Features
Sir Oliver Goonetilleke 1892-1978
(Excerpted from Selected Journalism by HAJ Hulugalle)
Sir Oliver Goonetilleke seems to have had an almost mystical faith in his destiny. On his first night in Queen’s House, he pondered not for the first time, some words of Marcus Aurelius which served as a kind of motto in his life: “Does ought befall you? It is good. It is part of the destiny of the universe ordained for you from the beginning. All that befalls you is part of the great web.”
It is true that he was always prepared to assist destiny in fulfilling his own ambitions; but there is no escape when the oracle says that a man is born to be a king. This is exactly what happened to Oliver Goonetilleke at his birth. A Buddhist priest by the name of Dhammarama, who happened to be around, made a quick calculation, and told the sceptical father, “Your son will be a king.”
When Sir Oliver was appointed Governor-General, his father, then in his middle nineties was heard to repeat over and over again, “Dhammarama, Dhammarama.” The old man saw his son, if not exactly a King as the astrologer had predicted, at any rate the representative of the Queen and head of the State.
Queen’s House was not the end of the journey. There is always a yearning, as in the case of Ulysses, to try something new; “some work of noble note may yet be done.”
Having had a father who lived to be 95 and a mother to 85, Sir Oliver, with his abstemious habits, may become the first centenarian among Ceylon’s famous men. He has gained many “firsts” in his career and even in his recreations. He gave Lester Pigott, the champion jockey, his first ride in a race.
There are three main aspects of this biography.* There is first the portrait of the man himself, a success story if ever “here was one in our modern annals. There is then the social, official and political scene in which the struggling postmaster’s son operated. Finally, there are the men (and women) whom he influenced and who influenced him.
*This article was published as a review of Oliver Goonetilleke: A Biography by Sir Charles Jeffries, Pall Mall Press, London 1969.
Although the Ceylon public is familiar with much of the ground covered by the book, there is a good deal of detail that is new and refreshing. Much of it no doubt has been supplied by Sir Oliver himself, who would not be human if he did not sometimes enjoy his own reflected image in the background of the stirring times through which he has lived.
A convenient starting point is the small son of the postmaster at Nuwara Eliya accompanying the postman on his rounds to collect flowers to be sent to his father’s friends in Colombo to adorn their weddings and festivals. Sir Charles Jeffries, always ready to point a moral and adorn a tale, says that -these flower-gathering expeditions gave him an early exercise in the art of tactful persuasion of which he was to become master.”
Oliver Goonetilleke was always determined to reach the top of the ladder, but it was a hard life that he had as a school boy, walking to school to save tram fares, growing vegetables to feed the boarders which the family took in to augment the domestic resources, just failing to win the Government university scholarship to England and missing a place in the Civil Service.
It is interesting to note that the subjects he offered for the London BA examination included Psychology and Logic. Those were days before Dale Carnegie’s How to Win Friends and Influence People. But these studies were not in vain for one who became a master negotiator. Sir John Kotelawala says in referring to their common war-time experiences that Sir Oliver displayed “a genius for handling men and finding a way out of every difficult situation in those critical days.”
Goonetilleke was never disheartened by failure. From the first he realized that the best and quickest way to advance his career was by becoming useful to, and using, those who had already reached eminence, or who were, in his opinion, on the threshold of greatness. He joined the Orient Club and frankly admits that he joined it mainly in order to find a place in the Ceylon sun for myself.
The elite of Ceylonese, manhood – at that time class distinctions were taken for granted -formed the membership of the Orient Club, and I was there working my way upwards in life.”
Racing was another rung for the ladder. Here he combined business with pleasure. Always a shrewd punter, he moved among some of the richest and most influential men in the country. F. G. Morley, the Colonial Auditor, conveniently retired and became Secretary of the Turf Club, to make way for Goonetilleke. Arthur Ephraums, hotel-owner and turfite, was his partner in land deals which was the base of his own fortune.
Other spheres of his activity were the YMCA (reference was once made by a reluctant admirer to his ‘YMCA smile’), and the Incorporated Board of Trustees of the Anglican Church. The fact that he became a lifelong teetotaller and non-smoker, Sir Charles Jeffries thinks, is probably due to the Methodist tradition in which he was educated at Wesley College. But he was always careful about his health and daily consumed quantities of orange juice. He was possibly the first Ceylonese to install air-conditioning in his bedroom and study.
Gradually he made his way “with his soft voice, ever-ready smile and gift of combining unanswerable logic with impeccable courtesy.” He was always kind to the under-dog and considerate to the wealthy and influential.
When the post of Auditor-General fell vacant, it is said that Sir Graeme Tyrrell, the Chief Secretary, was not in favour of appointing him. But he was not to be baulked. As Sir Charles Jeffries says: “Goonetilleke realised that for him this was the crucial point of his career. He was determined to leave no stone unturned to ensure that his name was at least put forward to the Colonial Office. “Throwing discretion to the winds, he appealed to his friends to use their influence in his favour. A deputation to the Governor, Sir Graeme Thomson, was hastily arranged, and in due course the Governor decided to recommend him for the post.”
He did an excellent job as Auditor-General and made that office his power-base during the 11 years he held it. His friendship with D. S. Senanayake drew him into the vortex of politics in which a lesser man would have floundered. Oliver Goonetilleke was the supreme odd-job man for any government. He kept the Public Service sweet, he wrote Budget speeches, he composed differences between dissenting Ministries and even managed to get Pandit Nehru to withdraw a sharp letter he had written to Sir John Kotelawala.
One could dwell indefinitely on Oliver Goonetilleke, the man. But space must be found for his achievements in the larger field. During the war years he was a tower of strength to the Government and kept both Sir Andrew Caldecott and Sir Geoffrey Layton, Governor and Commander-in-Chief, in their respective anomalous positions satisfied.
“At official banquets His Excellency the Governor was served first with the soup while His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief was served first with the next course, fish. And I always arranged for the national anthem to be played by a Service band when His Excellency the Governor arrived at a function. This was, of course, after His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief had been ceremoniously received before the arrival of the Governor !”
There was of course the famous occasion when one night the Commander-in-Chief rang to say: “Goone! You’re running a damn bad show!” On the night when General Wavell was to stay at the Admiral’s residence there was no water in the bathroom taps. And it was ‘Goone’s’ job to lay on the fire brigade to ensure that the overhead tanks were kept full.
Sir Oliver Goonetilleke played a vital role in the negotiations over independence and on many an occasion his wisdom and common sense saved the situation. In September 1945, the British Government published the Soulbury Report, followed in October by a statement of what it had decided to do about it. Mr. D. S. Senanayake’s first reaction was to reject the terms offered and defy perfidious Albion to do its worst. Sir Oliver thought otherwise. The Lake House newspapers had decided to support the Ministers and leading articles to this effect had been prepared. On the night before they appeared, Sir Oliver made a last appeal.
Sir Charles Jeffries writes, no doubt on the authority of Sir Oliver: “His arguments prevailed, and it was agreed to go at once to see his old chief D. R. Wijewardene, the head of the newspaper group. The official chauffeurs had been sent home and taxis were scarce: so it was in two rickshaws that Senanayake and Goonetilleke rode in the dark to see their newspaper-magnate friend and tell him of the new policy. After long discussions he too was brought to agree with the more moderate cause.”
When Ceylon became independent, Sir Oliver went to London as the first High Commissioner. He had the honour of a visit to Ceylon House by the King and Queen during a reception for Mr. D.S. Senanayake. He was blamed for buying an expensive carpet, but it transpires that he bought a property for the Ceylon Government in Grosvenor Square for ten thousand pounds sterling and sold it for fifty thousand pounds sterling.
There was always the possibility of his becoming a property tycoon like Charles Clore or Maxwell Joseph, had Sir Oliver timed his exit from Queen’s House better. “Indeed, although the profit on this deal was handsome enough.” comments Sir Charles on the Grosvenor Square sale, “he could reflect in later life that, if his government had the sense to hold on to the house, it could have sold for half a million in a few year’s time.”
Sir Oliver reached the pinnacle of his career at the age of 62. The eight years of his occupancy could not have been more stirring. D.S. Senanayake, D.B. Jayatilaka and D.R. Wijewardene were all dead and he was the surviving elder statesman. There was none to go for counsel or restraining influence.
Sir John Kotelawala lost the election in 1956. Sir Oliver is reported to have said: “Prime Minister, I am talking to you not only as Governor-General but as one who has known you all your life. The duly constituted umpire – the ballot box – has given a verdict. I may even agree with the view that the verdict was unfair, but it is still the umpire’s verdict.” Sir John did not allow Sir Oliver to finish. “You are right,” he said. “Here is my resignation.” He had in fact brought it with him.
S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, when he was Prime Minister, lunched with the Governor-General on Wednesdays, as his predecessors had done. “He would pull out his notes” (Sir Oliver says), and tell me about his worries, of the communal religious groups which were badgering him in regard to appointments in the administrative service, the armed services and the police, and of his fears concerning those who might obstruct the peaceful transition to socialism on which he had set his heart.” There were even occasions when he requested the Governor-General to use his good offices to settle strikes.
Sir Oliver was at his best as a firm and dedicated administrator during the troubles of 1958. He was then the virtual ruler of the island and displayed unusual courage and sagacity. No one else could have handled the situation better.
After Bandaranaike’s tragic death and the short government of Dudley Senanayake, “a new and formidable figure now appeared on the political scene.” The widow needed the help and advice of the veteran statesman, (`Mahadanamutta’ he used to be called by D.R. Wijewardene) as much as her husband had done. During the strikes in the port of Colombo, the commercial banks and the Ceylon Transport Board, the Governor-General was at her residence at 6 o’clock every morning.
As Sir Charles says, he enjoyed playing the political game with whatever pieces happened to be on the board from time to time. He enjoyed the prestige and glamour of office. He was entertaining not only heads of state, but rich friends like Krupp, Rothschilds, Rockefellers and Maharanis. Yuri Gagarin was his guest, and he quizzed Chou En-lai who confessed that the main question before China was the longevity of Chiang Kai-shek.
Sir Oliver was in daily touch with Mrs. Bandaranaike on the telephone. Then came the alleged coup d’etat early in 1962. In the documents in the case were included a statement by one of the accused that the Governor-General along with Dudley Senanayake and Sir John Kotelawala had tacitly approved of the plan, and that orders were coming ‘right from the top.’ Sir Oliver offered to submit to any investigation.
“Meanwhile,” concludes Sir Charles Jeffries, “the Prime Minister without any reference to him, had advised the Queen to replace him as Governor-General by a prominent Kandyan lawyer, Mr. W. Gopallawa, who had served as Ceylon ambassador in the United States. On March 1, 1962, Sir Oliver vacated Queen’s House to become a private citizen. A week later he left Ceylon. He was in his 70th year and had completed over 40 years of unbroken public service.”
He might justly say with Othello; I have done the State some service and they know it.”
Features
Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya
A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.
His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.
Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.
It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.
One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”
“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.
“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”
The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.
“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”
Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.
Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.
“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”
According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.
More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.
Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.
“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.
“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”
The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.
“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.
“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”
Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.
“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”
As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.
The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.
By Ifham Nizam ✍️
Features
Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement
At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.
Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.
Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.
While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.
In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.
Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.
To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.
Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.
“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.
Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.
Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked. Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.
While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.
Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.
Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.
by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️
Features
Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.
The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’
It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.
Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.
The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.
This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.
While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.
It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.
As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .
Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.
However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.
Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.
However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.
Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.
If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.
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