties representing ethnic and religious minorities appear to have realised this danger. Their absence from the book launch was politically significant. It suggests an unwillingness to be drawn into a narrative that could once again stigmatise an entire community for the crimes of a handful of extremists and their possible handlers.
Another Tragedy
It would be another tragedy comparable in political consequence to the havoc wreaked by the Easter bombing if moderate mainstream political parties, such as the SJB to which the Leader of the Opposition belongs, were to subscribe to positions merely to score political points against the present government. They need to guard against the promotion of anti-minority sentiment and the fuelling of majority prejudice against ethnic and religious minorities. Indeed, opposition leader Sajith Premadasa in his Easter message said that justice for the victims of the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter Sunday attacks remains a fundamental responsibility of the state and noted that seven years on, both past and present governments have failed to deliver accountability. He added that building a society grounded in trust and peace, uniting all ethnicities, religions and communities, is vital to ensure such tragedies do not occur again.
Sri Lanka’s post war history offers too many examples of how unresolved security crises become vehicles for majoritarian mobilisation. The Easter tragedy itself was followed by waves of anti-Muslim suspicion and violence in some parts of the country. Responsible political leadership should seek to prevent any return to that atmosphere. There are many other legitimate issues on which the moderate and mainstream opposition parties can take the government to task. These include the lack of decisive action against government members accused of corruption, the passing of the entire burden of rising fuel prices on consumers instead of the government sharing the burden, and the failure to hold provincial council elections within the promised timeframe. These are issues that touch the daily lives of citizens and the health of democratic governance. They offer the opposition ample ground on which to build credibility as a government in waiting.
The search for truth and justice over the Easter bombing needs to continue until all those responsible are identified, whether they were direct perpetrators, negligent officials, or political actors who may have exploited the tragedy. This is what the victim families want and the country needs. But this search must not be turned into a partisan and religiously divisive matter such as by claiming that there are more potential suicide bombers lurking in the country who had been followers of Zaharan. If it is, Sri Lanka risks replacing one national tragedy with another. coming together to discredit the ongoing investigations into the Easter bombing of 2019 is an unacceptable use of ethno-religious nationalism to politically challenge the government. The opposition needs to find legitimate issues on which to challenge the government if they are to gain the respect and support of the general public and not their opprobrium.
by Jehan Perera
Features
China’s new duty-free regime for Africa: Implications for Global Trade and Sri Lanka
* The new duty-free regime for Africa, announced by Chinese President Xi Jinping in February, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession offered by any country to developing countries since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.
* Yet, it is a clear violation of the cornerstone of the multilateral trade law, the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle.
* Hence, its implications on developing countries, without duty-free access to China, will be extremely negative. Sri Lanka is one of the few developing countries without duty-free access to China.
On 14 February, 2026, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that China will grant zero-tariff treatment to 53 African nations, effective 01 May, 2026. Under this new unilateral policy initiative, China would eliminate all import tariffs on all goods imported from all the countries in Africa, except Eswatini. China already enforces a zero-tariff policy for 33 Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Africa. Now this policy would be extended to non LDCs as well. This policy initiative clearly aims at reducing the continuously expanding trade deficit between China and Africa. In 2024, China’s trade surplus against Africa was recorded at US $ 61 billion.
This trade initiative, a precious gift amidst ongoing global trade tensions, is the most generous unilateral nonreciprocal trade concession given by any country to developing countries, since the beginning of the modern rule based international trading system.
Though this landmark announcement has far-reaching implications on global trade, as much as President Trump’s “Liberation Day” tariffs, it was almost overlooked by the global media.
Implications for Global Trade
This Chinese policy initiative, though very generous, is a clear violation of the Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) principle and the “Enabling Clause” of the International Trade Law. The MFN principle is the cornerstone of the multilateral trading system under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) and is enshrined in Article I of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). It mandates that any trade advantage, privilege, or immunity granted by a WTO member to any country must be extended immediately and unconditionally to all other WTO members. Though, the GATT “Enabling Clause” allows developed nations to offer non-reciprocal preferential treatment (lower tariffs) to developing countries without extending them to all WTO members, this has to be done in a non-discriminatory manner. By extending tariff concessions only to developing countries in Africa, China has also breached this requirement.
This deliberate violation of the MFN principle by China occurs less than 12 months after the announcement of “Liberation Day” tariffs by President Trump, which breached Article I (MFN) and Article II (bound rates) of the GATT. However, it is important to underline that the objectives of the actions by the two Presidents are poles apart; the US objective was to limit imports from all its trading partners, and China’s objective is to increase imports from African countries.
Though the importance of the MFN principle of the WTO law had eroded over the years due to the proliferation of preferential trade agreements and unilateral preferential arrangements, the WTO members almost always obtained WTO waivers, whenever they breached the MFN principle. Now the leaders of the main trading powers have decided to violate the core principles of the multilateral trading system so brazenly, the impact of their decisions on the international trading system will be irrevocable.
Implications for Sri Lanka
China’s unilateral decision to provide zero-tariff treatment to African countries will have a strong adverse impact on Sri Lanka. Currently, all Asian countries, other than India and Sri Lanka, have duty-free access, for most of their exports, into the Chinese market through bilateral or regional trade agreements, or the LDC preferences. Though Sri Lanka, India and China are members of the Asia Pacific Trade Agreement (APTA), preferential margins extended by China under APTA to India and Sri Lanka are limited.
The value of China’s imports from Sri Lanka had declined from US$ 650 million in 2021 to US$ 433 million by 2025. However, China’s exports to Sri Lanka increased significantly during the period, from US$ 5,252 million to US$ 5,753 by 2025. This has resulted in a trade deficit of US$ 5,320 million. Sri Lanka’s exports to China may decline further from next month when African nations with duty-free access start to expand their market share.
Let me illustrate the challenges Sri Lanka will face in the Chinese market with one example. Tea (HS0902) is Sri Lanka’s third largest export to China, after garments and gems. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of tea to China, followed by India, Kenya and Viet Nam. During the last five years the value of China’s imports of tea from Sri Lanka had declined significantly, from US$76 million in 2021 to US$ 57 million by 2025. Meanwhile, imports from our main competitors had increased substantially. Most importantly, imports from Kenya increased from US$ 7.9 million in 2021 to US$ 15 million in 2025. For tea, the existing tariff in China for Sri Lanka is 7.5% and for Kenya is 15%. From next month the tariff for Kenya will be reduced to 0%. What will be its impact on Sri Lanka exports? That was perhaps explained by a former Ambassador to Africa, when he urged Sri Lankan exporters to “leverage duty free access from Kenya” to expand their exports to China!
(The writer is a retired public servant and a former Chairman of WTO Committee on Trade and Development. He can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)
by Gomi Senadhira
Features
Daughter in the spotlight …
Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya was a famous actress and her name still rings a bell with many. And now in the spotlight is her daughter Senani Wijesena – not as an actress but as a singer – and she has been singing, since the age of five!
The plus factor is that Senani, now based in Australia, is also a songwriter, plays keyboards and piano, dancer, and has filmed and edited some of her own music videos.
Says Senani: “I write the lyrics, melody and music and work with professional musicians who do the needful on my creations.”
Her latest album, ‘Music of the Mirror’, is made up of 16 songs, and her first Sinhala song, called ‘Nidahase’, is scheduled for release this month (April) in Colombo, along with a music video.
‘Nidahase’,
says Senani, is a song about Freedom … of life, movement, love and spirit. Freedom to be your authentic self, express yourself freely and Freedom from any restrictions.
In fact, ‘Nidahase’ is the Sinhala translated version of her English song ‘Free’ which made Senani a celebrity as the song was nominated for a Hollywood Music in Media Award in the RnB /Soul category and reached the Top 20 on the UK Music weekly dance charts, as well as No. 1 on the Yes Home grown Top 15, on Yes FM, for six weeks straight.
Senani went on to say that ‘Nidahase’ has been remixed to include a Sri Lankan touch, using Kandyan drums and the Thammattama drum, with extra music production by local music producer Dilshan L. Silva, and Australia-based Emmy Award winning Producer and Engineer Sean Carey … with Senani also in the scene.
The song was written (lyrics and melody) and produced by Senani and it features Australian musicians, while the music video was produced by Sri Lanka’s Sandesh Bandara and filmed in Sri Lanka.

First Sinhala song scheduled for release this month … in Colombo
Senani’s music is mostly Soul, Funk and RNB – also Fusion, using ethnic sounds such as the tabla, sitar, and sarod – as well as Jazz influenced.
“I also have Alternative Music songs with a rock edge, such as ‘New Day’, and upcoming releases ‘Fly High’ and ‘Whisper’“, says Senani, adding that she has also recorded in other languages, such as Hindi and Spanish.
“As much of my fan base are Sri Lankans, who have asked me to release a song in the Sinhala language, I decided to create and release ‘Nidahase’ and I plan to release other original Sinhala songs in the future.
Senani has a band in Australia and has appeared at festivals in Australia, on radio and TV in Australia, and Sri Lanka.
She trained as a vocalist, through Sydney-based Singing Schools, as well as private tuition, and she has 5th Grade piano music qualifications.
And this makes interesting reading:
“I graduated from the University of Newcastle in Australia with a Bachelor of Medicine and I work part time as a doctor (GP) and an Integrative Medicine practitioner, with a focus on nutrition, and spend the rest of the time dedicated to my music career.”
Senani hails from an illustrious family. In addition to her mum, Jeevarani Kurukulasuriya, who made over 40 films, including starring in the first colour movie ‘Ranmuthu Duwa’, her dad is Dr Lanka Wijesena (retired GP) and she has two sisters – all musical; one is a doctor, while the other is a dietitian/ psychotherapist.
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