Features
Should we go back to build another Southern Order?
Remembering Gamani Corea:
by Leelananda De Silva
I refer to Amali Wedagedera’s article on Gamani Corea, which appears in the Midweek Review of The Island of Nov. 13. Gamani Corea was the most internationally renowned Sri Lankan economist. He played a leading role in the North-South affairs in the 1970s and early 1980s. However, the North -South negotiations were not successful.
In my view, Gamani’s more important role was in Sri Lanka, between 1956 and 1970, when he developed the machinery of economic planning in the country. He was Permanent Secretary to the Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs in the period 1965 to 1970 when Dudley Senanayake was the Prime Minister. During that period. Sri Lanka achieved an average growth rate of 5% of GDP. Gamani Corea is primarily responsible for this significant achievement.
Now, we come to North-South issues of the 1970s. UNCTAD proposed the Integrated Programme for Commodities (IPC). That was based on the premise that OPEC had obtained a better price for their oil which was also a primary commodity. OPEC increased its price from US$3.00 to US$12.00 a barrel, creating acute hardship to developing countries. But the point is, oil is not just another commodity.
OPEC countries were busy, headed by Algeria, to support other developing countries to improve their economic circumstances, through various proposals. At the Non-Aligned Summit, held in Algiers, in 1973, Algeria initiated and later followed-up at the United Nations in New York, a proposal for a New International Economic Order (NIEO). The IPC of UNCTAD and the NIEO of the United Nations in New York were both being discussed at the same time in a North-South context. My contention is that OPEC countries made use of the Third World to achieve their own ends.
The end result of the North-South negotiations was that nothing changed. What changed the prospects of the developing countries are some other factors outside the UN and North- South systems. In China, under Deng Xiaoping, the country moved towards a more market and export-oriented economy. We now see the results.
Then, in India, about the 1990s, there was a complete change of direction towards market-oriented policies. Curiously, those changes in India were initiated by Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh. A few years before, Manmohan Singh, as Secretary General of the South Commission, based in Geneva, had argued for the old type of Third World policies. We see the result of India’s policy changes today resulting in high economic growth rates and almost becoming a developed country.
I wish to refer to another related issue in this context. The UN in New York and Geneva through its International Development Strategies focused more on social, rather than economic development. At that time, Sri Lanka was held up as a model of development due to its advances in health and education indicators, and also for the advancement of women. In contrast, the Washington-based institutions, the IMF and the World Bank, focused more on economic growth. They pointed to the advances made in East Asia, by South Korea and Singapore (the Asian Tigers).
In Sri Lanka, the market-oriented economy came a bit too late and that was after 1977. However, communal tensions, civil war, massive corruption and nepotism and maladministration, at all levels, drastically hindered the market economy to perform efficiently as in places like Singapore. As Dr. Wedagedera’s article suggests, should we go back to build another Southern Order?
My view is that it is most unnecessary. Most of the countries in the world now follow market-oriented policies. China, which was never part of the South, is now a developed country. India is expanding fast. The East Asian countries are doing well. Rather than pursue Southern Order policies, Sri Lanka should pursue more pragmatic policies and link up with any and every expanding economic region in the world – North America, European Union and the UK, Australia, China, India, the Middle East and East Asia.
We have significant interests in some of these countries. We have large Sri Lankan settlements in them, which we can make use of. Even in a country like Switzerland, we have a significant Sri Lankan presence. We should focus more on pragmatic economic policies. The Third World is a slogan very popular in UN circles in New York and Geneva. It is not so popular in the IMF and World Bank in Washington. In my view, this new interest in BRICS is a kind of harping back on non-aligned and third world policies.
These observations of mine are based on my personal experiences of the 1970s and 1980s. I was Director of Economic Affairs in the Ministry of Planning and Economic Affairs between 1970 and 1977. I handled most matters related to UNCTAD. I attended the Non-Aligned Summit in 1973, held in Algiers, and UNCTAD-IV in Nairobi in 1974. I was Secretary of the Economic Committee of the Non-Aligned Summit held in Colombo in 1976. I was Executive Secretary of the Third World Forum in Geneva from 1978 to 1980, dealing largely with North South issues. I was a consultant to Gamani Corea, and to UNCTAD in Geneva between 1980 and 1984. I am probably one of the last surviving persons to have been involved in North South issues.
Let me end with a relevant extract from my memoirs – The Long Littleness of Life – which was published in 2016:
“I had a continuing concern in the management of North-South issues for the government. I handled most work relating to UNCTAD. At this time, Gamani Corea was Secretary General of UNCTAD and I had a direct link to him. UNCTAD was the leading UN agency on North South relationships, and it had put forward a major initiative in the form of the Integrated Programme for Commodities of which the central element was the establishment of a Common Fund for financing commodity stocks. Of the ten commodities included, two were tea and rubber and therefore Sri Lanka had an interest in this proposal.
“I attended several meetings on Common Fund issues in Geneva, and ultimately what was achieved was very little. The Common Fund was established, but in a highly truncated form. I had my doubts from the start on this Fund and said so privately. Being an initiative of Gamani Corea, we could not express our doubts loudly. However, in a briefing paper I wrote for Trocaire, the Irish development institute in Dublin in the early 1980s. I voiced my doubts and that was published.”

UNCTAD celebrating its 60th Anniversay
Features
Rethinking global order in the precincts of Nalanda
It has become fashionable to criticise the US for its recent conduct toward Iran. This is not an attempt to defend or rationalise the US’s actions. Rather, it seeks to inject perspective into an increasingly a historical debate. What is often missing is institutional memory: An understanding of how the present international order was constructed and the conditions under which it emerged.
The “rules-based order” was forged in the aftermath of two catastrophic wars. Earlier efforts had faltered. Woodrow Wilson’s proposal for a League of Nations after World War I was rejected by the US Senate. Yet, it introduced a lasting premise: International order could be consciously designed, not left solely to shifting power balances. That premise returned after World War II. The Dumbarton Oaks process laid the groundwork for the UN, while Bretton Woods established the global financial architecture.
These frameworks shaped modern norms of security, finance, trade, and governance. The US played the central role in this design, providing leadership even as it engaged selectively- remaining outside certain frameworks while shaping others. This underscored a central reality: Power and principle have always coexisted uneasily within it.
This order most be understood against the destruction that preceded it. Industrial warfare, aerial bombardment, and weapons capable of unprecedented devastation reshaped both the ethics and limits of conflict. The post-war system emerged from this trauma, anchored in a fragile consensus of “never again”, even as authority remained concentrated among five powers.
The rise of China, the re-emergence of India, and the growing assertiveness of Russia and regional powers are reshaping the global balance. Technological disruption and renewed competition over energy and resources are transforming the nature of power. In this environment, some American strategists argue that the US risks strategic drift Iran, in this view, becomes more than a regional issue; it serves as a platform for signalling resolve – not only to Tehran, but to Beijing and beyond. Actions taken in one theatre are intended to shape perceptions of credibility across multiple fronts.
Recent actions suggest that while the US retains unmatched military reach, it has exercised a level of restraint. The avoidance of escalation into the most extreme forms of warfare indicates that certain thresholds in great-power conflict remain intact. If current trends persist-where power increasingly substitutes for principle — this won’t remain a uniquely American dilemma.
Other major powers may face similar choices. As capabilities expand, the temptation to act outside established norms may grow. What begins as a context-specific deviation can harden into accepted practice. This is the paradox of great power transition: What begins as an exception risk becoming a precedent The question now is whether existing systems are capable of renewal. Ad hoc frameworks may stabilise the present, but risk orphaning the future. Without a broader framework, they risk managing disorder rather than designing order. The Dumbarton Oaks process was a structured diplomatic effort shaped by competing visions and compromise. A contemporary equivalent would be more complex, reflecting a more diffuse distribution of power and lower levels of trust Such an effort must include the US, China, India, the EU, Russia, and other key powers.
India could serve as a credible convenor capable of bridging divides. Its position -engaged with multiple powers yet not formally aligned – gives it a degree of convening legitimacy. Nalanda-the world’s first university – offers an appropriate symbolic setting for such dialogue, evoking knowledge exchange across civilisations rather than competition among them.
Milinda Moragoda is a former cabinet minister and diplomat from Sri Lanka and founder of the Pathfinder Foundation, a strategic affairs think tank could be contacted atemail@milinda.org. This article was published in Hindustan Times on 2026.04.19)
By Milinda Moragoda
Features
Father and daughter … and now Section 8
The combination of father and daughter, Shafi and Jana, as a duo, turned out to be a very rewarding experience, indeed, and now they have advanced to Section 8 – a high-energy, funk-driven, jazz-oriented live band, blending pop, rock, funk, country, and jazz.
Guitar wizard Shafi is a highly accomplished lead guitarist with extensive international experience, having performed across Germany, Australia, the Maldives, Canada, and multiple global destinations.
He is best known as a lead guitarist of Wildfire, one of Sri Lanka’s most recognised bands, while Jana is a dynamic and captivating lead vocalist with over a decade of professional performing experience.
Jana’s musical journey started early, through choir, laying the foundation for her strong vocal control and confident stage presence.
Having also performed with various local bands, and collaborated with seasoned musicians, Jana has developed a versatile style that blends energy, emotion, and audience connection.
The father and daughter combination performed in the Maldives for two years and then returned home and formed Section 8, combining international stage experience with a sharp understanding of what it takes to move a crowd.
In fact, Shafi and Jana performed together, as a duo, for over seven years, including long-term overseas contracts, building a strong musical partnership and a deep understanding of international audiences and live entertainment standards.
Section 8 is relatively new to the scene – just two years old – but the outfit has already built a strong reputation, performing at private events, weddings, bars, and concerts.
The band is known for its adaptability, professionalism, and engaging stage presence, and consistently delivers a premium live entertainment experience, focused on energy, groove, and audience connection.
Section 8 is also a popular name across Sri Lanka’s live music circuit, regularly performing at venues such as Gatz, Jazzabel, Honey Beach, and The Main Sports Bar, as well as across the southern coast, including Hikkaduwa, Ahangama, Mirissa, and Galle.
What’s more, they performed two consecutive years at Petti Mirissa for their New Year’s gala, captivating international audiences present with high-energy performance, specially designed for large-scale celebrations.
With a strong following among international visitors, the band has become a standout act within the tourist entertainment scene, as well.
Their performances are tailored to diverse audiences, blending international hits with dance-driven sets, while also incorporating strong jazz influences that add depth, musicianship, and versatility to their sound.
The rest of the members of Section 8 are also extremely talented and experienced musicians:
Suresh – Drummer, with over 20 years of international experience.
Dimantha – Keyboardist, with global exposure across multiple countries.
Dilhara – Bassist and multi-instrumentalist, also a composer and producer, with technical expertise.
Features
Celebrations … in a unique way
Rajiv Sebastian could be classified as an innovative performer.
Yes, he certainly has plenty of surprises up his sleeves and that’s what makes him extremely popular with his fans.
Rajiv & The Clan are now 35 years in the showbiz scene and Rajiv says he has plans to celebrate this special occasion … in a unique way!
According to Rajiv, the memories of Clarence, Neville, Baig, Rukmani, Wally and many more, in its original flavour, will be relived on 14th July.
“We will be celebrating our anniversary at the Grand Maitland (in front of the SSC playground) on 14th July, at 7.00pm, and you will feel the inspiration of an amazing night you’ve never seen before,” says Rajiv, adding that all the performers will be dressed up in the beautiful sixties attire, and use musical instruments never seen before.
In fact, Rajiv left for London, last week, and is scheduled to perform at four different venues, and at each venue his outfit is going to be different, he says, with the sarong being very much a part of the scene.
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